K A RL M A RX F R I E D R I CH E N G E LS G E S A M T A U S G A BE ( M E G A) E R S TE A B T E I L U NG W E R KE · A R T I K EL · E N T W Ü R FE B A ND 20 HERAUSGEGEBEN VON DER INTERNATIONALEN MARX-ENGELS-STIFTUNG K A RL M A RX F R I E D R I CH E N G E LS W E R KE · A R T I K EL E N T W Ü R FE S E P T E M B ER 1 8 64 B IS S E P T E M B ER 1 8 67 T E XT Bearbeitet von Rolf Dlubek und Monika Steinke (Leitung), Rosemarie Giese, Lieselotte Hermann, Carola Kuntze, Norbert Liebsch, Gabriele Roßbach, Sabine Tietz, Henry Weigel und Günter Wisotzki unter Mitwirkung von Yvonne Becker, Thomas Marxhausen, Ingrid Müller und Rosie Rudich DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN INTERNATIONALES INSTITUT FÜR SOZIALGESCHICHTE AMSTERDAM 1992 I n t e r n a t i o n a le Marx-Engels-Stiftung A m s t e r d am Der vorliegende Band wurde noch unter der früheren Redaktionskommission erarbeitet. Marx, Karl: Gesamtausgabe : (MEGA) / Karl Marx ; Friedrich Engels. Hrsg. von der Internationalen Marx-Engels-Stiftung. - Berlin : Dietz Verl. GmbH ; Internationales Institut für Sozialgeschichte Amsterdam [Sammlung]. Abt. 1, Werke, Artikel, Entwürfe Bd. 20. Werke, Artikel, Entwürfe September 1864 bis September 1867 Text. - 1992. - 57, 826 S. : 29 Abb., 1 Karte Apparat. - 1992. - S. 827-2040 : 6 Abb. I. Abt. ISBN 3-320-00000-4 Bd. 1/20 ISBN 3-320-00012-8 Text und Apparat Mit 35 Abbildungen und 1 Karte © Dietz Verlag Berlin GmbH 1992 LSV 0046 Technische Redaktion: Heinz Ruschinski und Waltraud Schulze Korrektur: Barbara Boehnke, Renate Kröhnert, Eva Mendl und Sigrid Wittenberg Einband: Albert Kapr Typografie: Albert Kapr/Horst Kinkel Schrift: Timeless-Antiqua und Maxima Printed in Germany Satz und Druck: INTERDRUCK Leipzig GmbH Buchbinderische Verarbeitung: Leipziger Großbuchbinderei GmbH I n h a lt Einleitung Editorische Hinweise Text Apparat 19* 49* Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen, Siglen und Zeichen 843 KARL M A RX • FRIEDRICH E N G E L S: WERKE ARTIKEL • S E P T E M B ER 1 8 64 BIS S E P T E M B ER 1 8 67 • E N T W Ü R FE Karl Marx • Address of the International Working Men's Association (Inaugural Address) Karl Marx • Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association Karl Marx • Manifest an die arbeitende Klasse Europas (Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation). Übersetzung aus dem Englischen Karl Marx • To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America Karl Marx • An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stutt gart Karl Marx • An Abraham Lincoln, Präsident der Vereinig ten Staaten von Amerika. Übersetzung aus dem Engli schen Karl Marx · Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Po land (Polemics against Peter Fox) 3 851 13 893 16 26 920 933 31 940 36 947 38 949 5* Inhalt Karl Marx • Provisorische Bestimmungen der Internationa len Arbeiterassoziation. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen Karl Marx • Draft for a report to the Central Council on the attitude of German working men's societies to the Interna tional Working Men's Association Karl Marx • Über P.-J.Proudhon. Brief an Johann Baptist von Schweitzer Friedrich Engels • Herr Tidmann. Altdänisches Volkslied Karl Marx • An die Redaktion des „Social-Demokraten". Entwurf für eine gemeinsam mit Friedrich Engels abgege bene Erklärung Friedrich Engels • Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei I. II. III. Text Apparat 54 992 59 60 68 997 1003 1016 70 1019 1024 71 75 88 97 Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Erklärung. An die Redaktion des „Social-Demokraten" 109 1045 Friedrich Engels • Notiz über „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" Karl Marx • Notizen zum Konflikt in der Section de Paris Karl Marx • Resolutions of the Central Council on the con flict in the Section de Paris (Original draft) Karl Marx • Resolutions of the Central Council on the con flict in the Section de Paris Karl Marx • Inhaltsanzeige von Friedrich Engels' Bro schüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Ar beiterpartei" Karl Marx • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" Karl Marx • Erklärung über die Ursachen des Bruchs mit dem „Social-Demokraten" Karl Marx • Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in the Section de Paris Karl Marx • Note to Hermann Jung about Ernest Jones's letter to the Central Council 110 111 1052 1054 112 1063 113 1067 115 1074 117 1076 118 1078 121 1085 126 1091 6* Inhalt Karl Marx • Erklärung an die Redaktion der „Berliner Re form" Karl Marx • Der „Präsident der Menschheit" Karl Marx • Berichtigung. An den Redakteur des „Weißen Adlers" Karl Marx • To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America Karl Marx • An Andrew Johnson, Präsident der Vereinig ten Staaten von Amerika. Übersetzung aus dem Engli schen Karl Marx • Draft for the final passage of „Value, price and profit" Karl Marx • Value, price and profit 1. 2. 3. 4. 6. 7. (The labouring power) 8. (Production of surplus value) 9. (Value of labour) 10. (Profit is made by selling a commodity at its value) 11. (Different parts into which surplusvalue is decom posed) 12. (General relation of profits, wages, and prices) 13. (Main cases of attempts at rising wages or resisting their fall) 14. (The struggle between capital and labour, and its re sults) Karl Marx • Programme du Congrès de Genève adopté à la Conférence de Londres (1865) Karl Marx • Meeting of the Central Council January 16, 1866. Minutes Friedrich Engels • What have the working classes to do with Poland? I. To the Editor of the Commonwealth II. To the Editor of the Commonwealth III. The doctrine of nationality applied to Poland Karl Marx • Warnung Text Apparat 127 128 1094 1097 132 1105 134 1110 138 1117 1119 1123 140 141 143 147 154 157 160 167 169 171 172 173 175 177 182 187 1168 189 1177 193 193 197 200 204 1185 1195 7* Inhalt Friedrich Engels • Notes on the War (1866) No. I No. II No. Ill No. IV No. V Text Apparat 206 1204 206 210 214 217 220 Karl Marx • Programme du Congrès de Genève (1866) 224 1212 Karl Marx • Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisio nal General Council. The different questions Karl Marx • Statuts de l'Association Internationale des Tra vailleurs votés au Congrès de Genève (1866) Karl Marx • Resolution of the Polish Meeting in London January 22, 1867 Karl Marx • Draft for a speech at the Polish Meeting in London January 22, 1867 Karl Marx • Berichtigung. An die Redaktion der „Zeitung für Norddeutschland" Friedrich Engels • Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen Karl Marx • Adresse du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Aux membres et aux socié tés affiliées et à tous les travailleurs Karl Marx • Le statisticien Otto Hübner sur la misère de masse en Allemagne 225 1215 236 1249 243 1276 244 1281 248 249 1292 1295 256 1298 259 1316 A N H A NG Protokolle u nd W i e d e r g a b en M a r x s c h er R e d en 263 1323 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866 265 1325 Meeting of the Committee October 5, 1864 Meeting of the Subcommittee October 8, 1864 Meeting of the Committee October 11, 1864 Meeting o t t he Central Council October 18, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council November 1, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council November 8, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council November 15, 1864 267 271 272 274 276 278 280 8* Inhalt Meeting of the Central Council November 22, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council November 29, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council December 13, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council December 20, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council December 29, 1864 Meeting of the Central Council January 3, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council January 10, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council January 17, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council January 24, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council January 31, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council February 7, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council February 14, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council February 21, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council February 28, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council March 7, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council March 14, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council March 21, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council March 28, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council April 4, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council April 11, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council April 25, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council May 2, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council May 9, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council May 16, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council May 23, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council May 30, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council June 6, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council June 13, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council June 20, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council June 27, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council July 4, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council July 11, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council July 18, 1865 Summoned Meeting of the Central Council July 25, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council August 1, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council August 8, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council August 15, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council August 22, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council August 29, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council September 5, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council September 12, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council September 19, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council October 3, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council October 10, 1865 Text Apparat 282 285 287 289 290 291 293 295 296 297 300 301 302 304 305 307 309 311 313 315 317 321 322 324 325 327 329 331 334 336 338 340 341 342 345 346 348 349 350 352 353 354 356 357 9* Inhalt Meeting of the Central Council October 17, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council October 31, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council November 14, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council November 21, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council November 28, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council December 19, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council December 26, 1865 Meeting of the Central Council January 2, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council January 9, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council January 16, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council January 23, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council January 30, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council February 6, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council February 13, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council February 20, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council February 27, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council March 6, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council March 13, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council March 20, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council March 27, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council April 3, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council April 10, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council April 17, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council April 24, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council May 1, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council May 8, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council May 15, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council May 22, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council May 29, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council June 5, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council June 12, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council June 19, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council June 26, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council July 3, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council July 10, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council July 17, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council July 24, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council July 31, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council August 7, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council August 14, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council August 21, 1866 Meeting of the Central Council August 28, 1866 10* Text Apparat 358 360 362 365 367 371 373 375 378 380 381 383 384 386 387 389 390 392 394 395 397 399 401 403 405 409 413 415 418 420 422 424 426 429 431 433 436 438 441 443 447 449 Inhalt Johann Georg Eccarius • Wiedergabe einer Rede von Karl Marx auf dem 25. Stiftungsfest des Deutschen Arbeiterbil dungsvereins in London Text Apparat 451 1498 Minutes of the London Conference of the International Working Men's Association September 25-29, 1865 453 1501 Meeting of the Subcommittee with the Continental Del egates September 25, 1865 Sitting of the Conference September 25, 1865 Meeting of the Subcommittee with the Continental Del egates September 26, 1865 Sitting of the Conference September 26, 1865 Sitting of the Conference September 27, 1865 Meeting of the Subcommittee with the Continental Del egates September 29, 1865 455 460 465 467 471 476 Minutes of the General Council of the International Work ing Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 29, 1867. From the Minute Book of the General Council Sep tember 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869 477 1530 Meeting of the General Council September 18, 1866 Meeting of the General Council September 25, 1866 Meeting of the General Council October 2, 1866 Meeting of the General Council October 9, 1866 Meeting of the General Council October 16, 1866 Meeting of the General Council October 23, 1866 Meeting of the General Council October 30, 1866 Meeting of the General Council November 6, 1866 Meeting of the General Council November 13, 1866 Meeting of the General Council November 20, 1866 Meeting of the General Council November 27, 1866 Meeting of the General Council December 4, 1866 Meeting of the General Council December 11, 1866 Meeting of the General Council December 18, 1866 Meeting of the General Council January 1, 1867 Meeting of the General Council January 8, 1867 Meeting of the General Council January 15, 1867 Meeting of the General Council January 29, 1867 Meeting of the General Council February 5, 1867 Meeting of the General Council February 12, 1867 Meeting of the General Council February 19, 1867 Meeting of the General Council February 26, 1867 Meeting of the General Council March 5, 1867 Meeting of the General Council March 12, 1867 Meeting of the General Council March 19, 1867 479 484 487 491 494 496 499 501 503 5Ö5 508 511 515 517 519 522 524 529 531 533 534 535 537 538 541 11* Inhalt Meeting of the General Council March 26, 1867 Meeting of the General Council April 2, 1867 Meeting of the General Council April 9, 1867 Meeting of the General Council April 16, 1867 Meeting of the General Council April 23, 1867 Meeting of the General Council April 30, 1867 Meeting of the General Council May 7, 1867 Meeting of the General Council May 14, 1867 Meeting of the General Council May 21, 1867 Meeting of the General Council May 28, 1867 Meeting of the General Council June 4, 1867 Meeting of the General Council June 18, 1867 Meeting of the General Council June 25, 1867 Meeting of the General Council July 2, 1867 Meeting of the General Council July 9, 1867 Meeting of the General Council July 16, 1867 Meeting of the General Council July 23, 1867 Meeting of the General Council July 30, 1867 Meeting of the General Council August 6, 1867 Meeting of the General Council August 13, 1867 Meeting of the General Council August 20, 1867 Meeting of the General Council August 27, 1867 Special meeting of the General Council August 29, 1867 Text Apparat 543 544 545 547 549 551 554 557 559 560 562 564 566 568 569 573 576 581 583 585 587 589 591 Friedrich Leßner • Wiedergabe einer Rede von Karl Marx auf dem 27. Stiftungsfest des Deutschen Arbeiterbildungs- vereins in London 592 1652 Artikel, D o k u m e n te u nd Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n, die u n t er Mitwirkung von M a rx o d er Engels verfaßt w u r d en 593 1655 Carl Siebel • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" für die „Barmer Zeitung" Carl Siebel • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" für die „Düsseldorfer Zeitung" Carl Siebel • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" für die „Elberfelder Zeitung" Wilhelm Liebknecht • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Bro schüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Ar beiterpartei" für die „Berliner Reform" 595 1657 596 1659 597 1660 598 1661 12* Inhalt Johann Jacob Klein • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Bro schüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Ar beiterpartei" für die „Rheinische Zeitung" Wilhelm Liebknecht • Korrespondenz für den „Oberrheini schen Courier" über den Bruch mit dem „Social-Demokra- ten" und über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußi sche Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" Wilhelm Liebknecht • Korrespondenz für die „Osnabrücker Zeitung" über den Bruch mit dem „Social-Demokraten" und über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Mi litärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" Jenny Marx • Atheistische Vorträge in London Hermann Jung • Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée dans «L'Écho de Verviers» Paul Laforgue · Sur des précurseurs de l'Association Inter nationale des Travailleurs Karl Marx • Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs (Adresse inaugurale). Übersetzung aus dem Englischen Karl Marx • Règlement provisoire de l'Association Interna tionale des Travailleurs. Revidierte Übersetzung aus dem Englischen Hermann Jung/Paul Laforgue • Aperçu sur la marche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs Paul Laforgue • La lutte sociale (Extrait) Karl Marx • Rapport du Conseil Central. Sur les différentes questions mises à l'étude par la Conférence de septembre 1865. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen von Paul Lafargue Special Regulations voted at the Geneva Congress (1866). Von Laura Marx aufgezeichnete englische Fassung Règlements spéciaux votés au Congrès de Genève (1866). Von Paul Lafargue mit Unterstützung von Laura Marx redi gierte französische Fassung Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Text Apparat 599 1662 600 1663 601 602 1665 1666 603 1671 612 1682 613 1687 623 1697 626 632 1704 1715 635 1719 644 1729 646 1742 649 1747 Liste des délégués présents au Congrès Ouvrier du 3 -8 septembre 1866 651 13* Inhalt Text Apparat Rapport du conseil central. Sur les différentes questions mises à l'étude par la conférence de septembre 1865 Séance du 3 septembre Séance du 4 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin Séance du 4 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir Séance du 5 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin Séance du 5 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir Séance du 6 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin Séance du 6 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir Séance du 7 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin Séance du 7 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir Séance du 8 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin Séance du 8 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir [Extraits des appendices] Résolutions du Congrès Ouvrier Américain de 1866 652 655 656 656 657 657 660 661 665 667 670 673 677 677 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) 681 1810 The list of the delegates present at the Working Men's Congress of Sept. 3-8, 1866 Instructions for the delegates of the Provisional General Council. The different questions Sitting of September 3 Sitting of September 4, 1866. (9 a.m.) Sitting of September 4, 1866. 2 o'clock sitting Sitting of September 5, 1866. Morning sitting Sitting of September 5, 1866. Afternoon sitting Sitting of September 6, 1866. (9 a.m.) Sitting of September 6, 1866. Afternoon sitting Sitting of September 7, 1866. (9 a.m.) Sitting of September 7, 1866. Afternoon sitting Sitting of September 8, 1866. (9 a.m.) Sitting of September 8, 1866. Afternoon session [Extract from the appendices] Appendix A Appendix Β Johann Georg Eccarius • A working man's refutation of some points of political economy endorsed and advocated by John Stuart Mill, Esq., M. P. II. Capital—Its formation and accumulation III. Fundamental propositions respecting capital IV. Excess of supply V. Effect of the demand for commodities on the de­ mand for labour 14* 683 684 685 686 687 688 688 690 691 696 698 701 704 708 708 712 713 715 718 721 724 1820 Inhalt VI. Fixed capital—Its effect upon labour VII. The cost of production VIII. The cost of production IX. Credit X. Profit XI. Small farming XII. Property XIII. Wages and population XIV. Wages and population.—Continued XV. Wages and population.—Concluded Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association Rapport du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Eugène Dupont • Discours prononcé au Congrès de la Paix à Genève (1867) Von M a rx o d er Engels m i t u n t e r z e i c h n e te Doku m e n te Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1865 Address of the Central Council to working men's societies with a Form of Application Declaration of enrolment for societies joining the Interna tional Working Men's Association The Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Prospectus with a Form of Application for Shares Memorandum of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Lim ited) Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1866 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 19. März 1866 Circular of the Manchester Schiller Anstalt February 8, 1867 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 28.Juni 1867 Text Apparat 726 729 732 736 739 743 747 750 753 757 763 1856 771 1874 788 1879 789 1885 793 1887 794 1890 798 1894 799 1896 802 804 1903 1907 817 1909 818 1912 821 823 1915 1919 15* Inhalt Text Apparat 1922 1927 1927 1930 1931 1950 1960 2008 2015 Verzeichnis der von Marx im Zentral- bzw. Generalrat der IAA vorgetragenen Berichte und Reden sowie der von ihm eingebrachten oder unterstützten Beschlußanträge R E G I S T ER Literaturregister I. Arbeiten von Marx und Engels II. Arbeiten anderer Autoren, die unter Mitwirkung von Marx oder Engels verfaßt oder von ihnen mitunter zeichnet wurden III. Arbeiten anderer Autoren IV. Periodica Namenregister Organisationsregister Sachregister Verzeichnis der Abbildungen [Karl Marx:] Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association ... [London] 1864. Titelblatt Der Social-Demokrat. Berlin. Nr. 2, 21. Dezember 1864. Titelseite mit dem Beginn des „Manifestes an die arbeitende Klasse Euro pas" von Marx Karl Marx: To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America. Kalligraphisch angefertigte Adresse mit der Unterschrift von Marx und den weiteren Mitgliedern des Provisorischen Zen tralrats der IAA Karl Marx: An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart. Seite [1] der Handschrift von Marx' Frau Jenny Karl Marx: Draft for a report to the Central Council on the attitude of German working men's societies to the International Working Men's Association. Beginn der Niederschrift auf der ersten Seite des Briefes von Wilhelm Liebknecht an Marx vom 21 .Januar 1865 Friedrich Engels: Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei. Hamburg 1865. Titelblatt Karl Marx: Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in the Section de Paris. Seite [5] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. London. Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865. Titel seite mit der Adresse „To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America" von Marx 5 17 27 33 57 73 123 135 16* Inhalt Karl Marx: Value, price and profit. Seite 1 Karl Marx: Meeting of the Central Council January 16, 1866. Min utes The Commonwealth. London. Nr. 159, 24. März 1866. Titelkopf und Seite 5 mit dem ersten Teil des Artikels „What have the work ing classes to do with Poland?" von Engels Apparat Text 145 191 195 Karte: Preußisch-Österreichischer Krieg 1866 zwischen 208/209 The International Courier. London. Nr.6/7, 20. Februar 1867. Titel kopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn der „Instructions for the Dele gates of the Provisional General Council ..." von Marx Karl Marx: Statuts de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs votés au Congrès de Genève (1866). Seite 1 Programm des Polenmeetings des Generalrats der IAA vom 22.Ja nuar 1867. Flugblatt mit der Resolution von Marx Friedrich Engels: Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen. Seite [1] Plan der schwedischen Festung Karlsborg. Zeichnung von Engels The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the Interna tional Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [1]. Handschrift von William Randall Cremer und einem unbekannten Schreiber The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the Interna tional Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [86]. Handschrift von Peter Fox Programm der Londoner Konferenz der IAA (1865). Flugblatt mit Marginalien von Marx The Minute Book of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869. Seite 1. Handschrift von Robert Shaw The Minute Book of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869. Seite [99] mit dem aufgeklebten Pressebericht über Marx' Rede vom 23.Juli 1867 zur Statistik des neuen Blaubuchs Hermann Jung: Lettre ouverte à Pierre vesinier publiée dans « L'Echo de Verviers ». Seite [1] [Karl Marx:] Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travail leurs suivi du Règlement provisoire. Bruxelles 1866. Titelblatt La Rive Gauche. Bruxelles. Nr. 24, 17. Juni 1866. Titelkopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn des Artikels „Apercu sur la marche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs" von Hermann Jung und Paul Lafargue 227 237 241 251 253 269 369 457 481 577 605 615 627 17* Inhalt Text Apparat 653 773 791 795 815 Le Courrier International. Londres. Nr. 8-10, 9. März 1867. Titel seite mit dem Beginn des „Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866)" Rapports lus au Congrès ouvrier réuni du 2 au 8 septembre 1867 à Lausanne. Chaux-de-Fonds 1867. Seite [3] mit dem Beginn des „Rapport du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs ..." Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1865 Address of the Central Council to working men's societies with a Form of Application Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1866 Karl Marx: Address of the International Working Men's Associa tion (Inaugural Address). Seite 4 der Handschrift von Marx' Toch ter Jenny Karl Marx: Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Po lemics against Peter Fox). Seite 6 Karl Marx: Draft for the final passage of „Value, price and profit" Karl Marx: Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council. The different questions. Seite 10 des Fragments der Handschrift Antoine-Marie Bourdon, Joseph Card, Pierre Coullery: Congrès Ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. [Procès- verbaux.] Séance du 8 Septembre du matin. Memorandum of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Li ste der Subskribenten mit eigenhändiger Eintragung von Marx 859 969 1121 1219 1789 1905 18* E i n l e i t u ng Der v o r l i e g e n de Band enthält Werke, Artikel, Erklärungen, Beschlüsse, Reden s o w ie Entwürfe, die von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels oder un ter ihrem direkten Einfluß in der Zeit z w i s c h en der Gründungsversamm lung der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation (28. S e p t e m b er 1864) und d em Erscheinen d es ersten Bandes d es „Kapitals" (Mitte S e p t e m b er 1867) verfaßt w u r d e n. Er eröffnet e i ne Gruppe von Bänden der Ersten Abteilung der MEGA, die das Wirken von Marx und Engels in der Inter nationalen Arbeiterassoziation widerspiegeln. Die Bildung dieser Organisation leitete e i ne n e ue Etappe in der Ge schichte der Arbeiterbewegung ein. Sie entwickelte sich zur ersten in ternationalen Massenorganisation der Arbeiter. Hatte im Bund der Kom munisten bereits e i ne kleine politische Vorhut die Lehren von Marx und Engels a u f g e n o m m e n, so begann in der I.Internationale e i ne Rezeption v on Grundideen d es Marxismus durch die sich entfaltende proletari s c he M a s s e n b e w e g u n g. In d em jahrzehntelangen Verselbständigungs- prozeß der Arbeiterbewegung erzielte die Internationale Arbeiterasso ziation den e n t s c h e i d e n d en Durchbruch. Zu ihrer Gründungszelt war in den fortgeschrittenen Ländern der hi storische Prozeß der bürgerlichen Umgestaltung in seine a b s c h l i e ß e n de Phase getreten. Die industrielle Revolution, in Großbritannien bereits b e e n d e t, setzte sich auch in den USA s o w ie in Deutschland und Frank reich durch und schritt in anderen Ländern d es europäischen Festlan d es sichtbar voran. Die internationale Wirtschaftskrise von 1857 und das ihr f o l g e n de A n w a c h s en der Streikbewegung hatte vielen Arbeitern g e zeigt, w ie wichtig ihre Solidarität im Kampf g e g en das Kapital war. Zum politischen W i e d e r e r w a c h en der Arbeiterbewegung trugen die nationa len und demokratischen B e w e g u n g en der Zeit bei, namentlich der 19* KARL M A RX FRIEDRICH E N G E LS W E R KE • ARTIKEL - E N T W Ü R FE S E P T E M B ER 1 8 64 BIS S E P T E M B ER 1 8 67 K a rl M a rx A d d r e ss of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on ( I n a u g u r al A d d r e s s) (31 Address of the Working Men's International Association, established September 28,1864, at a public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall, Long Acre, London. s Working Men, 15 10 i m p o rt a nd export trade of E n g l a nd h ad grown It is a great fact t h at the misery of the working masses has n ot d i m i n i s h ed from 1848 to 1864, a nd yet this period is unrivalled for the d e v e l o p m e nt of its industry a nd the growth of its c o m m e r c e. In 1850, a m o d e r a te organ of the British middle-class, of m o re t h an average information, predicted that if t he exports a nd i m p o r ts of E n g l a nd were to rise 50 per cent., English pau perism would sink to zero. Alas! on April 7th, 1864, the Chancellor of the Exchequer delighted his Parliamentary a u d i e n ce by the s t a t e m e nt t h at the total "to £443,955,000! t h at astonishing s um about three times the trade of the c o m paratively recent e p o ch of 1843!" W i th all that, he was eloquent u p on "pov erty." " T h i n k ," he exclaimed, "of those who are on the border of t h at re gion," u p on "wages ... n ot increased;" u p on " h u m an life ... in n i ne cases out of t en b ut a struggle of existence!" He did n ot speak of the people of Ireland, gradually replaced by m a c h i n e ry in t he north, a nd by sheep-walks in the south, t h o u gh even the sheep in that u n h a p py country are decreas ing, it is true n ot at so rapid a rate as the m e n. He did n ot repeat what t h en h ad b e en just betrayed by the highest representatives of t he u p p er t en t h o u sand in a s u d d en fit of terror. W h en the garotte p a n ic h ad reached a certain 25 height, the H o u se of Lords caused an inquiry to be m a de i n t o, a nd a report in 1863 20 3 Karl Marx to be published u p o n, transportation a nd p e n al servitude. O ut c a me t he m u r d er ||4| in t he bulky Blue Book of 1863, a nd proved it was, by official facts a nd figures, t h at the worst of the convicted criminals, the p e n al serfs of E n g l a nd a nd Scotland, toiled m u ch less a nd fared far better t h an t he ag ricultural labourers of E n g l a nd and Scotland. But this was n ot all. W h e n, c o n s e q u e nt u p on the civil war in America, the operatives of Lancashire a nd Cheshire were thrown u p on the streets, the same H o u se of Lords sent to t he m a n u f a c t u r i ng districts a physician c o m m i s s i o n ed to investigate into the smallest possible a m o u nt of carbon a nd nitrogen, to be a d m i n i s t e r ed in t he cheapest a nd plainest form, which on an average m i g ht j u st suffice to "avert starvation diseases." Dr. Smith, the m e d i c al deputy, ascertained that 28,000 grains of carbon, a nd 1,330 grains of nitrogen were the weekly al lowance that would keep an average adult ... j u st over the level of starva tion diseases, a nd he found furthermore that quantity pretty nearly to agree with t he scanty n o u r i s h m e nt to which the pressure of extreme distress h ad actually r e d u c ed the cotton operatives.* But now mark! T he s a me learned Doctor was later on again deputed by the m e d i c al officer of the Privy Council to i n q u i re into the n o u r i s h m e nt of the poorer labouring classes. T he results of his researches are e m b o d i ed in the "Sixth R e p o rt on Public Health," published by order of Parliament in t he course of the present year. W h at did the Doctor discover? T h at the silk weavers, the n e e d le w o m e n, the kid glovers, the stocking weavers, a nd so forth, received, on an average, n ot even the distress p i t t a n ce of the cotton operatives, n ot even the a m o u nt of carbon and nitrogen "just sufficient to avert starvation diseases." 5 10 15 20 25 "Moreover," we quote from the report, "as regards the e x a m i n ed families of the agricultural population, it ||5| appeared t h at m o re t h an a fifth were with less t h an the estimated sufficiency of c a r b o n a c e o us food, t h at m o re t h an one-third were with less t h an the estimated sufficiency of nitrogenous food, a nd t h at in three counties (Berkshire, Oxfordshire, a nd Somerset shire) insufficiency of nitrogenous food was the average local diet." "It 30 m u st be r e m e m b e r e d ," a d ds the official report, "that privation of food is very reluctantly borne, a nd that, as a rule, great poorness of diet will only c o me when other privations have preceded it. ... Even cleanliness will have b e en found costly or difficult, a nd if there still be self-respectful endeav ours to m a i n t a in it, every s u ch endeavour will represent a d d i t i o n al pangs of 35 hunger." "These are painful reflections, especially w h en is r e m e m- it * We need hardly remind the reader that, apart from the elements of water and certain inor ganic substances, carbon and nitrogen form the raw materials of human food. However, to nourish the human system, those simple chemical constituents must be supplied in the form of vegetable or animal substances. Potatoes, for instance, contain mainly carbon, while 40 wheaten bread contains carbonaceous and nitrogenous substances in a due proportion. 4 [Karl Marx:] Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association ... [London] 1864. Titelblatt Inaugural Address bered t h at the poverty to which they advert is n ot the deserved poverty of idleness; in all cases it is t he poverty of working populations. I n d e ed the work which obtains t he scanty pittance of food is for the m o st part exces sively prolonged." T he report brings o ut t he strange, a nd rather u n e x p e c t ed fact, "That of t he divisions of the U n i t ed K i n g d o m ," England, Wales, Scot land, a nd Ireland, "the agricultural population of England," the richest di vision, "is considerably the agricultural wretches of Berkshire, Oxfordshire, a nd Somersetshire, fare better t h an great n u m b e rs of skilled i n d o or operatives of t he East of L o n d o n. the worst fed;" b ut t h at even S u ch are t he official s t a t e m e n ts published by order of P a r l i a m e nt in 1864, during t he m i l l e n n i um of free trade, at a t i me w h en t he Chancellor of the E x c h e q u er told t he H o u se of C o m m o ns t h at "the average c o n d i t i on of t he British labourer h as improved in a degree we know to be extraordinary a nd u n e x a m p l ed in the history of any country or any age." U p on these offi- cial congratulations jars the dry remark of the official Public H e a l th R e p o r t : — " T he public h e a l th of a country m e a ns t he h e a l th of its masses, a nd the masses will scarcely be healthy unless, to their very base, they be at least moderately prosperous." 5 10 15 Dazzled by the "Progress of t he N a t i o n" statistics d a n c i ng before his eyes, the Chancellor of the Exche||6|quer exclaims in wild ecstacy: " F r om 1842 to 1852 the taxable i n c o me of the country increased by 6 per cent.; in the eight years from 1853 to 1861, it h as increased from the basis t a k en in 1853 20 per cent! t he fact is so astonishing to be almost incredible! ... This intoxicating a u g m e n t a t i on of wealth a nd power," adds Mr. G l a d s t o n e, "is entirely confined to classes of property!" 20 25 If you want to know u n d er what conditions of b r o k en health, t a i n t ed morals, a nd m e n t al ruin, t h at "intoxicating a u g m e n t a t i on of wealth a nd power entirely confined to classes of property" was, and is being produced by the classes of labour, look to the picture h u ng up in the last "Public 30 H e a l th R e p o r t" of t he workshops of tailors, printers, a nd dressmakers! C o m p a re the "Report of t he Children's E m p l o y m e nt C o m m i s s i o n" of 1863, where it is stated, for instance, that: "The potters as a class, b o th m en a nd women, represent a m u ch degenerated population, b o th physically a nd mentally," t h at "the u n h e a l t hy child is an u n h e a l t hy parent in his t u r n ," t h at "a progressive deterioration of the race m u st go on," a nd t h at "the dé générescence of the p o p u l a t i on of Staffordshire would be even greater were it n ot for t he constant recruiting from t he adjacent country, a nd the inter marriages with m o re healthy races." G l a n ce at Mr. T r e m e n h e e r e 's Blue Book on t he "Grievances c o m p l a i n ed of by the J o u r n e y m en Bakers!" A nd 40 who has n ot s h u d d e r ed at the paradoxical s t a t e m e nt m a de by t he inspec tors of factories, a nd illustrated by the Registrar G e n e r a l, that t he Lanca- 35 7 Karl Marx shire operatives, while p ut u p on the distress pittance of food, were actually improving in health, because of their temporary exclusion by the cotton famine from the cotton factory, a nd that the mortality of t he children was decreasing, b e c a u se their mothers were now at last allowed to give t h e m, instead of Godfrey's cordial, their own breasts. 5 Again reverse t he m e d a l! T he I n c o me a nd Property T ax R e t u r ns laid be fore the H o u se of C o m m o ns on July 20, 1864, t e a ch us t h at t he persons with yearly i n c o m e s, valued by the tax-gatherer at £50,000 a nd upwards, h a d, from April 5th, 1862, to April 5th, 1863, ||7| b e en j o i n ed by a dozen a nd one, their n u m b er having increased in t h at single year from 67 to 80. T he same r e t u r ns disclose the fact that a b o ut 3,000 persons divide a m o n g st themselves a yearly i n c o me of a b o ut £25,000,000 sterling, rather m o re t h an the total r e v e n ue doled o ut annually to the whole m a ss of the agricultural labourers of E n g l a nd a nd Wales. O p en the census of 1861, a nd you will find that t he n u m b er of the m a le l a n d ed proprietors of E n g l a nd a nd Wales h ad decreased from 16,934 in 1851, to 15,066 in 1861, so t h at t he concen tration of l a nd h ad grown in 10 years 11 per cent. If the c o n c e n t r a t i on of the soil of the country in a few h a n ds proceed at t he s a me rate, the land question will b e c o me singularly simplified, as it h ad b e c o me in the R o m an Empire, w h en N e ro grinned at the discovery t h at half the Province of 20 Africa was owned by six gentlemen. 10 15 We have dwelt so long u p on these "facts so astonishing to be almost in credible," b e c a u se E n g l a nd h e a ds the E u r o pe of c o m m e r ce a nd industry. It will be r e m e m b e r ed that s o me m o n t hs ago o ne of t he refugee sons of Louis Philippe publicly congratulated the English agricultural labourer on the su- periority of his lot over t h at of his less florid c o m r a de on the other side of the C h a n n e l. I n d e e d, with local colours changed, a nd on a scale somewhat contracted, the English facts reproduce themselves in all the industrious a nd progressive countries of the C o n t i n e n t. In all of t h em there has t a k en place, since 1848, an unheard-of development of industry, a nd an u n- dreamed-of e x p a n s i on of imports a nd exports. In all of t h em "the a u g m e n t a t i on of wealth and power entirely confined to classes of property" was truly "intoxicating." In all of them, as in England, a minority of the work ing classes got their real wages somewhat advanced; while in m o st cases the m o n e t a ry rise of wages denoted no m o re a real access of comforts t h an the i n m a te of the m e t r o p o l i t an poor-house or o r p h an asylum, for instance, was in the least benefitted by his first necessaries costing £9 15s. 8d. in 1861 against £7 7s. 4d. in 1852. Everywhere t he great m a ss of t he working classes were sinking down to a lower depth, at ||8| the s a me rate at least that those above t h em were rising in the social scale. In all countries of E u r o pe it has now b e c o me a t r u th d e m o n s t r a b le to every unprejudiced m i n d, a nd only 25 30 35 40 8 Inaugural Address denied by those whose interest it is to h e d ge o t h er people in a fool's para dise, t h at no i m p r o v e m e nt of machinery, no appliance of science to pro duction, no contrivances of c o m m u n i c a t i o n, no new colonies, no emigra tion, no o p e n i ng of markets, no free trade, n or all these things p ut together, 5 will do away with t he miseries of t he industrious masses; b ut that, on the present false base, every fresh development of the productive powers of la b o ur m u st t e nd to d e e p en social contrasts a nd point social antagonisms. D e a th of starvation rose almost to the r a nk of an institution, during this in toxicating e p o ch of e c o n o m i c al progress, in t he metropolis of t he British 10 E m p i r e. T h at epoch is m a r k ed in the annals of the world by the q u i c k e n ed return, the widening compass, a nd the deadlier effects of the social pest called a c o m m e r c i al a nd industrial crisis. 15 20 25 30 t h en as now After the failure of the revolutions of 1848, all party organisations a nd party j o u r n a ls of the working classes were, on t he C o n t i n e n t, crushed by the iron h a nd of force, the m o st advanced sons of l a b o ur fled in despair to the Transatlantic Republic, a nd the short-lived d r e a ms of e m a n c i p a t i on van ished before an e p o ch of industrial fever, m o r al m a r a s m, a nd political reac tion. T he defeat of t he c o n t i n e n t al working classes, partly owed to the di plomacy of the English G o v e r n m e n t, acting in fraternal solidarity with the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, soon spread its contagious ef fects to this side of the c h a n n e l. While the r o ut of their c o n t i n e n t al breth ren u n m a n n ed t he English working classes, a nd broke their faith in their own cause, it restored to the landlord a nd t he money-lord their somewhat shaken confidence. T h ey insolently withdrew concessions already adver- u s e d. T he discoveries of new goldlands led to an i m m e n se exodus, leaving an irreparable void in t he ranks of the British proletariat. Others of its for merly active m e m b e rs were caught by t he temporary bribe of greater work and wages, a nd t u r n ed into "political blacks." All ||9| t he efforts m a de at keeping u p, or remodelling, the Chartist M o v e m e n t, failed signally; the press organs of the working class died o ne by o ne of t he apathy of the masses, a n d, in p o i nt of fact, never before seemed the English working class so thoroughly reconciled to a state of political nullity. If, t h e n, there h ad b e en no solidarity of action between the British a nd the c o n t i n e n t al working classes, there was, at all events, a solidarity of defeat. 35 A nd yet the period passed since the revolutions of 1848 h as n ot b e en without its c o m p e n s a t i ng features. We shall h e re only point to two great facts. After a thirty years' struggle, fought with m o st admirable perseverance, the English working classes, improving a m o m e n t a n e o us split between the landlords a nd m o n ey lords, succeeded in carrying the T en H o u r s' Bill. T he i m m e n se physical, moral, a nd intellectual benefits h e n ce accruing to the 40 9 Karl Marx to exalt factory operatives, half-yearly chronicled in the reports of the inspectors of factories, are n ow acknowledged on all sides. Most of the c o n t i n e n t al gov e r n m e n ts h ad to accept t he English Factory A ct in m o re or less modified forms, a nd the English P a r l i a m e nt itself is every year compelled to enlarge its sphere of action. B ut besides its practical import, there was s o m e t h i ng else the marvellous success of this working-men's m e a s u r e. T h r o u gh their m o st n o t o r i o us organs of science, s u ch as Dr. l i r e, Professor Senior, a nd other sages of that stamp, t he m i d d le class h ad predicted, a nd to their heart's c o n t e nt proved, t h at any legal restriction of the h o u rs of la b o ur m u st s o u nd the d e a th knell of British industry, which, vampyre like, could b ut live by sucking blood, a nd children's blood, too.-In olden times, child m u r d er was a mysterious rite of the religion of M o l o c h, b ut it was practised on s o me very s o l e mn occasions only, o n ce a year perhaps, a nd t h en M o l o ch h ad no exclusive bias for the children of t he poor. T h is struggle a b o ut the legal restriction of the h o u rs of labour raged t he m o re fiercely since, apart from frightened avarice, it told i n d e ed u p on the great contest between the blind rule of the supply a nd d e m a nd laws which form the political e c o n o my of the m i d d le class, a nd social p r o d u c t i on controlled by ||10| social foresight, which forms the political e c o n o my of t he working class. H e n ce the T en H o u rs Bill was n ot only a great practical success; it was the victory of a principle; it was the first t i me t h at in broad daylight the political e c o n o my of t he m i d d le class s u c c u m b ed to the political e c o n o my of t he working class. But there was in store a still greater victory of t he political e c o n o my of l a b o ur over t he political e c o n o my of property. We speak of the co-operative m o v e m e n t, especially t he co-operative factories raised by t he unassisted ef forts of a few bold " h a n d s ." T he value of these great social e x p e r i m e n ts c a n n ot be over-rated. By deed, instead of by argument, they have shown that p r o d u c t i on on a large scale, a nd in accord with the behests of m o d e rn science, m ay be carried on without the existence of a class of masters e m ploying a class of h a n d s; that to bear fruit, the m e a ns of l a b o ur n e ed n ot be m o n o p o l i s ed as a m e a ns of d o m i n i on over, a nd of extortion against, t he la bouring m an himself; a nd that, like slave labour, like serf labour, hired la b o ur is b ut a transitory a nd inferior form, destined to disappear before as sociated l a b o ur plying its toil with a willing h a n d, a ready m i n d, a nd a joyous heart. In England, t he seeds of the co-operative system were sown by R o b e rt Owen; the working m e n 's experiments, tried on t he c o n t i n e n t, were, in fact, t he practical u p s h ot of t he theories, n ot invented, b ut loudly proclaimed, in 1848. At the s a me time, the experience of the period from 1848 to 1864, has proved b e y o nd d o u bt that, however excellent in principle, a nd however 10 Inaugural Address useful in practice, co-operative labour, if kept within the narrow circle of the casual efforts of private workmen, will never be able to arrest the growth in geometrical progression of m o n o p o l y, to free t he masses, n or even to perceptibly lighten the b u r d en of their miseries. It is perhaps for this very r e a s on t h at plausible n o b l e m e n, philanthropic m i d d le class spout- ers, a nd even k e en political economists, have all at o n ce t u r n ed nauseously complimentary to the very co-operative l a b o ur system they h ad vainly tried to nip in t he b ud by deriding it as the U t o p ia of | | 1 1| the dreamer, or stig matising it as t he sacrilege of the socialist. To save t he industrious masses, co-operative l a b o ur ought to be developed to n a t i o n al d i m e n s i o n s, a n d, consequently, to be fostered by n a t i o n al m e a n s. Yet, the lords of land a nd the lords of capital will always use their political privileges for t he defence a nd p e r p e t u a t i on of their e c o n o m i c al m o n o p o l i e s. So far from promoting, they will c o n t i n ue to lay every possible i m p e d i m e nt in the way of the e m a n c i p a t i on of labour. R e m e m b er the sneer with which, last session, Lord Palmerston p ut down the advocates of t he Irish T e n a n t s' Right Bill. T he H o u se of C o m m o n s, cried he, is a h o u se of l a n d ed proprietors. To c o n q u er political power has therefore b e c o me the great duty of the working classes. They s e em to h a ve c o m p r e h e n d ed this, for in England, G e r m a n y, Italy, a nd F r a n ce there have taken place s i m u l t a n e o us revivals, a nd s i m u l t a n e o us ef forts are being m a de at the political reorganisation of the working m e n 's party. O ne e l e m e nt of success they p o s s e s s — n u m b e r s; b ut n u m b e rs weigh only in the b a l a n c e, if u n i t ed by c o m b i n a t i on and led by knowledge. Past expe- rience has shown how disregard of that b o nd of brotherhood which ought to exist between the w o r k m en of different countries, a nd incite t h em to stand firmly by e a ch other in all their struggles for e m a n c i p a t i o n, will be chastised by t he c o m m on discomfiture of their i n c o h e r e nt efforts. This thought p r o m p t ed the working m en of different countries assembled on September 2 8 , 1 8 6 4, in public m e e t i ng at S t M a r t i n 's Hall, to found the In 5 10 15 20 25 30 ternational Association. A n o t h er conviction swayed that m e e t i n g. If the e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes requires their fraternal con currence, how are they to fulfil that great m i s s i on with a foreign policy in 35 pursuit of c r i m i n al designs, playing u p on n a t i o n al prejudices, a nd squan dering in piratical wars the people's blood a nd treasure? It was n ot the wis d om of the ruling classes, b ut the heroic resistance to their criminal folly by the working classes of England t h at saved the West of E u r o pe from plunging h e a d l o ng into an infamous crusade for the perpetuation and prop- agation of ||12| slavery on the other side of the Atlantic. T he shameless ap proval, m o ck sympathy, or indifference, with which the u p p er idiotic 40 11 Karl Marx classes of E u r o pe h a ve witnessed the m o u n t a in fortress of t he C a u c a s us falling a prey to, a nd heroic Poland being assassinated by, Russia; t he i m m e n se a nd unresisted e n c r o a c h m e n ts of that b a r b a r o us power, whose h e ad is at St. Petersburg, a nd whose h a n ds are in every C a b i n et of E u r o p e, have taught the working classes the duty to m a s t er themselves the mysteries of international politics; to watch the diplomatic acts of their respective Gov e r n m e n t s; to counteract t h e m, if necessary, by all m e a ns in their power; w h en u n a b le to prevent, to c o m b i ne in s i m u l t a n e o us d e n u n c i a t i o n s, a nd to vindicate t he simple laws of morals and justice, which ought to govern the relations of private individuals, as the rules p a r a m o u nt of the intercourse of n a t i o n s. 5 10 T he fight for s u ch a foreign policy forms part of the general struggle for the e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes. Proletarians of all countries, U n i t e! | 12 K a rl M a rx P r o v i s i o n al R u l es of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on l i 2| Provisional Rules of the Association. Considering, T h at t he e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes m u st be c o n q u e r ed by the 5 working classes themselves; that t he struggle for the e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes m e a ns not a struggle for class privileges a nd m o n o p o l i e s, b ut for equal rights a nd duties, a nd the abolition of all class-rule; T h at the e c o n o m i c al subjection of the m an of labour to the m o n o p o l i z er of the m e a ns of labour, that is, t he sources of life, lies at t he b o t t om of ser vitude in all its forms, of all social misery, m e n t al degradation, a nd politi cal d e p e n d e n c e; lo T h at the e c o n o m i c al e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes is therefore the great end to which every political m o v e m e nt ought to be s u b o r d i n a te as a m e a n s; That all efforts aiming at that great e nd have hitherto failed from the 15 want of solidarity between the ||13| manifold divisions of labour in e a ch country, a nd from the absence of a fraternal b o nd of u n i on between the working classes of different countries; 20 25 T h at t he e m a n c i p a t i on of labour is n e i t h er a local n or a national, b ut a social problem, embracing all countries in which m o d e rn society exists, a nd d e p e n d i ng for its solution on the concurrence, practical a nd theoreti cal, of the m o st advanced countries; T h at t he present revival of the working classes in the m o st industrious countries of E u r o p e, while it raises a new h o p e, gives s o l e mn warning against a relapse into the old errors and calls for t he i m m e d i a te c o m b i n a- tion of the still disconnected m o v e m e n t s; F or these reasons: — T he u n d e r s i g n ed m e m b e rs of t he c o m m i t t e e, holding its powers by reso lution of the public meeting held on Sept. 28, 1864, at St. M a r t i n 's Hall, 13 Karl Marx L o n d o n, have t a k en t he steps necessary for founding the W o r k i ng M e n 's I n t e r n a t i o n al Association; They declare that this International Association a nd all societies a nd in dividuals adhering to it, will acknowledge truth, justice, a nd morality, as the bases of their c o n d u ct towards e a ch other, a nd towards all m e n, without regard to colour, creed, or nationality; 5 They hold it t he duty of a m an to claim the rights of a m an a nd a citizen, n ot only for himself, b ut for every m an w ho does h is duty. No rights with out duties, no duties without rights; A nd in this spirit they have drawn up the following provisional rules of 10 t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Association:— 1. This association is established to afford a central m e d i um of c o m m u n i c a t i on a nd co-operation between W o r k i ng M e n 's Societies existing in different countries, a nd aiming at the same e n d: viz., the protection, ad v a n c e m e n t, a nd complete e m a n c i p a t i on of the working classes. 2. T he n a me of the society shall b e: "The Working M e n 's I n t e r n a t i o n al Association." 3. In 1865 there shall m e et in Belgium a G e n e r al W o r k i ng M e n 's Con gress, consisting of representatives of such working m e n 's societies as m ay have j o i n ed ||14| the International Association. T he Congress will have to proclaim before E u r o pe the c o m m on aspirations of t he working classes, de cide on the definitive rules of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association, consider the m e a ns required for its successful working, and appoint the Central Council of the Association. T he General Congress is to m e et o n ce a year. 15 20 4. T he Central Council shall sit in L o n d o n, a nd consist of working m en belonging to the different countries represented in t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Asso ciation. It shall from its own m e m b e rs elect the officers necessary for the transaction of business, such as a president, a treasurer, a general secretary, corresponding secretaries for the different countries, etc. 25 5. On its a n n u al meetings, the G e n e r al Congress shall receive a public a c c o u nt of the a n n u al transactions of the Central Council. T he Central Council, yearly appointed by the Congress, shall have power to add to the n u m b er of its m e m b e r s. In cases of urgency, it m ay convoke t he G e n e r al Congress before t he regular yearly t e r m. 6. T he Central Council shall form an international agency between the different co-operating associations, so that the working m en in o ne country be constantly informed of the m o v e m e n ts of their class in every other country; that an inquiry into the social state of the different countries of E u r o pe be m a de simultaneously, a nd u n d er a c o m m on direction; that the questions of general interest m o o t ed in o ne society be ventilated by all; a nd that w h en i m m e d i a te practical steps should be n e e d e d, as, for instance, 30 35 40 14 Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association in case of i n t e r n a t i o n al quarrels, t he action of t he associated societies be si m u l t a n e o us a nd uniform. W h e n e v er it seems o p p o r t u n e, t he Central C o u n cil shall take the initiative of proposals to be laid before the different n a tional or local societies. 7. Since t he success of the working m e n 's m o v e m e nt in e a ch country c a n n ot be secured b ut by the power of u n i on a nd c o m b i n a t i o n, while, on the other h a n d, the usefulness of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Central C o u n c il m u st greatly d e p e nd on t he c i r c u m s t a n ce whether it has to deal with a few n a tional centres of working m e n 's ||15| associations, or with a great n u m b er of small a nd d i s c o n n e c t ed local societies; t he m e m b e rs of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Association shall use their u t m o st efforts to c o m b i ne t he d i s c o n n e c t ed working m e n 's societies of their respective countries into n a t i o n al bodies, represented by central n a t i o n al organs. It is self-understood, however, t h at the appliance of this rule will d e p e nd u p on the peculiar laws of e a ch c o u n- try, a nd that, apart from legal obstacles, no i n d e p e n d e nt local society shall be precluded from directly corresponding with the L o n d on Central C o u n cil. 8. U n t il t he m e e t i ng of the first Congress, the c o m m i t t ee c h o s en on Sep t e m b er 28th, 1864, will act as a Provisional Central Council, try to c o n n e ct the different n a t i o n al working m e n 's associations, enlist m e m b e rs in t he U n i t ed K i n g d o m, take the steps preparatory to the convocation of t he G e n eral Congress, a nd discuss with the n a t i o n al a nd local societies the m a in questions to be laid before t h at Congress. 5 10 15 20 25 9. E a ch m e m b er of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Association, on removing his d o m i- c ue from o ne country to another, will receive t he fraternal support of t he associated working m e n. 10. W h i le u n i t ed in a perpetual b o nd of fraternal co-operation, the work ing-men's societies, joining the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association, will preserve their existent organisations intact. 30 N . B. Persons in E n g l a nd can j o in t he association by paying I s. per a n n u m, for which a card of m e m b e r s h ip will be supplied. | 15 Karl M a rx M a n i f e st an d ie a r b e i t e n de K l a s se E u r o p as ( I n a u g u r a l a d r e s se d er I n t e r n a t i o n a l en A r b e i t e r a s s o z i a t i o n) Übersetzung aus d em Englischen Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 2, 21. Dezember 1864 Manifest an die arbeitende Klasse Europa's. Arbeiter! Es ist Thatsache, d aß das Elend der a r b e i t e n d en M a s s en n i c ht a b g e n o m m en h at w ä h r e nd der Periode 1 8 4 8 - 1 8 6 4, u nd d e n n o ch steht diese Periode m it i h r em Fortschritt von Industrie u nd H a n d el beispiellos da in d en A n- n a l en der G e s c h i c h t e. Im J a h re 1850 weissagte eins der b e s t u n t e r r i c h t e t en Organe der englischen Mittelclasse: steigt E n g l a n ds Ein- u nd Ausfuhr um 50 %, so fallt der englische P a u p e r i s m us auf Null. N un wohl! Am 7. April 1864 h at der Schatzkanzler Gladstone seine p a r l a m e n t a r i s c he A u d i e nz d u r ch den N a c h w e is entzückt, d aß G r o ß b r i t a n n i e ns G e s a m m t - A u s- u nd Einfuhr 1863 n i c ht weniger als 443 9 5 5 0 0 0 £. betrug! „Eine erstaunliche S u m me ungefähr dreimal so groß als die S u m me des britischen G e s a m m t- h a n d e ls in der k a um verschwundenen E p o c he von 1843!" Trotz alledem war er beredt ü b er „ A r m u t h ". „Denkt", rief er, „an die, welche am A b g r u nd des Elends schweben!", an „nicht gestiegene L ö h n e ", an „das M e n s c h e n l e b en in n e un Fällen von z e hn ein bloßer K a m pf um die E x i s t e n z "! Er sprach n i c ht von d em Volk von Irland, m e hr u nd m e hr ersetzt d u r ch M a schinerie im N o r d en u nd d u r ch Schaafweiden im S ü d e n, obgleich selbst die Schaafe in j e n em unglücklichen L a n de a b n e h m en - es ist wahr, n i c ht ganz so rasch als die M e n s c h e n. Er wiederholte nicht, was die R e p r ä s e n t a n ten der 10 000 V o r n e h m en so eben verrathen h a t t e n, in e i n em plötzlichen Schreck-Anfall. W ä h r e nd der H ö he des Garrot-Panics e r n a n n te n ä m l i ch das H a us der Lords eine U n t e r s u c h u n g s - C o m m i s s i on ü b er D e p o r t a t i on u nd Strafarbeit. Ihr Bericht steht in d em u m f a n g r e i c h en B l a u b u ch von 1863, u nd beweist d u r ch officielle Z a h l en u nd T h a t s a c h e n, d aß d er A u s wurf des Verbrechens, daß die Galeerensclaven E n g l a n ds u nd Schottlands 5 10 15 20 25 16 Der Social-Demokrat. Berlin. Nr. 2, 21. Dezember 1864. Titelseite mit dem Beginn des „Manifestes an die arbeitende Klasse Europas" von Marx Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation 5 viel weniger abgeplackt u nd viel besser genährt werden, als die A c k e r b a u er Englands u nd Schottlands. A b er das war n i c ht alles. Als der a m e r i k a n i s c he Bürgerkrieg die Fabrikarbeiter von Lancashire u nd Cheshire auf das Pfla ster warf, e n t s a n d te dasselbe H a us der Lords e i n en Arzt in j e ne M a n u f a c- tur-Districte m it d em Auftrag zu u n t e r s u c h e n, welcher kleinste Betrag von Kohlen- u nd Stickstoff, eingegeben in der wohlfeilsten u nd ordinairsten Form, durchschnittlich grade ausreiche um „Hungerkrankheiten abzuweh ren" ("to avert starvation diseases"). Dr. Smith, der ärztliche Bevollmäch tigte, fand aus, d aß eine wöchentliche Portion von 28 000 G r an K o h l e n- 15 10 u nd 1330 G r an Stickstoff e i n en D u r c h s c h n i t t s e r w a c h s e n en g e n au ü b er d em N i v e au der H u n g e r k r a n k h e i t en h a l t en werde, u nd d aß dieser Dosis ungefähr die spärliche N a h r u ng entsprach, wozu der Druck äußerster N o th die Baumwollenarbeiter heruntergebracht h a t t e. A b er n un m e r kt auf! Der selbe gelehrte Doctor wurde später wieder d u r ch d en M e d i c i n a l b e a m t en des G e h e i m en R a t hs (Privy Council) beauftragt m it der U n t e r s u c h u ng ü b er d en E r n ä h r u n g s s t a nd des ä r m e r en Theils der Arbeiterclasse. D ie Ergeb nisse seiner F o r s c h u ng sind einverleibt in d en „Sechsten Bericht über den Zu stand der öffentlichen Gesundheit", veröffentlicht im Lauf des gegenwärtigen Jahres auf Befehl des Parlaments. W as e n t d e c k te der Doctor? D aß Seiden- 20 weber, N ä t h e r i n n e n, H a n d s c h u h m a c h e r, Strumpfwirker u nd a n d re Arbei ter J a hr aus J a hr ein im D u r c h s c h n i tt n i c ht e i n m al j e ne N o t h r a t i on der u n beschäftigten Baumwollarbeiter erhalten, n i c ht e i n m al j e n en Betrag von Kohle u nd Stickstoff, der „grade hinreicht zur Abwehr von Hungerkrankhei ten". „ A u ß e r d e m ", wir citiren d en officiellen Bericht, „ a u ß e r d em zeigte sich in Bezug auf die u n t e r s u c h t en F a m i l i en der Ackerbaubevölkerung, daß m e hr als % weniger als das veranschlagte M i n i m um von kohlenhaltiger N a h r u n g, m e hr als % weniger als das veranschlagte M i n i m um von stick stoffhaltiger N a h r u ng erhält u nd d aß in die durchschnittliche Local-Nah- rung der drei Grafschaften Berkshire, Oxfordshire u nd Somersetshire ein u n z u r e i c h e n d es M a aß stickstoffhaltiger L e b e n s m i t t el eingeht. M an m uß erwägen", fügt der officielle Bericht h i n z u, „daß M a n g el an N a h r u ng n ur sehr widerstrebend ertragen wird, u nd d aß große Dürftigkeit der D i ät in der Regel n ur k o m m t, n a c h d em E n t b e h r u n g en aller Art vorhergingen. R e i n lichkeit selbst wird vorher kostspielig u nd mühevoll, u nd werden aus Selbstachtung n o ch Versuche gemacht, um sie aufrecht zu halten, so stellt jeder solcher V e r s u ch eine zusetzliche H u n g e r q u al vor. - D as sind peinli che Betrachtungen, n a m e n t l i ch wenn m an sich erinnert, d aß die A r m u t h, wovon h i er die R e d e, n i c ht die verdiente A r m u th des Müßiggangs ist; es ist in allem Fällen die A r m u th von Arbeiterbevölkerungen. Ja die Arbeit, die die armselige N a h r u n g s r a t i on erhält, ist thatsächlich meist ü b er alles M a aß verlängert." D er „Bericht" enthüllt die sonderbare u nd sicher unerwartete 25 30 35 40 19 Karl Marx Thatsache, d aß „von d en vier A b t h e i l u n g en des vereinigten König reichs", - England, Wales, Schottland u nd Irland, - „die Ackerbaubevöl kerung E n g l a n d s, der reichsten Abtheilung, bei weitem die schlechtgenährte- ste ist"; d aß aber selbst die e l e n d en Ackerbautaglöhner von Berkshire, Oxfordshire u nd Somersetshire besser genährt sind als große M a s s en der geschickten H a n d w e r k er von L o n d o n. Dies sind officielle Aufstellungen, auf Parlamentsbefehl veröffentlicht im Jahre 1864, w ä h r e nd des tausendjährigen Reichs des F r e i h a n d e l s, zu einer Zeit wo der britische Schatzkanzler das H a us der G e m e i n en belehrt, d aß „die Durchschnittslage des britischen Arbeiters sich in e i n em M a aß verbessert hat, wovon wir wissen, d aß es außerordentlich u nd beispiellos in der G e s c h i c h te aller L ä n d er u nd aller E p o c h en dasteht". M i ß t ö n e nd knarrt zwischen diese officiellen G l ü c k w ü n s c h u n g en das dürre W o rt des officiel- len G e s u n d h e i t s b e r i c h t e s: „die öffentliche G e s u n d h e it eines L a n d es be deutet die G e s u n d h e it seiner Masse u nd wie k ö n n en die M a s s en gesund sein, w e nn sie bis auf ihre untersten Schichten h e r ab n i c ht wenigstens er träglich g e d e i h e n ?" 5 10 15 G e b l e n d et von der Fortschritts-Statistik des N a t i o n a l - R e i c h t h u m s, die vor seinen A u g en tanzt, ruft der Schatzkanzler in wilder Extase: „Von 1842 bis 1852 wuchs das steuerbare L a n d e s e i n k o m m en um 6 Pro- zent; in d en a c ht J a h r en von 1853 bis 1861 ist es, a u s g e h e nd von der Basis von 1853, um 20 Prozent gewachsen. Die Thatsache ist bis zum Unglaublichen erstaunlich! fügt Herr G l a d s t o ne h i n z u, „ist gam und gar auf die besitzenden Klassen be schränkt. " - Dieser berauschende Zuwachs von Reichthum und Macht", 20 25 W e nn Ihr wissen wollt, u n t er welchen Bedingungen gebrochener G e sundheit, befleckter M o r al u nd geistigen R u i ns j e n er „berauschende Zu wachs von Reichthum und Macht, ganz und gar beschränkt auf die besitzenden Klassen" p r o d u c i li wurde u nd producili wird d u r ch die arbeitenden Klassen, betrachtet die Schilderung der Arbeitslokale von Druckern, S c h n e i d e rn u nd K l e i d e r m a c h e r i n n en in d em letzten „Bericht über den öffentlichen Ge sundheitszustand"! Vergleicht den „Bericht der Kommission von 1863 über die Beschäftigung von Kindern", wo ihr u n t er A n d e rm lest: „Die Töpfer als eine Klasse, M ä n n er u nd Weiber, repräsentiren eine entartete Bevölkerung, physisch u nd geistig entartet"; „die u n g e s u n d en K i n d er werden ihrerseits u n g e s u n de Eltern, eine fortschreitende Verschlechterung der R a ce ist u n vermeidlich", u nd d e n n o ch „ist die E n t a r t u ng (dégénérescence) der Bevöl kerung der Töpferdistricte verlangsamt d u r ch die beständige R e c r u t i r u ng aus d en b e n a c h b a r t en Landdistricten u nd die Z w i s c h e n h e i r a t h en m it ge s u n d e rn R a c e n "! Werft e i n en Blick auf das von H e r rn T r e m e n h e e re redi- girte B l a u b u ch ü b er die „Beschwerden der Bäckergesellen"! U nd wer schau- 30 35 40 20 Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation 5 10 15 20 dert n i c ht vor d em Paradoxon, eingetragen in die Berichte der Fabrikin- spectoren u nd beleuchtet d u r ch die Tabellen der General-Registratur, d em Paradoxon, daß zur Zeit wo ihre N a h r u n g s r a t i on sie k a um ü b er d em N i veau der H u n g e r k r a n k h e it hielt, die G e s u n d h e it der Arbeiter v on Lanca- shire sich verbesserte in Folge ihres zeitweiligen Ausschlusses aus der Baumwollfabrik d u r ch die Baumwollnoth, u nd daß die Sterblichkeit der F a b r i k k i n d er a b n a h m, weil es ihren M ü t t e rn jetzt endlich freistand, i h n en statt der O p i u m m i x t ur die Brust zu reichen. Kehrt die Medaille wieder u m! Die Einkommen- und Eigenthumsteuer-Li- sten, am 20. Juli 1864 d em H a u se der G e m e i n en vorgelegt, zeigen, d aß die Personen m it jährlichen E i n k o m m en von 50 000 £ u nd über 50 000 £ sich v om 5. April 1862 bis z um 5. April 1863 durch ein D u t z e nd u nd Eins recru- tirt hatten, i n d em ihre A n z a hl in diesem e i n en J a hr von 67 auf 80 stieg. Dieselben Listen e n t h ü l l en die Thatsache, d aß ungefähr drei tausend Per- sonen ein jährliches E i n k o m m en von ungefähr 25 Millionen £ u n t er sich theilen, m e hr als das G e s a m m t e i n k o m m e n, welches der G e s a m m t m a s se der Ackerbauarbeiter von England u nd W a l es j ä h r l i ch z u g e m e s s en wird! Oeffnet den Census von 1861 u nd I hr findet, d aß die Z a hl der m ä n n l i c h en G r u n d e i g e n t h ü m er von E n g l a nd u nd Wales von 16 934 im J a hr 1851 her- abgesunken war zu 15 066 im J a h re 1861, so daß die C o n c e n t r a t i on des G r u n d e i g e n t h u ms in 10 J a h r en um 11 P r o z e nt wuchs. W e nn d ie C o n c e n tration des L a n d es in wenigen H ä n d en gleichmäßig fortschreitet, wird sich die G r u n d- u nd Bodenfrage (the landquestion) ganz merkwürdig vereinfa chen, wie zur Zeit des r ö m i s c h en Kaiserreichs, als N e ro grinzte ü b er die 25 E n t d e c k u n g, daß die halbe Provinz von Afrika 6 g e n t l e m en angehörte. 30 Wir h a b en so lange verweilt bei diesen „bis z um U n g l a u b l i c h en erstaun lichen T h a t s a c h e n ", weil E n g l a nd das E u r o pa der I n d u s t r ie u nd des H a n dels anführt u nd in der T h at auf d em W e l t m a r kt repräsentirt. Vor wenigen M o n a t en beglückwünschte einer der v e r b a n n t en S ö h ne Louis Philippe's den englischen Ackerbauarbeiter öffentlich wegen des Vorzugs seiner Lage über die seiner m i n d er b l ü h e n d en G e n o s s en jenseits des Kanals. In der That, m it veränderten Localfarben, u nd in verjüngtem M a a ß s t ab wiederho len sich die englischen Thatsachen in allen industriellen u nd fortgeschrit t e n en L ä n d e rn des K o n t i n e n t s. Seit 1848 in i h n en allen u n e r h ö r te Ent- 35 wicklung der Industrie u nd u n g e a h n te A u s d e h n u ng der A u s- u nd Einfuhr. In i h n en allen ein wahrhaft „berauschender Z u w a c hs von R e i c h t h um u nd M a c h t" „ganz u nd gar beschränkt auf die b e s i t z e n d en Klassen". In allen, wie in England, Steigen des Reallohns, d.h. der m it d em G e l d l o hn beschaff baren Lebensmittel, für eine M i n d e r h e it der Arbeiterclasse, w ä h r e nd in den m e i s t en Fällen das Steigen des Geldlohns k e i n en wirklichen Zuwachs von Comforts anzeigte, so wenig als etwa der Insasse eines L o n d o n er Ar- 40 21 Karl Marx m e n- oder W a i s e n h a u s es im geringsten besser d a r an war, weil seine ersten Lebensmittel im J a h re 1861 der Verwaltung 9£ 15sh. 8d. kosteten anstatt der 7£ 7sh. 4d. des Jahres 1851. U e b e r au die M a s s en der Arbeiterklasse tiefer sinkend in d e m s e l b en Verhältnisse wenigstens als die Klassen ü b er i h n en in der gesellschaftlichen Wagschale aufschnellten. U nd so ist es jetzt in allen L ä n d e rn E u r o p a 's eine Wahrheit, erwiesen für j e d en vorurtheils- freien Geist, u nd n ur geläugnet durch die interessirt klugen Prediger eines Narrenparadieses, d aß keine Entwicklung der Maschinerie, k e i ne c h e m i sche E n t d e c k u n g, keine A n w e n d u ng der Wissenschaft auf die P r o d u c t i o n, keine Verbesserung der C o m m u n i c a t i o n s m i t t e l, keine n e u en Colonien, keine A u s w a n d e r u n g, keine Eröffnung von Märkten, kein F r e i h a n d e l, n o ch alle diese Dinge z u s a m m e n g e n o m m e n, das E l e nd der a r b e i t e n d en M a s s en beseitigen k ö n n e n, sondern daß vielmehr u m g e k e h r t, auf der gegenwärti gen falschen G r u n d l a g e, j e de frische Entwicklung der Productivkräfte der Arbeit d a h i n s t r e b en m uß die socialen Kontraste zu vertiefen u nd d en so- cialen Gegensatz z u z u s p i t z e n. W ä h r e nd dieser „ b e r a u s c h e n d en E p o c h e" ö c o n o m i s c h en Fortschritts h ob sich der Hungertod b e i n a he z um R a n ge einer I n s t i t u t i on in der H a u p t s t a dt des britischen Reichs. In d en A n n a l en des W e l t m a r k ts ist dieselbe Epoche g e k e n n z e i c h n et d u r ch die raschere Wiederkehr, d en erweiterten Umfang u nd die tödtlichere W i r k u ng der ge- seilschaftlichen Pest, die m an industrielle und commercielle Krise heißt. 5 10 15 20 Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 3, 30. Dezember 1864 N a ch d em Fehlschlag der R e v o l u t i o n en von 1848 w u r d en auf d em Conti n e nt alle Parteiorganisationen u nd Parteijournale der a r b e i t e n d en Classe von der eisernen H a nd der Gewalt unterdrückt, die fortgeschrittensten S ö h ne der Arbeit flohen in Verzweiflung n a ch der transatlantischen R e p u- buk, u nd der kurzlebige T r a um der E m a n c i p a t i on z e r r a nn vor einer E p o che von fieberhaftem Industrialismus, m o r a l i s c h em M a r a s m us u nd politi scher R e a c t i o n. D ie Niederlagen der c o n t i n e n t a l en Arbeiterclassen, wozu die diplomatische E i n m i s c h u ng des britischen Kabinets, d a m a ls wie jetzt, im b r ü d e r l i c h en B u nd m it d em Cabinet von St. Petersburg, n i c ht wenig bei- trug, verbreitete ihre a n s t e c k e n de W i r k u ng bald diesseits des Canals. W ä h r e nd der U n t e r g a ng der continentalen Arbeiterbewegung die britische Ar- beiterclasse e n t m a n n te u nd ihren G l a u b en in ihrer eignen Sache brach, stellte er das bereits etwas erschütterte V e r t r a u en der L a n d l o r ds u nd der Geldlords wieder her. Bereits öffentlich angekündigte Concessionen wur- d en m it absichtlicher Insolenz zurückgezogen. Die E n t d e c k u ng n e u er G o l d l a n de führte kurz darauf zu e i n em u n g e h e u r en E x o d u s, der unersetz- 25 30 35 22 Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation 5 liehe L ü c k en in d en R e i h en des britischen Proletariats h i n t er sich ließ. A n d re seiner früher thätigsten Glieder, d u r ch d en K ö d er größerer Beschäf tigung u nd augenblicklicher L o h n e r h ö h u ng bestochen, „trugen d en beste h e n d en Verhältnissen R e c h n u n g ". Alle Versuche die Chartistenbewegung aufrecht zu e r h a l t en oder n eu zu gestalten, scheiterten vollständig, alle Preßorgane der Arbeiterclasse starben, eins n a ch d em andern, an der Apa thie der M a s s e, u nd in der T h at nie zuvor schien die englische Arbeiter classe so a u s g e s ö h nt m it e i n em Z u s t a nd politischer Nichtigkeit. H a t te da h er zwischen d en britischen u nd d en c o n t i n e n t a l en Arbeiterclassen keine 10 G e m e i n s a m k e it der A c t i on existirt, so existirte jetzt jedenfalls eine G e m e i n s a m k e it der Niederlage. U nd d e n n o ch war die Periode von 1848 bis 1864 nicht o h ne ihre Licht seite. H i er seien n ur zwei große Ereignisse erwähnt. 20 15 die großen Zehnstundenbill d u r c h z u s e t z e n. D ie N a ch e i n em dreißigjährigen Kampf, der m it bewundrungswürdiger A u s- dauer geführt ward, gelang es der englischen Arbeiterclasse d u r ch Benut zung eines augenblicklichen Zwiespalts zwischen Landlords u nd Geld physischen, lords, moralischen u nd geistigen Vortheile, die d en Fabrikarbeitern aus dieser Maaßregel erwuchsen u nd die m an in d en Berichten der Fabrikinspectoren halbjährig verzeichnet findet, sind j e t zt von allen Seiten a n e r k a n n t. Die meisten c o n t i n e n t a l en Regierungen n a h m en das englische Fabrikgesetz in m e hr oder m i n d er veränderter F o rm an u nd in E n g l a nd selbst wird seine Wirkungssphäre j ä h r l i ch v om P a r l a m e nt ausgedehnt. Aber von der practi- schen Wichtigkeit abgesehen, h a t te der Erfolg dieser Arbeitermaaßregel eine a n d re große B e d e u t u n g. Die Mittelclasse h a t te durch die notorisch sten Organe ihrer Wissenschaft, d u r ch D r . U r e, Professor Senior u nd andre Weisen von d i e s em Schlag, vorhergesagt u nd n a ch Herzenslust d e m o n- strirt, d aß j e de gesetzliche Beschränkung der Arbeitszeit die Todtenglocke der englischen Industrie läuten m ü s s e, einer Industrie, die vampyrmäßig 30 M e n s c h e n b l ut s a u g en m ü s s e, vor allem Kinderblut. In alten Z e i t en war der K i n d e r m o rd ein mysteriöser R i t us der Religion des Moloch, aber er ward n ur bei besonders feierlichen G e l e g e n h e i t en practicirt, vielleicht e i n m al im Jahr, u nd zu d em hatte M o l o ch keine b e s o n d e re Liebhaberei für die Kinder der A r m e n. 25 35 40 Der K a m pf ü b er die gesetzliche B e s c h r ä n k u ng der Arbeitszeit wüthete um so heftiger, je m e hr er, abgesehen von aufgeschreckter H a b s u c h t, in der T h at die große Streitfrage traf, die Streitfrage zwischen der b l i n d en Herr schaft der G e s e t ze von Nachfrage u nd Zufuhr, welche die politische Oeco- n o m ie der Mittelclasse bildet, u nd der Controle socialer P r o d u c t i on durch sociale E i n- u nd Vorsicht, welche die politische O e c o n o m ie der Arbeiter classe bildet. D ie Z e h n s t u n d e n b i ll war d a h er n i c ht blos eine große prakti- 23 Karl Marx sehe Errungenschaft, sie war der Sieg eines Prinzips. Z um ersten M al erlag die politische O e c o n o m ie der Mittelclasse in h e l l em Tageslicht vor der p o litischen O e c o n o m ie der Arbeiterclasse. E in n o ch größerer Sieg der politischen O e c o n o m ie der Arbeit ü b er die politische O e c o n o m ie des Capitals stand bevor. W ir sprechen von der Cooperativbewegung n a m e n t l i ch d en Cooperativfa- briken, d i e s em W e rk weniger k ü h n en „Hände" (hands). D er W e r th dieser großen socialen E x p e r i m e n te k a nn n i c ht überschätzt werden. D u r ch die That, statt d u r ch A r g u m e n t e, bewiesen sie, d aß P r o d u c t i on auf großer Stu fenleiter, u nd im Einklang m it d em Fortschritt m o d e r n er Wissenschaft vor- g e h en k a nn o h ne die Existenz einer Klasse von Meistern (masters), die eine Klasse von „Händen" a n w e n d e t; daß, um F r ü c h te zu tragen, die M i t t el der Arbeit n i c ht monopolisirt zu werden b r a u c h en als M i t t el der Herrschaft über, u nd M i t t el der A u s b e u t u ng gegen d en Arbeiter selbst, u nd daß, wie Sclavenarbeit, wie Leibeignenarbeit, so Lohnarbeit n ur eine vorüberge- h e n de u nd u n t e r g e o r d n e te gesellschaftliche F o rm ist, b e s t i m mt zu ver schwinden vor der assoeiirten Arbeit, die ihr W e rk m it williger H a n d, rüsti In E n g l a nd wurde der g em Geist u nd fröhlichen Herzens verrichtet. S a a m en des Cooperativsystems von Robert Owen ausgestreut; die auf d em C o n t i n e nt versuchten Arbeiterexperimente waren in der T h at der n ä c h s te praktische Ausgang der Theorieen, die 1848 nicht erfunden, wohl aber laut proclamirt wurden. Z ur selben Zeit bewies die Erfahrung der Periode von 1848 bis 1864 u n zweifelhaft, was die intelligentesten F ü h r er der Arbeiterclasse in d en J a h r en 1851 u nd 1852 gegenüber der Cooperativbewegung in E n g l a nd bereits gel- t e nd m a c h t e n, daß, wie ausgezeichnet im Prinzip u nd wie n ü t z l i ch in der Praxis, cooperative Arbeit, w e nn beschränkt auf d en engen Kreis gelegentli cher Versuche vereinzelter Arbeiter, unfähig ist, das W a c h s t h um des M o n o pols in geometrischer Progression aufzuhalten, die M a s s en zu befreien, ja die W u c ht ihres Elends a u ch n ur merklich zu erleichtern. Es ist vielleicht gerade dies der G r u n d, w a r um plausible Lords, bürgerlich-philantropische Salbader, u nd ein p a ar trockne politische O e c o n o m en j e t zt m it d e m s e l b en Cooperativsystem schön t h u n, das sie früher in s e i n em K e im zu ersticken versucht h a t t e n, das sie v e r h ö h nt hatten als die Utopie des T r ä u m e rs u nd ver d a m mt h a t t en als die Ketzerei des Socialisten. Um die a r b e i t e n d en M a s s en zu befreien, bedarf das Cooperativsystem der Entwicklung auf n a t i o n a l er Stufenleiter u nd der F ö r d e r u ng durch n a t i o n a le Mittel. A b er die H e r r en von G r u nd u nd B o d en u nd die H e r r en vom Capital werden ihre politischen Privi legien stets g e b r a u c h en zur Vertheidigung u nd zur Verewigung ihrer ö c o n o- m i s c h en M o n o p o l e. Statt die E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeit zu fördern, werden sie fortfahren, ihr j e d es mögliche H i n d e r n iß in d en W eg zu legen. Lord Pal- 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 24 Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation m e r s t on sprach aus ihrer Seele, als er in der letzten Parlamentssitzung d en Vertheidigern der R e c h te der irischen Pächter h ö h n e nd zuschrie: „Das H a us der G e m e i n en ist ein H a us von G r u n d e i g e n t h ü m e r n !" 5 Politische M a c ht zu erobern ist daher jetzt die große Pflicht der Arbei- terclassen. Sie s c h e i n en dies begriffen zu h a b e n, d e nn in England, F r a n k reich, D e u t s c h l a nd u nd Italien zeigt sich ein gleichzeitiges Wiederaufleben u nd finden gleichzeitige Versuche zur R e o r g a n i s a t i on der Arbeiterpartei statt. E in E l e m e nt des Erfolges besitzt sie, die Zahl. A b er Z a h l en fallen n ur in die Waagschale, wenn K o m b i n a t i on sie vereint u nd K e n n t n iß sie leitet. 10 Die vergangene Erfahrung h at gezeigt wie M i ß a c h t u ng des Bandes der Brü derlichkeit, welches die Arbeiter der verschiedenen L ä n d er verbinden u nd sie anfeuern sollte in allen ihren K ä m p f en für E m a n c i p a t i on fest bei e i n a n der zu stehen, stets gezüchtigt wird durch die gemeinschaftliche Vereitlung ihrer z u s a m m e n h a n g s l o s en Versuche. Es war dies Bewußtsein, das die Ar- beiter verschiedener Länder, v e r s a m m e lt am 2 8. September 1864 in d em öf fentlichen M e e t i ng zu St. Martins Hall, L o n d o n, anspornte zur Stiftung der „internationalen Association". 15 E i ne a n d e re U e b e r z e u g u ng beseelte j e n es Meeting. W e nn die E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiterclassen das Z u s a m m e n w i r k en ver- schiedener N a t i o n en erheischt, wie j e n es große Ziel erreichen m it einer auswärtigen Politik, die frevelhafte Zwecke verfolgt, m it National-Vorur- theilen ihr Spiel treibt u nd in piratischen Kriegen des Volkes Blut u nd G ut vergeudet? N i c ht die W e i s h e it der h e r r s c h e n d en Klassen, s o n d e rn der heroische W i d e r s t a nd der englischen Arbeiterclasse gegen ihre verbrecheri- sehe Thorheit bewahrte d en W e s t en E u r o p a 's vor einer transatlantischen Kreuzfahrt für die Verewigung u nd P r o p a g a n da der Sclaverei. D er scham lose Beifall, die S c h e i n - S y m p a t h ie oder idiotische Gleichgültigkeit, w o m it die h ö h e r en Classen Europa's d em M e u c h e l m o rd des heroischen Polen u nd der E r b e u t u ng der Bergveste des K a u k a s us d u r ch R u ß l a nd z u s a h e n; die u n g e h e u e r en u nd o h ne W i d e r s t a nd e r l a u b t en Uebergriffe dieser barba rischen M a c h t, d e r en Kopf zu St. Petersburg u nd deren H a nd in j e d em Ca binet von Europa, h a b en den Arbeiterclassen die Pflicht gelehrt, in die G e heimnisse der i n t e r n a t i o n a l en Politik einzudringen, die d i p l o m a t i s c h en Acte ihrer respectiven Regierungen zu ü b e r w a c h e n, i h n en wenn nöthig entgegenzuwirken; wenn unfähig z u v o r z u k o m m e n, sich zu vereinen in gleichzeitigen D e n u n z i a t i o n e n, u nd die einfachen Gesetze der M o r al u nd des R e c h t s, welche die B e z i e h u n g en von Privatpersonen regeln sollten, als die obersten Gesetze des Verkehrs von N a t i o n en geltend zu m a c h e n. D er K a m pf für solch eine auswärtige Politik ist eingeschlossen im alige m e i n en K a m pf für die Emancipation der Arbeiterclasse. Proletarier aller L ä n d er vereinigt E u c h! 20 25 30 35 ro 25 K a rl M a rx To A b r a h am L i n c o l n, P r e s i d e nt of t he U n i t ed S t a t es of A m e r i ca |To Abraham Lincoln President of the United States of America Sir We congratulate the A m e r i c an People u p on your Re-election by a large Majority. If resistance to the Slave Power was the reserved W a t c h w o rd of your first election, the t r i u m p h a nt Warcry of your Re-election is, D e a th to Slavery. F r om the c o m m e n c e m e nt of the Titanic A m e r i c an Strife, the Working m en of E u r o pe felt instinctively that the Star spangled B a n n er carried the Destiny of their class. T he Contest for t he territories which o p e n ed the dire epopee, W as it n ot to decide whether the virgin soil of i m m e n se tracts should be wedded to the Labour of the Emigrant, or prostituted by the T r a mp of t he Slave Driver? W h en an Oligarchy of 300,000 Slaveholders dared to inscribe, for the first t i me in the annals of the World, Slavery on the B a n n er of A r m ed R e volt; when on the very spots where hardly a century ago t he idea of one great d e m o c r a t ic R e p u b l ic h ad first sprung u p, W h e n ce t he first Declara tion of T he Rights of M an was issued, a nd the first impulse given to the E u r o p e an Revolution of the 1 8th Century; W h en on those very spots coun ter revolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in rescinding "The Ideas e n t e r t a i n ed at the t i me of the formation of the old C o n s t i t u t i o n" and m a i n t a i n ed "Slavery to be a beneficent Institution, i n d e ed the only solu tion of the great p r o b l em of the relation of L a b o ur to Capital", a nd cyni cally proclaimed property in M an "The corner stone of the n ew Edifice"; T h en the Working Classes of E u r o pe u n d e r s t o od at once, Even before the fanatic partisanship of the Upper Classes for t he confederate gentry h ad 26 Karl Marx: To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America. Kalligraphisch angefertigte Adresse mit der Unterschrift von Marx und den weiteren Mitgliedern des Provisorischen Zentralrats der IAA To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America given its d i s m al warning. T h at the Slaveholders' Rebellion was to sound the tocsin for a general holy Crusade of Property against Labour, a nd that for the M en of Labour, with their hopes for t he future, even their past conquests were at stake in that t r e m e n d o us Conflict on t he other side of the Atlantic. Everywhere they bore therefore patiently t he hardships im posed u p on t h em by the Cotton crisis, opposed enthusiastically the Pro Slavery Intervention, importunities of their "betters", a nd from m o st parts of E u r o pe contributed their quota of blood to the good cause. While the Working M e n, the true political power of the N o r t h, allowed Slavery to defile their own R e p u b l i c; while before the Negro, m a s t e r ed a nd sold without his concurrence, they boasted it the highest prerogative of the white skinned Laborer to sell himself a nd choose his own Master; they were u n a b le to attain the true F r e e d om of Labour or to support their Euro pean Brethren in their struggle for E m a n c i p a t i o n, b ut this barrier to prog- ress has b e en swept off by the red sea of Civil War. T he W o r k i ng M en of E u r o pe feel sure that as the A m e r i c an W ar of I n d e p e n d e n ce initiated a new era of ascendency for the M i d d le Class, so the A m e r i c an Anti-Slavery W ar will do for t he Working Classes. T h ey consider it an earnest of the epoch to come, that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln, t he single-minded Son of the Working Class, to lead h is Country t h r o u gh t he matchless struggle for the rescue of an e n c h a i n ed R a ce a nd t he Recon struction of a Social World. 5 10 15 20 S i g n ed on behalf of The International Working Men's Association The Central Council 25 Le Lubez (French) corresponding Secretary F. Rybczinski (Pole) Emile Holtorp (Pole) J. B. B o c q u et 30 H. Jung, corresponding Secretary for Switzerland Morisot George W m. W h e e l er J. D é n o u ai 35 P. Bordage Le R o ux Talandier Jourdain D u p o nt 40 R. Gray G. Eccarius Fried. Lessner N. Wolff K. K a ub Henry Bolleter Ludwig Otto N. P. H a n s en (Dane) Carl Pfaender Georg L o c h n er Peter Petersen Karl Marx, Corresponding Secretary for G e r m a ny A. Dick L. Wolff J. Whitlock J. Carter 29 D. L a ma C. Setacci F. Solustri P. Aldovrandi D. G. Bagnagatti G. P. F o n t a na Corresponding Secretary for Italy G . L a ke J. Buckley G. Howell J. Osborne W. D. Stainsby J. G r o s m i th ' Karl Marx W. M o r g an W i l l i am Dell J o hn W e s t on Peter F ox R o b e rt Shaw J o hn H. L o n g m a id R o b e rt H e n ry Side W i l l i am C. Worley Blackmoor W. R. Hartwell W. Pid ge on B. Lucraft J. Nieass G e o. Odger President of Council W i l l i am R. Cremer Honorary G e n e r al Secretary | 5 10 15 30 An d en R e d a k t e ur d es „ B e o b a c h t e r s" zu S t u t t g a rt K a rl M a rx l[i]l An den Rédacteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart. M e in Herr! 5 D u r ch seinen Bradforder S t r o h m a n n, d en Dr. Bronner, h at Herr Karl Blind I h n en e i n en Schreibebrief von, für u nd ü b er Herrn Karl Blind z u g e hn las sen, wo m i t t en zwischen andre Curiositäten folgende Stelle einschlüpft: „Auf j e n en alten", auf das Flugblatt „Zur Warnung" gegen Vogt bezügli chen, „durch allseitige Erklärungen abgemachten Streit, d en die R e d a c t i on wieder hervorgezogen hat, will ich dabei nicht zurückkommen. " 10 Er „will" n i c ht „ z u r ü c k k o m m e n "! W e l c he G r o ß m u t h! Z um Beweis, d aß die wichtig t h u e n de Eitelkeit des H e r rn Karl Blind 15 d a nn u nd w a nn den H e r rn Karl Blind ü b er die S c h r a n k en der r e i n en K o m ik hinaustreibt, e r w ä h n en Sie meiner Schrift gegen Vogt. A us der Blind'schen Antwort m ü s s en Sie u nd Ihre Leser d en Schluß ziehen, d aß die in j e n er Schrift gegen H e r rn Karl Blind e r h o b e n en A n k l a g en „durch all seitige Erklärungen abgemacht" sind. In W a h r h e it hat der sonst so schreibse lige Herr Karl Blind seit der E r s c h e i n u ng m e i n er Schrift, also w ä h r e nd 4 Jahren, niemals gewagt ||[2]| m it e i n em einzigen Sterbenswort, viel weni ger m it „allseitigen E r k l ä r u n g e n" auf d en „alten Streit z u r ü c k z u k o m m e n ". Herr Karl Blind h at sich vielmehr dabei beruhigt als „infamer Lügner" (Sieh p. 66, 67 m e i n er Schrift) g e b r a n d m a r kt d a z u s t e h n. Herr Karl Blind h a t te öffentlich u nd wiederholt erklärt, er wisse nicht, d u r ch wen das Flug blatt gegen Vogt in die Welt geschleudert worden sei, „er habe gar keinen Antheil an der Sache u . s . w . ". A u ß e r d em veröffentlichte H e rr Karl Blind ein 25 Z e u g n iß des Buchdruckers Fidelio Hollinger, flankirt d u r ch e in andres Zeug- n iß des Setzers Wiehe, d a h in lautend, d aß das Flugblatt weder in Hollingers Druckerei gedruckt sei, n o ch von H e r rn Karl Blind herrühre. In m e i n er Schrift gegen Vogt findet m an n un die Affidavits (Aussagen an Eidesstatt) 20 31 Karl Marx des Setzers Vögele u nd des Wiehe selbst vor dem Polizeigericht in Bowstreet, London, d u r ch welche bewiesen ist, d aß derselbe Herr Karl Blind das Ma nuscript des Flugblatts schrieb, es bei Hollinger drucken ließ, d en P r o b e b o gen eigenhändig corrigirte, zur Widerlegung dieser T h a t s a c h en ein falsches Zeugniß schmiedete, für dieses falsche Z e u g n iß u n t er V o r h a l t u n g en von Geldversprechungen ||[3]( auf Seiten Hollingers, künftigen D a n k es von sei ner eignen Seite, die Unterschrift des Setzers Wiehe sich erschlich, u nd endlich dies selbstgeschmiedete falsche Schriftstück m it der von i hm selbst erschli c h e n en Unterschrift des W i e he als sittlich entrüsteten Beweis m e i n er „bös lichen Erfindung" in die Augsburger Allgemeine u nd a n d re d e u t s c he Z e i t u n- gen expedirte. Am Pranger so ausgestellt, schwieg Herr Karl Blind. W a r u m? Weil er (Sieh p . 69 m e i n er Schrift) die von m ir veröffentlichten Affidavits n ur d u r ch Gegenaffidavits entkräften k o n n t e, sich j e d o ch „im b e d e n k l i c h en Gerichts b a nn von E n g l a nd befand", wo „mit der Felonie nicht zu spaßen ist". In d em erwähnten Schreibebrief an I hr Blatt finden sich a u ch a b e n t h e u erliche M i t t h e i l u n g en ü b er Herr Karl Blind's a m e r i k a n i s c he Emsigkeit. Z ur Aufklärung ü b er diesen P u n kt erlauben Sie m ir e i n en A u s z ug aus e i n em vor einigen Tagen hier eingetroffenen Brief /. Weydemeyer's m i t z u t h e i l e n. /. Weydemeyer, wie Sie sich erinnern werden, redigirte früher z u s a m m en m it O . L ü n i ng die N e ue D e u t s c he Z e i t u ng zu Frankfurt u nd war stets einer der tüchtigsten ||[4]j Vorkämpfer der d e u t s c h en Arbeiterpartei. K u rz n a ch A u s b r u ch des a m e r i k a n i s c h en Bürgerkriegs trat er in die R e i h en der Föderali sten. V on F r e m o nt n a ch St. Louis beschieden, d i e n te er erst als Capitain im dortigen Ingenieurcorps, d a nn als Oberstlieutenant in e i n em Artillerieregi- m e n t, u nd erhielt, als Missouri jüngst aufs N e ue von feindlicher Invasion b e d r o ht ward, plötzlich d en Auftrag zur Organisirung des 41sten Missouri Freiwilligen R e g i m e n t s, an dessen Spitze er jetzt als Oberst steht. Weyde meyer schreibt von St. Louis, der H a u p t s t a dt Missouris, wo sein R e g i m e nt cantonirt ist, wie folgt: 5 10 15 20 25 30 „Beiliegend findest Du e i n en A u s s c h n i tt aus einer hiesigen Z e i t u n g, der , Westlichen Post' worin der literarische Freibeuter K. Blind sich e i n m al wie der gewaltig spreitzt auf Kosten ,deutscher R e p u b l i c a n e r '. F ür h i er ist es in welcher Weise er Lassalle's Bestrebungen zwar ziemlich gleichgültig, u nd Agitation entstellt; wer des letzten Schriften gelesen, weiß was er von Blinds Harlequinaden zu halten; wer sich die M ü he n i c ht gegeben, m it j e n er Agitation etwas b e k a n n t er zu werden, m ag gläubig die W e i s h e it u nd ,Ge- sinnungstüchtigkeit' des großen Badensers, Verschwörers par excellence, u nd des Mitglieds aller g e h e i m en Gesellschaften u nd zukünftigen proviso rischen Regierungen b e w u n d e r n; an s e i n em ||5| Urtheil ist n i c h ts gelegen. Auch haben die Leute im Augenblick hier andre Dinge zu thun, als sich mit 35 40 32 Karl Marx: An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart. Seite [1] der Handschrift von Marx' Frau Jenny An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart Blind'schen Protesten zu befassen. A b er es wäre d o ch gewiß zweckmäßig d em gespreizten Gecken zu H a u se e i n m al tüchtig auf die Finger zu klopfen; u nd deßhalb schicke ich Dir d en Artikel, der n ur ein P r o b e s t ü c k c h en ähnlicher früherer Leistungen ist." D er von J. W e y d e m e y er ü b e r s a n d te A u s s c h n i tt aus der „Westlichen Post" ist ü b e r s c h r i e b e n: „Ein republicanischer Protest, London 17 Septbr. 1864" u nd ist die amerikanische Ausgabe des „Republikanischen Protestes", d en derselbe unvermeidliche Herr Karl Blind u n t er d e m s e l b en Titel gleichzeitig in die Neue Frankfurter Zeitung u nd d a nn m it der gewohnten b e t r i e b s a m en Amer senemsigkeit als W i e d e r a b d r u ck aus der Neuen Frankfurter Zeitung in den L o n d o n er Hermann beförderte. Eine Vergleichung der b e i d en A u s g a b en des B l i n d ' s c h en Machwerks würde zeigen, wie derselbe H e rr Karl Blind, der zu Frankfurt u nd L o n d on m it b i e d e r m ä n n i s c h - r e p u b l i k a n i s c h - k a t o n i- in d em abgelegenen scher L e i c h e n b i t t e r m i e ne protestirt, gleichzeitig St. Louis der bösartigsten A l b e r n h e it u nd g e m e i n s t en F r e c h h e it frei d en Zügel schießen läßt. E i ne Vergleichung der zwei A u s g a b en ||[6]| des Pro tests, wozu hier nicht der Platz, würde a u ß e r d em e i n en n e u en drolligen Beitrag gewähren zur F a b r i k a t i o n s m e t h o de der Schreibebriefe, Circulare, Flugblätter, Proteste, Vorbehalte, Abwehren, Aufrufe, Zurufe u nd andrer dergleichen kopfschüttelnd feierlicher Blindscher Staatsrecepte, d e n en ebenso wenig zu entlaufen ist, als d en Pillen des H e r rn Holloway oder d em Malzextract des H e r rn Hoff. Es liegt m ir d u r c h a us fern, e i n en M a nn wie Lassalle u nd die wirkliche T e n d e nz seiner Agitation e i n em grotesken M a z z i n i - S c a p i n, h i n t er d em nichts steht als sein eigner Schatten, verständlich m a c h en zu wollen. Ich bin im G e g e n t h e il überzeugt, d aß Herr Karl Blind n ur seinen von N a t ur u nd Aesop i hm auferlegten Beruf erfüllt, w e nn er n a ch d em todten Löwen tritt. 5 io 15 20 25 Karl M a rx 30 2 8 N o v e m b er 1864 1 M o d e na Villas M a i t l a nd Park London. \ 35 K a rl M a rx An A b r a h am L i n c o l n, P r ä s i d e nt d er V e r e i n i g t en S t a a t en v on A m e r i ka Ü b e r s e t z u ng a us d em Englischen Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 3, 30. Dezember 1864 An Abraham Lincoln, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Wir w ü n s c h en d em amerikanischen Volk G l ü ck zu Ihrer m it großer Majo rität erfolgten Wiederwahl! W e n n: W i d e r s t a nd gegen die M a c ht der Skia- venhalter die maaßvolle Losung Ihrer ersten W a hl war, so ist: T od der Skla verei! der t r i u m p h i r e n de Schlachtruf ihrer Wiederwahl. 5 V om Anfang des a m e r i k a n i s c h en T i t a n e n k a m p fs an, fühlten die Arbei ter Europas instinktmäßig, daß an d em S t e r n e n b a n n er das G e s c h i ck ihrer Klasse hing. D er K a m pf um die Territorien, welcher die furchtbar gewal- 10 tige Epopöe eröffnete, h a t te er nicht zu entscheiden, ob der jungfräuliche B o d en u n e r m e ß l i c h er Landstrecken der Arbeit des Einwanderers vermählt, oder d u r ch d en F uß des Sklaventreibers befleckt w e r d en sollte? Als die Oligarchie der 300 000 Sklavenhalter z um ersten M al in den A n- n a l en der Welt das W o rt Sklaverei auf das B a n n er der bewaffneten Rebel- lion zu schreiben wagte; als auf d em selbigen Boden, d em k a um ein Jahr h u n d e rt vorher zuerst der G e d a n ke einer großen d e m o k r a t i s c h en R e p u b l ik entsprungen war, von d em die erste Erklärung der M e n s c h e n r e c h te ausging u nd der erste A n s t oß zu der europäischen Revolution des 18. J a h r h u n d e r ts gegeben w u r d e; als auf d i e s em selbigen B o d en die Contrerevolution m it sy- stematischer G r ü n d l i c h k e it sich r ü h m t e, „die zur Zeit des Aufbaues der al ten Verfassung h e r r s c h e n d en I d e e n" u m z u s t o ß e n, u nd „die Sklaverei als eine h e i l s a me E i n r i c h t u n g" - ja als die einzige Lösung des großen Pro b l e ms der „ B e z i e h u n g en der Arbeit z um Kapital hinstellte", u nd cynisch das E i g e n t h u m s r e c ht auf den M e n s c h en als d en „Eckstein des n e u en G e- b ä u d e s" proklamirte; da begriffen die Arbeiter E u r o p a 's sofort, selbst n o ch 15 20 25 36 An Abraham Lincoln, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika ehe sie d u r ch die fanatische P a r t e i n a h me der o b e r en Classen für d en Con- föderirten-Adel gewarnt worden, daß die Rebellion der Sklavenhalter die Sturmglocke zu e i n em allgemeinen K r e u z z ug des E i g e n t h u ms gegen die Arbeit l ä u t en würde, u nd d aß für die M ä n n er der Arbeit, außer i h r en Hoff- n u n g en auf die Zukunft, a u ch ihre vergangnen Eroberungen in d i e s em Riesenkampfe jenseits des O z e a ns auf d em Spiele standen. U e b e r au trugen sie d a r um geduldig die Leiden, welche die Baumwollenkrisis i h n en aufer legte, widersetzten sich voll Begeisterung der Intervention zu G u n s t en der Sklaverei, welche die h ö h e r en u nd „gebildeten" Klassen m it solchem Eifer herbeizuführen suchten, u nd entrichteten aus den m e i s t en T h e i l en E u r o pas ihre Blutsteuer für die gute Sache. 5 10 So lange die Arbeiter, die wahren Träger der politischen M a c ht im N o r den, es erlaubten, d aß die Sklaverei ihre eigene Republik b e s u d e l e; so lange sie es d em N e g er gegenüber, der o h ne seine Z u s t i m m u ng e i n en 15 Herrn hatte u nd verkauft wurde, als das höchste Vorrecht des weißen Ar beiters r ü h m t e n, d aß er selbst sich verkaufen u nd seinen H e r rn wählen k ö n ne - so lange waren sie unfähig, die wahre Freiheit der Arbeit zu errin gen oder ihre e u r o p ä i s c h en Brüder in i h r em Befreiungskampfe zu unter stützen. Dieses H i n d e r n iß des Fortschritts ist von d em R o t h en M e e re des 20 Bürgerkrieges hinweggeschwemmt worden. Die Arbeiter Europas sind von der U e b e r z e u g u ng d u r c h d r u n g e n, daß, wie der a m e r i k a n i s c he Unabhängigkeitskrieg eine n e ue E p o c he der M a c h t entfaltung für die Mittelklasse einweihte, so der a m e r i k a n i s c he Krieg ge gen die Sklaverei eine n e ue Epoche der Machtentfaltung für die Arbeiter- 25 klasse einweihen wird. Sie b e t r a c h t en es als ein W a h r z e i c h en der k o m m e n d en E p o c h e, daß A b r a h am Lincoln, d em starksinnigen, eisernen Sohne der Arbeiterklasse, das Loos zugefallen ist, sein Vaterland d u r ch den beispiellosen K a m pf für die Erlösung einer g e k n e c h t e t en R a ce u nd für die U m g e s t a l t u ng der socialen Welt h i n d u r ch zu führen. 37 K a rl M a rx D r a ft f or a s p e e ch on F r a n c e 's a t t i t u de to P o l a nd ( P o l e m i cs a g a i n st P e t er F o x) 5 | 1| Mr F ox has rolled up a rather phantastic picture of the Foreign Policy of the F r e n ch A n c i e nt Regime. According to his view, F r a n ce allied herself with Sweden, Poland, a nd Turkey in order to protect E u r o pe from Russia. T he t r u th is that F r a n ce contracted those alliances in the 16th a nd 17th centuries, at a t i me w h en P o l a nd was still a powerful state a nd w h en R u s- sia, in the m o d e rn sense of the word, did n ot yet exist. There existed t h en a G r a nd D u c hy of Muscovy, b ut there existed n ot yet a R u s s i an E m p i r e. It was therefore n ot against Russia that F r a n ce c o n c l u d ed those alliances with the Turks, the Magyars, the Poles, a nd the Swedes. She c o n c l u d ed t h em against Austria a nd against the German Empire, as a m e a ns of extend- ing the power, the influence, a nd the territorial possessions of F r a n ce over G e r m a n y, Italy, Spain. I shall n ot enter u p on details. It will suffice for my purpose to say, that F r a n ce used those alliances in the m i d st of the 17th century to bring about the treaty of Westphalia, by which G e r m a ny was not only d i s m e m b e r e d, one part of it being given to F r a n ce a nd t he other to Sweden, but every little G e r m an prince and Baron obtained the treaty right to sell his country a nd France obtained a protectorate over G e r m a n y. After the treaty of Westphalia, in the second part of the 17th century, Louis XIV, t he t r ue representative of t he old B o u r b on policy at t he t i me of its strength, b o u g ht the king of England, Charles II, in order to ruin the D u t ch republic. His system of vandalism and perfidy t h en carried out against H o l l a n d, Bel g i u m, Spain, G e r m a n y, and P i e d m o n t , — d u r i ng about 40 years, c a n n ot be better characterized t h an by t he one fact, that in a memorandum, drawn up in 1837 by t he R u s s i an chancellery for the information of the present Czar, the system of war a nd diplomacy of L. XIV from the m i d d le to the e nd of 25 t he 17 th century is recommended as the model system to be followed by R u s sia. 15 20 10 ; M o d e rn Russia dates only from the 18th century, a nd it is therefore from t h at t i me alone t h at resistance to Russia could have entered into the policy of F r a n ce or any other E u r o p e an state. | 30 , J| 38 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) |2[ I proceed at o n ce to the time of Louis XV which Mr F ox h as justly pointed o ut as t he e p o ch w h en t he F r e n ch Foreign policy was m o st favour able to Poland a nd m o st hostile to Russia. 5 N ow t h e re h a p p e n ed three great events u n d er t he regime of L. X V — in regard to R u s s ia a nd Poland, 1) the socalled Polish succession war, 2) The seven years war, a nd 3) The first partition of Poland. I shall consider the atti t u de t a k en by the F r e n ch G o v e r n m e nt in regard to these events. 1) The socalled Polish Succession War. 20 15 10 the only war which France has ever professedly earned on behalf of Po After the d e a th of Augustus II (king of Poland and elector of Saxony), in Sept. 1733, o ne party of the Polish aristocracy wanted to elect his son as king. He was supported by Russia a nd Austria, b e c a u se he h ad promised to the Czarina n ot to reclaim Courland, formerly a fief of Poland, a nd because he h ad p r o m i s ed to t he E m p e r or t he g u a r a n t ee of t he pragmatic sanction. The other party, instigated by F r a n c e, elected Stanislaus Leszczynski, who had formerly b e en m a de Polish king by Charles X II of Sweden a nd who was at that t i me the father-in-law of Louis XV. There broke consequently a war out between F r a n ce on the o ne h a n d, Russia a nd Austria on the other. This is land. F r a n ce m a de war in G e r m a ny a nd Italy, b ut as far as her Polish pro- tégé was c o n c e r n e d, limited herself to sending 1500 m en to D a n t z i c, t h en a Polish town. T he war having lasted two years, what was its u p s h o t? A treaty of peace (Peace of Vienna, Octob. 1735), by w h i ch t he duchy of Lorraine, a G e r m an fief, was incorporated into France, a nd t he B o u r b on dynasty planted in Naples a nd Sicily, the same dynasty of which king B o m ba was the last lively representative. In all other respects this "war about the throne of Po land" e n d ed in acknowledging the Russian candidate, Augustus III, as king of Poland, b ut securing to Louis X V' father-in-law the prerogative of being called king, a nd a very large yearly pension to be paid by Poland. This war, instigated a nd carried on by F r a n ce u n d er false pretences, e n d ed in the h u- 30 miliation of Poland, the extension of the R u s s i an power, a nd great disad vantages to T u r k ey a nd Sweden, w h i ch F r a n ce h ad also driven i n to a false position, a nd t h en left in the lurch. But I shall | | 3| n ot enter u p on these de tails. 25 35 T he c o n d u ct of the F r e n ch G o v e r n m e nt c a n n ot be excused on the plea that the British G o v e r n m e nt prevented it during this socalled Polish succes sion war of acting in the right direction. On t he contrary. W h en the E m peror Charles VI appealed to England, the latter clung to t he A n g l o - F r e n ch 39 Karl Marx Alliance which h ad c o n t i n u ed since 1716 a nd was barren of any good re sults whatever. At all events: this t i me the F r e n ch G o v e r n m e n t 's good de signs for Poland were n ot baffled by England. Before leaving the subject, I m u st m e n t i on t h at the peace between Turkey and Russia, brought a b o ut by F r e n ch m e d i a t i on (Villeneuve, F r e n ch a m b a s sador) in 1739, was a great blow to Poland. I quote Ruiniere: He says: "it annulled the («cet u n i q ue bouclier q ui restait à la Pologne»), et le n o u v e au traité, signé à Belgrade, les conventions antérieures n ' a u r a i e nt plus aucune force. » | in 1739, déclara dans son dernier article « q ue the only shield that remained to treaty of the Truth, toutes the Poles" |4| 2) The seven Years' War. (1756-1763.) I c o me now to the 7 years war. Mr. F ox h as told you t h at that war was very u n h a p py for F r a n c e, b e c a u se it deprived her, to the benefit of England, of most of h er colonies. B ut this is n ot the question before us. W h at we have to inquire into is, what part F r a n ce played during that war in regard to Poland and Russia. 1 You m u st know that from 1740 to 1748, during the socalled A u s t r i an succession war, F r a n ce h ad allied herself with Frederick II of Prussia against Russia, Austria, and England. During the seven years' war she allied herself with Austria and Russia against Prussia and England, so that, at all events, during this war E n g l a nd was t he official e n e m y, and F r a n ce the avowed ally of Russia. It was first in 1756 u n d er the A b bé Bernis, a nd t h en again 1758 u n d er the D u ke of Choiseul, t h at F r a n ce concluded h er treaty with A u s t r ia (and Russia), against Prussia. 20 25 Let us h e ar Rulhière. (Histoire de l'Anarchie de Pologne etc. Paris. 1819. 2 nd edit.) " W h en Count Broglio arrived in 1752 as ambassador at Varsovie, France had no party in Poland. People t h o u g ht of t he promises which F r a n ce h ad already so often failed to fulfil (auxquelles la F r a n ce avait déjà si sou vent m a n q u é ). T h ey h ad n ot forgotten that three times since a century, F r a n ce h ad rallied a r o u nd her powerful Polish factions ... b ut t h at after having formed t h em with passion (ardeur), she h ad always a b a n d o n ed t h em with levity (elle les avait c h a q ue fois a b a n d o n n é es avec légèreté). She h ad left in distress the majority of those who h ad trusted to the seductions of h er p r e t e n d ed projects for the welfare of the republic" (t. I, 213). («Elle avait laissé d a ns l'infortune la plupart de ceux q ui s'étaient livrés à la sé d u c t i on de ces p r é t e n d us projets p o ur le salut de la r é p u b l i q u e. ») 30 35 40 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) "The d u ke of Broglio, after three years activity, h ad formed a counter party against t he Czartoryski, w on over t he Polish court, p ut i n to m o t i on the Swedes, the Tartars, the Turks, o p e n ed a c o n n e c t i on with t he Kossacks of the U c r a i n e" etc. "Fred. II contributed to call into life this formidable coalition against the Russians, from which he expected himself his own security. T he R u s s i an minister h ad lost all influence at Warsaw. In o ne word, in the first m o n t hs of 1756, at the m o m e nt when the hostilities be tween England a nd F r a n c e, first opened in A m e r i c a, were on the point of embracing the whole of E u r o p e, c o u nt Broglio had it in his power to form in Poland a confederation which, supported by the subsidies of F r a n c e, provided by h er with a r ms a nd m u n i t i o n s, and protected by so m a ny border nations ||5| would have altogether withdrawn Poland from t he yoke of R u s sia and restored to that republic laws, government, a nd power. B ut F r a n ce suspended all the help (secours) she h ad promised, a nd upset all the m e a s- ures of her ambassador." (Rulh. 1.1, p. 225.) T he levity with which F r a n ce abused h er influence m ay be s e e n — en pas sant—from the way in which she treated Sweden. First she goaded her into a war with Prussia against R u s s ia (in t he A u s t r i an succession war), a nd t h en into a war with R u s s ia against Prussia, Sweden being b o th t i m es t he victim of those F r e n ch intrigues, a nd Russia gaining b o th t i m es in t h at quarter. T h at the material resources of Poland were exhausted, Well. W h at were the c o n s e q u e n c es of the Seven Years W ar which F r a n ce carried on as t he ally of Russia (and Austria) against Prussia (and E n g l a n d )? t h at Russia founded her supremacy in G e r m a n y, t h at Prussia was m a de her slave, that Catherine II b e c a me t he most powerful souvereign in E u r o p e, a nd that the first partition of Poland took place. S u ch were the the French policy during the Seven Years' War. immediate consequences of 5 10 15 20 25 1) During the seven years' war the Russian armies treated P o l a nd as their 30 property, took there their winterquarters etc. I shall quote Favier: "The peril was that Russia, improving the pretext of the war against the king of Prussia, enforced, on the territory of Poland, the passage of her troops, appropriated herself the m e a ns of subsistence, and even took h er winterquarters in Poland. By allowing h er to employ anew those arbitrary 35 m e a n s, that vast country was surrendered to t he greediness of the Russian generals, the d e s p o t i sm of their court, a nd all the projects of future usurpa tions which Russia would be t e m p t ed to form, from the facility of exercis ing all sorts of vexations against a n a t i on divided, insulated, a nd aban doned." (Politique de tous les Cabinets de l'Europe etc 2nd edit, par L.P. Ségur. 40 Exambassadeur. Paris 1 8 0 1 . 1 . 1, p. 300.) F r a n ce discredited herself by giving the Russians s u ch free scope. "That weakness on h er part s e e m ed the less 41 Karl Marx p a r d o n a b le (excusable) because ... she was t h en in a position to m a ke the law to Russia a nd Austria, and not at all to receive it from t h e m ." C o u nt Broglio h ad m a de in vain proposals to that e f f e c t . .. F r a n ce allowed Russia to treat P o l a nd like h er own property ... The Polish nation, from that moment, considered France as a mere instrument in the hands of the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg ... "This was the origin of our ||6| discredit, of our nullity at t he t i me of t he election of c o u nt Poniatowski, and of t he b ad success of everything we a t t e m p t ed or favoured since that epoch." (303, 304 I.e. Ségur) («la na tion polonaise ne vit plus dès-lors la F r a n ce q ue c o m me un i n s t r u m e nt des cours de V i e n ne et de Pétersbourg. Voilà l'origine de notre discrédit, de n o- tre nullité etc») 10 5 F r a n ce was b o u nd by t he treaty of Oliva (1660) to protect t he Polish R e public. 2) D u r i ng t he 7 years war the Russians u s ed Poland, a l t h o u gh she was os tensibly n e u t r a l, as their basis of operations against Prussia. T h is t he Poles allowed under the diplomatic pressure of France. It was t h us t h at t he R u s s i a ns were e n a b l ed during 7 years to devastate Prussia proper, Silesia, P o m e r a- nia, B r a n d e n b o u r g, a nd even sack Berlin. They in fact ravaged t he Prussian m o n a r c hy like wild beasts, while the F r e n ch acted in t he s a me style in Hanover, Westphalia, Saxony, Thuringia etc. Now, P o l a nd was by t he treaty of Wehlau (1660 or so) obliged to defend Prussia, against Russia. Freder ick II insisted u p on the fulfilment of this treaty. T h at he was right in asking t he Poles to observe at least a complete neutrality, a nd n ot allowing the R u s s i a ns to u se their country etc, is proved by t he fact that on all t he diets kept in P o l a nd since t he opening of t he seven years' war, it was impossible to c o me to any resolution, because t he patriotic party declared the Poles could n ot deliberate as long as R u s s i an armies o c c u p i ed t he Polish soil, a nd acted against Prussia. In t he last year of the war (1762) t he nobility of Posen (Great Poland) h ad even formed a confederation against t he R u s sians. If f. i. Belgium allowed Prussia to u se it during 7 years, despite its neu trality, as a basis of warlike operations against F r a n c e, would F r a n ce not be entitled to treat Belgium as an enemy, and, if she could, to i n c o r p o r a te Bel gium, or destroy its i n d e p e n d e n c e? 15 20 25 3C 3) T he i m m e d i a te u p s h ot of the 7 years' war was a treaty between Prussia a nd Russia, by which t he king of Prussia professed himself t he vassal of Russia, b ut was allowed, in c o m p e n s a t i o n, to share in t he partition of Po­ land. T h at t he latter was already convened u p on in t he treaty of 1764 be­ tween Russia a nd Fred. II is shown by t he fact t h at in t he s a me year F r e d. I Ps a nd C h a t h e r i n e 's II ambassadors at Warsaw solemnly protested 40 against t h at "calumny", a nd t h at a few years later t he English resident at 35 ξ 42 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) Berlin wrote to his court that Austria, although at first protesting, would be compelled by h er proper interests to share in ||7| t he partition of P o l a n d. Mr. Favier says: " O ur exclusive alliance with the court of V i e n na de prived Fred. II of all h o p e, a nd r e d u c ed h im to t he necessity of j o i n i ng that very court which h ad let loose F r a n ce u p on h i m, in order to destroy h i m ." T he same Favier avers that the secret of all the future successes of Cather ine II a nd of the first partition of Poland is to be found in the infeodation to her of Prussia. (Fred. II) S u ch was the result of the F r e n ch policy during t he 7 years' war. It can- not be said that England this t i me prevented h er good designs for Poland, because F r a n ce was t h en the ally of Russia, while E n g l a nd stood on the other side. Erste Theilung Polens. Now I m u st say that even if F r a n ce h ad acted m o re energetically during the Polish war which ended in t he first partition of Poland t h an she really did, it would n ot have m a de up for the i m m e n se services she h ad r e n d e r ed to Russia during the seven years' war. T he sending of s o me F r e n ch officers and subsidies to Poland during the war of the Confederation of Bar could in the best case only prolong a useless resistance. It is true that F r a n ce incited (1768) Turkey to a war against Russia, b ut only to betray Turkey as usually, and prepare for her the "treaty of Kudjuk Kainardji" (1774), from which the supremacy of R u s s ia over Turkey m u st really be d a t e d. the Mediterranean. T he 1770. Russian Expedition t h en almost dying into 5 10 15 20 republic of V e n i ce showed m u ch m o re courage t h an F r a n c e. In that year 25 Choiseul still F r e n ch Foreign minister. It was only at the e nd of 1770 (be ginning of 1771) that he was replaced by the Duke d'Aiguillon. "How", says Favier, "did it h a p p en that, while F r a n ce was at peace with E n g l a n d, no step was taken for a convention of neutrality for the M e d i t e r r a n e a n? Or why did F r a n ce alone n ot oppose this R u s s i an entreprise in a q u a r t er so important for her interests?" T he o p i n i on of Favier is, that "the destruction of the Russian been easily effected, would probably have changed the whole course of events b o th in Turkey and Poland, a nd would, moreover, have t a u g ht A u s tria to respect t he F r e n ch Alliance". (Ségur etc Politique de tous les cabinets etc v. II, p. 174) But F r a n ce who h ad goaded Turkey into the war against Russia, did n ot move ||8| o ne finger against t he R u s s i an expedition of 1770, the only o ne which was of any import. (The Turkish fleet destroyed in the the Mediterranean by the French, which m i g ht have fleet in 30 35 43 Karl Marx narrow bay of Tschesmé.) The same Choiseul h ad English bluster (Chatham himself) not allowed to prevent h im a year ago from buying Corsica from the Genoese. Y ou m u st not forget that at that t i me North was minister, and could only keep himself in office by keeping the peace at any price. He was o ne of the m o st u n p o p u l ar ministers. At that time revolutionary, a n t i d y n a s- tic m o v e m e nt in England. It is true that in 1773 (the Russians m a de t h en a new naval expedition which, however, r e m a i n ed without any influence u p on the war with Turkey) the duke of Aiguillon allowed himself to be pre vented by the Engl. A m b a s s a d or at Paris, Lord Stormont, from attacking the R u s s i an fleet in the Baltic (and M e d i t e r r a n e a n ). At that t i me the first parti- tion of Poland was already c o n s u m m a t e d. T he true object of the F r e n ch de m o n s t r a t i on was n ot Poland, b ut Sweden, a nd F r a n ce so far succeeded, that Gustave III was not forced by Russia to rescind his coup d'état (1772). Moreover, what sort of fellow this d'Aiguillon was: Ségur says in his notes to Favier: " W h en the r u m o ur got first afloat as to t he partition which was to give Prussia an increase of territory which Austria was afraid of, the court of V i e n na warned F r a n c e, a nd gave her to u n d e r s t a nd that she would oppose herself, if the court of Versailles would support her. L.XV, at that t i me only occupied by his pleasures, and M. d'Aiguillon by his intrigues, the A u s t r i an cabinet received no re-assuring answer and liked better to c o n c ur to the partition of Poland t h an to m a i n t a in alone a war against the Prussians and Russians c o m b i n e d ." (147, Note) "Count Mercy—Austrian a m b a s s a d o r- has publicly given out (répandu dans le public) that the king of Prussia h ad c o m m u n i c a t ed to the Austrian minister the answers of the D u ke of Aiguil- Ion, by which that minister assured His Prussian Majesty that F r a n ce was indifferent to all that could be d o ne in Poland a nd that she would n ot con sider a casus foederis (case of war) anything that m i g ht be agreed u p o n, in regard to that subject, by the courts of Berlin a nd V i e n n a ." (243, N o t e) Now, although I do not p ut any confidence whatever in the assurances of the Austrian court, which was t h en acting with the u t m o st perfidy, t he very fact, that a French ambassador of L. XVI (Ségur), published this at Paris, shows the e s t i m a t i on L . XV a nd his d'Aiguillon enjoyed—and were worth enjoying. | 5 10 15 20 25 30 44 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) |9| French Republic. V. 21. Sept. 1792 to 11.Nov. 1799 (le lendemain du 19 Brumaire, jour où le directoire exécutif est renversé.) 5 T he s e c o nd partition treaty between R u s s ia a nd Prussia on 4 Jan. 1793. 10 15 T he first crusade against F r a n ce 1792 h ad t a k en such an unfortunate turn, t h at already in t he beginning of winter, the Austrian N e t h e r l a n ds (Belgium) were o c c u p i ed by the F r e n c h. Prussia withdrew her troops from the field of a c t i o n; the condition insisted u p on by her on the Congress of Verdun for c o n t i n u i ng her participation in the A n t i - J a c o b in war was that she should be allowed to m a ke with R u s s ia a second partition of Poland. A u s tria was to be c o m p e n s a t ed by i n d e m n i t i es in the Alsace. At the end of 1793 (September) Prussia again withdrew her troops to m a r ch t h e m, u n d er the king, to the Polish frontier (to "secure" his Polish possession), b e c a u se some differences h ad broken out, in regard to s o me definitive stipulations, between Prussia a nd Russia, the latter seeming to turn against Prussia h er influence over the expiring diet of the traitors of Targowicze. T he result of this second withdrawal of Prussia, to take real possession of her Polish provinces, forces t he Austrians to withdraw from the 20 Alsace. In the spring of 1794 Kosciuszko's revolutionary rising. Prussia m a r c h ed at once h er troops against Poland. Beaten. In Sept. 1794, while forced to re treat from Warsaw, at the same t i me rising in Posen. T h en the king of Prus sia declared his i n t e n t i on to withdraw from the contest carried on against 25 France. Austria also, in the a u t u mn 1794, detached a body of troops for Po land, by which circumstance the success of the F r e n ch arms on t he R h i ne and so forth was secured. Already towards the end of 1794 Prussia c o m m e n c ed negotiations with F r a n c e. Withdrew. C o n s e q u e n c e: Holland suc c u m b ed to the F r e n ch (conquest of Holland t h r o u gh Pichegru). 30 35 Those diversions facilitated by turns the c o n q u e st of Belgium, the suc cess on t he Alps, the Pyrenees, the left b a nk of the R h i n e, and, 1795, the conquest of H o l l a nd by Pichegru. In the very m o n t hs of October, November (1794) everywhere F r e n ch successes w h en Kosciuszko s u c c u m b e d, Praga was taken by Suworoff etc, i m m e n se m u r d e r i ng etc. Third Partition of Poland signed: 24 Octob. 1795. \ 1101 By the outbreak of the F r e n ch Revolut. Catherine got the opportu nity quietly first to carry on her war with Turkey, while all E u r o pe was turned to the West. 45 Karl Marx As the Pope h ad issued bulls for crusades against the infidels, so Cather the Jacobins. Even while Leopold II chased ine II against Emigrés from his states a nd forbade t h em to assemble on the F r e n ch fron tiers, Catherine, t h r o u gh her agent Romanzoff, provided t h em with m o n ey and quartered t h em in the frontier provinces, bordering u p on F r a n c e, a nd ruled by ecclesiastic princes. t he French After the conclusion of her war with Turkey, Catherine II did n ot com m e n ce her hostilities against Poland before she h ad b e en informed t h at the N a t i o n al Assembly h ad declared war to Austria. This news arrived at V i e n na on 30 Avril 1792, a nd on the 18 May the R u s s i an a m b a s s a d or Boulgakoff presented a declaration of war to pressing u p on England, Austria, and Prussia the dangers of the revolution ary principles, Catherine steadily pursued her own seperate interests (in Turkey and Poland) without furnishing a single Cossack or subscribing a single rouble for the " c o m m on cause". the Polish king Stanislaus. T he first in im 5 10 15 Poland was blotted out under cover of the French Revolution and the Anti-Ja cobin war. Rev. L.K.Pitt (a n e p h ew od. cousin of the English minister), chaplain to the Brit. Factory at St. Petersburg writes in a secret document "Account of Russia during the commencement of the Reign of the Emperor Paul": 20 "She (the Czarina) was not perhaps displeased to see every E u r o p e an power exhausting itself in a struggle, which raised in proportion to its vio lence her own i m p o r t a n ce ... t he state of t he newly acquired provinces in Poland was likewise a p o i nt which h ad considerable influence over t he p o litical c o n d u ct of t he Czarina. T he fatal effects resulting from an apprehen- sion of revolt on the late seat of conquest, s e em to have b e en felt in a very great degree by the c o m b i n ed powers who in the early period of t he revolu tion, were so n e ar re-instating the regular G o v e r n m e nt in F r a n c e. T he s a me dread of revolt deterred likewise the late Empress of Russia from entering on the great theatre of war." T he question is now: How behaved revolutionary F r a n ce towards this useful ally. Let us first h e ar a F r e n ch historian, Lacretelle ( t . X I I, p . 2 61 sqq.): "The Republic", says he "had shown itself very indifferent to the troubles a nd misfortunes of Poland. It was on the contrary a great m o t i ve of security for it to for pire soon the F r e n ch R e p u b l ic b e c a me aware that P o l a nd freed it of its m o st ar d e nt enemy, the king of Prussia etc." | | 1 1| see the Empress of Russia occupy all the forces of her powerful em the conquest and dismemberment of t h at unfortunate country. Very But republican F r a n ce actually betrayed Poland. "The Polish agent Barss at Paris presented to the g o v e r n m e n t ", says 40 46 25 30 35 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) 5 10 Oginski, an eye witness, "the plan of the revolution which was preparing in Poland, a nd which was received with a general e n t h u s i a sm a nd approba tion. He e n u m e r a t ed the assistance of every kind which would be necessary for that i m p o r t a nt a nd daring enterprise. T he Comité du Salut Public found his d e m a nd very j u st a nd promised to do every thing possible; b ut to p r o m ises all t he négociation was limited." (Michel Oginski: Mémoires sur la Po logne etc, v. 1788 bis Ende 1815. Paris. 1826. 1 1, p. 358) " T he c o m i té of p u b l ic welfare h ad p r o m i s ed to G e n e r al K o s c i u s z ko a s um of 3 millions of livres a nd s o me officers of artillery; b ut we did receive neither o ne single sou n or o ne single officer" we are told by an aide de camp of Kosciuszko, J. Niemcewicz: Notes sur ma captivité à St. Petersb. en 1794-1796. Paris. 1843. (V, p. 90) On 5 April 1795 t he directory (which h ad t h en replaced t he c o m i té du sa- I lut public) c o n c l u d ed with Prussia the Peace of Basel. By this peace Holland I 15 and the left bank of the Rhine were surrendered to France. The Northern part of I Germany, designed by a line of demarcation, was neutralized, Prussia to be indemnified by the secularization of several G e r m an bishoprics. T h at treaty of Basel "by guaranteeing the respective possessions of t he two contract ing powers, a nd including no clause whatever in regard to the newly in- vaded provinces of Poland, granted their possession to the king of Prussia." Oginski tells us that w h en the Poles were informed of the peace négocia tions, their agent Barss addressed the m e m b e rs of the directory peculiarly friendly to Poland, a nd asked for a clause obliging the king of Prussia to re n o u n ce etc. " He was answered that the c o n d i t i on was not acceptable since it would retard the négociations with Prussia, t h at F r a n ce wanted to restore her forces, that the peace with Prussia would n ot last long, that t he Poles should keep themselves ready for new efforts which would be asked from t h em in the cause of liberty a nd their country etc." T he s a me Oginski, t. II, p. 133, u. 223 tells u s: " T he treaty c o n c l u d ed between t he F r e n ch R e p u b l ic and the king of Prussia h ad m a de a very bad impression u p on t he Divan, which 11121 p r e t e n d ed t h at if F r a n ce h ad b e en u n a b le to obtain anything for Poland in h er négociations with the Court of Berlin, it was impossible that the Turcs alone could act in favour of Poland." 20 25 30 After t he third division R u s s ia was forced to keep quiet for a few years. 35 The Poles now participated in all the campaigns of the French Republic, principally in Italy. (See: Chodzko: Histoire des Légions Polonaises en Italie, de 1795 à 1802. Pam. 1829) Before the conclusion of the Peace of Campo Formio (17 October 1797), after a plan m u t u a l ly agreed u p o n, a nd with the consent of Bonaparte, G e n e r al 40 Dombrowski was to m a r ch through Croatia and Hungary, into Galicia, a nd thus m a ke a diversion in favour of Bonaparte, who would have m a r c h ed 47 Karl Marx u p on V i e n n a. Charles de la Croix, m i n i s t er of For. Affairs, (See Oginski, t.II, p. 2 7 2 - 8) proposed to Oginski "to insurge Galicia". Oginski was afraid lest the Poles should be treated as m e re tools thrown away after having b e en used. He therefore d e m a n d ed a positive assurance that those sacrifices would earn for t h em F r e n ch assistance for the recovery of their country. Lacroix played t h en t he irritated bully. T he F r e n ch g o v e r n m e nt did n ot want t h e m; if they h ad no confidence, they m i g ht try their fortune some where else etc. He gave Oginski a three days' t i me for considering after which they were to accept or refuse, b ut without putting any conditions whatever. T he poor Poles declared ready for whatever the F r e n ch govern- m e nt wanted. But that government wanted only their formal acceptance in order to i n t i m i d a te Austria by it a nd so to hasten t he conclusion of peace. Armistice at Leoben, 18 April, 1797. Treaty of Campo Formio Poles were again sacrificed in the s a me way as they h ad b e en in the treaty of Basel. in which the 5 10 15 In 1799 at last Suworoff the effect of the disappearance of P o l a nd m a de itself felt to the F r e n ch republic. Russian armies appeared in H o l l a nd and in Italy. Suworoff penetrates to the very frontiers of F r a n c e. W h en on 28 July 1799 the F r e n ch surrendered M a n t ua to the Russian general Vielhorski, there was a secret article in the capitulation by which the Austrians got back their deserters, viz the A u s t r i an Poles who h ad entered the Legions. After the surrender of M a n t u a, t he 2nd legion fell into the h a n ds of the e n e m y; the first legion, u n d er Dombrowski, j o i n ed t he great army, and was almost entirely annihilated in t he great battles against the Russo-Austrian armies. 20 25 Consulate. 9. Nov. 1799 (18 Brumaire). Consulate. Bonaparte authorizes t he formation of new Polish legions, o ne at Marseilles u n d er Dombrowski, o ne on the Da n u be u n d er general Kniaziewicz. These legions assist at M a r e n go a nd H o h e n l i n d e n. ||13| See order of the day of G e n. M o r e a u, where he renders justice "to the stern constancy of G e n. Kniaziewicz, a nd his Polish sol diers". 30 Treaty of Luneville m it Oesterreich, 9 Feb. 1801. No article relating to Po land. Treaty of Pam, October 1801 with Paul I, of Russia. In this treaty Paul I a nd Bonaparte promised each other "not to allow that any of their subjects should be allowed to entertain any correspondence, whether direct or i n d i rect, with t he internal e n e m i es of the actual governments of the two states, 35 48 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) there to propagate principles contrary to their respective constitutions, or to foment troubles". This article related to the Poles on the [one] h a n d, to the Bourbons a nd their partisans on the other. 5 In 1801 t h e re a p p e a r ed in t he Moniteur a series of articles, written by Bonaparte himself, a nd justifying the a m b i t i on of F r a n c e, b e c a u se h er conquests were hardly an equivalent for the acquisitions which Russia, Austria, a nd Prussia h ad m a de by the partition of Poland. (Thiers. Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire t. Ill, p. 153) 10 During t he peace the Polish legions were treated as an e n c u m b r a n c e. Part of t h em were, like M a m e l u c k s, given by B o n a p a r te as a present to t he q u e en of Etruria. Treaty of Amiens. 2Y'March 1802. T he first consul m a de embark, by force, for St. Domingo part of the Polish legions a nd m a de present of the other part to the new king of Naples. T h r e a t e n ed by t he fire of artillery, they were 15 embarked at G e n oa a nd Livorno to find their graves in St. Domingo. Empire. May 1804 (crowned 2 Dec. 1804) until 1815. 20 1806-7. D u r i ng his war with Prussia, supported by Russia, N a p. sent the remainders of t he Polish legions u n d er Dombrowski into Prussian Poland, where they c o n q u e r ed D a n t z ic for h i m, a nd insurged the country. 18 December 1806 N a p. himself in Warsaw, t h en Prussian. G r e at e n t h u siasm of the Poles. In his autobiography Thomas Ostrowski (Paris 1836), pre sident of the Senate narrates that N a p. at the first a u d i e n ce he gave to the 25 m e m b e rs of t he administration, received t h em with the words: " G e n t l e m e n, I want to-day 200,000 bottles of wine, a nd as m a ny portions of rice, m e at a nd vegetables. No excuses; the R u s s i an k n o u t . .. I want proofs of your devotion; I stand in need of your blood." («j'ai besoin de votre sang».) He enrolled a Polish army. T he c a m p a i gn lasted u n t il 6 May 1807. leave y ou if n ot I 30 to 25 and 26 June 1807. Fraternisation between N a p. a nd A l e x a n d er on the N i e m e n. is Treaty of Tilsit, signed 7 July, 1807. (9 July with Prussia.) | |14| Art. V of t h at treaty proclaimed the f o u n d a t i on of the duchy of War- saw which N a p. cedes "in all property and sovereignty to the king of Saxony, to be ruled by constitutions, which, while securing t he liberties a nd privi leges of the duchy, were compatible with the tranquillity of the neighbouring states". 49 Karl Marx This d u c hy was cut o ut of Prussian Poland. Art. IX cedes to Russia a part of Poland, the circle of Byalistock, recently c o n q u e r ed from Prussia, a nd which "shall be u n i t ed in perpetuity to t he R u s s i an empire, in order to establish the n a t u r al limits between R u s s ia a nd the duchy of Warsaw". Dantzic, on the pretext of being m a de a free town, was m a de a F r e n ch m a r i t i me fortress. Many large estates in t he new duchy were m a de a present of by N a p. to the F r e n ch generals. Lelewel calls this justly the Fourth Division of Poland. Having b e a t en t he Prussians a nd the R u s s i a ns by t he assistance of the Poles, N a p o l e on disposed of Poland as if she was a c o n q u e r ed country and his private property, and he disposed of her to the advantage of Russia. 5 10 T he d u c hy of Warsaw was small, without position in Europe. A large civ il list; civil government by Saxony, military by N a p. Davout ruled like a Pasha at Warsaw. He m a de in fact of the duchy a recruiting place for F r a n c e, a military depot. 15 (Sawaszkiewicz. Tableau de l'influence de la Pologne sur les destinées de la ré- vol. fis. Paris. 1848. 3ème édit.) T he duchy of Warsaw was for N a p. n ot only an advanced post against Russia. N a p. h ad possessed himself of those very points which would serve h im as a basis of offensive operations against Prussia a nd Austria. Nicholas acted in his spirit when he fortified those points by a c h a in of fortresses. 20 (By inserting at the h e ad of the treaty of Tilsit t he declaration that only out of courtesy for Alexander he restored to the king of Prussia half of his old territories, N a p. p r o c l a i m ed that king, and Prussia, a m e re a p p e n d a ge to Russia.) 25 By the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit the public ones were partly re voked. T h us f. L, only to deceive Austria, t he public treaty c o n t a i n ed arti cles for the integrity of Turkey. By the secret articles N a p. sacrificed Turkey 30 and Sweden to the Czar who surrendered to h im Portugal, Spain, Malta, and the North-African coast; promised his accession to the c o n t i n e n t al system, a nd the surrender of the I o n i an islands to F r a n c e. T he partition of Turkey was only prevented by t he opposition of Austria. All t he arrangements for a partition of Turkey were beginning after the conclusion of t he ||15| Tilsit 35 treaty. In August 1808 A l e x a n d er h a n d ed over to N a p. the strong places of D a l m a t i a, also the protectorate over the I o n i an islands; while the Danubian principalities were occupied by his the F r e n ch c o m m a n d er in D a l m a t i a, to prepare the m a r ch u p on A l b a n ia a nd M a c e d o n i a. T he négociations a b o ut the partition of Turkey were c o n t i n u ed at Petersburg, whither N a p. h ad sent Savary, the h e ad of his g e n d a r m es a nd troops, N a p. ordered Marmont, 40 50 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) m o u c h a r d s. T he Report on his négociations -with Romanzow, the Russ. For. minister, has b e en recently published. Even Thibaudeau, o ne of N a p . 's sen ators and admirers, says about the négociations of Savary with Alex. I a nd R o m a n z o w: 5 "Putting aside every diplomatical form, they transacted their business in the i m p u d e nt a nd reckless way of robber-chiefs dividing their booty." According to the négociations b e t w e en N a p. a nd Alex, at Tilsit, Sweden and D e n m a rk were to be forced to j o in t he c o n t i n e n t al system. N a p. ceded to Alex. Finland (which the Russians occupied in 1808, a nd have ever kept since), a nd b e s i d es D e n m a rk was interested in t he robbery of Sweden by m a k i ng Norway over to her. T h us N a p. succeeded in completely breaking down this old antagonist of Russia. 10 27 Sept. 1808. Nap. and Alex, at the Erfurt Congress. Never before h ad any m an d o ne so m u ch to exalt the R u s s i an power as 15 N a p. did from 1807-1812. From 1808 to 1811 the Poles were consumed by Nap. in Spain. F or the first t i me in their history they were prostituted as the mercenaries of despotism. Of the a r my of 90,000, formed in the duchy, so m a ny were dispatched to Spain, t h at t he d u c hy was d e n u d ed of troops when the A u s t r i an archduke F e r d i n a nd invaded it in 1809. 20 1809. April. W h i le N a p. m a r c h ed u p on V i e n n a, the A r c h d u ke F e r d i n a nd u p on Warsaw. T he Poles invade Galicia, force t he a r c h d u ke to withdraw from Warsaw (1 J u n e ); the Russians, Nap.'s allies, enter Galicia to assist in fact the Austrians against the Poles. 14 Oct. 1809: T he Polish provinces called by the Austrians "New Galicia", 25 30 together with the district of Zamosk, was reunited to the d u c hy of Warsaw. N a p. left to Austria old Galicia, after having separated from it, in order to make it over to Russia, the district of Tarnopol, part of old Podolia. W h at we have to think of this Fifth Partition (Lelewel) m ay be seen from a satirical the letter of Czar Alexander I to Prince Kourakin, published at the t i me in gazettes of Petersburg and Moscow, d.d., Petersburg 1/13 Nov. 1809. T he Czar writes: " T he treaty is being ratified between F r a n ce a nd Austria, a nd conse quently o ur hostile m o v e m e n ts against t he latter cease simultaneously. Ac cording to t he principles of that p e a c e, A u s t r ia remains, as before, our neighbour by h er possession of Galicia, a nd the Polish provinces, instead | |16| of being u n i t ed into one single body, are divided for ever between the three crowns. T h us the d r e a ms of a political revolution in Poland have van ished. T he present order of things fixes the limits between Poland a nd R u s sia who has n ot only not suffered any loss in this affair, b ut on t he contrary extends h er d o m i n i on (au sein de la Pologne) in the very h e a rt of Poland." T he Poles now d e m a n d ed the restoration of t he n a me of Poland for the duchy. T he Czar opposed. On October 20, 1809, Champagny, minister of I 35 40 51 Karl Marx Foreign affairs, addressed a note, by order of Nap., to the R u s s. govern m e n t, in which it was stated that he approved "the effacing [of] the name of Pole and Poland, n ot only from every public act, but even from history". This was to prepare his proposal—after his divorce with Josephine—for the h a nd of the Czar's sister. 5 4 Jan. 1810: Secret convention between N a p . 's a m b a s s a d or Caulaincourt, a nd c o u nt Romanzoff to this effect: "Art. 1 the k i n g d om of Poland shall never- be re-established. Art. 2 T he name of Poland and Pole shall never be applied to any of t he parties t h at previously constituted t h at kingdom, a nd they shall disappear from every public or official act." Besides "the G r a nd D u c hy shall never be aggran dized by the a n n e x a t i on of any of the old Polish provinces; the orders of Polish chivalry shall be abolished; and, finally, all these e n g a g e m e n ts shall be binding on t he king of Saxony, G r a nd D u ke of Warsaw, as on N a p. h i m self." (Thiers. Consulat et l'Empire. XI) 10 15 It was after the négociations for that convention that N a p. proposed for the h a nd of A l e x a n d e r 's sister. N a p . 's irritation a nd w o u n d ed self love at the hesitation of the Czar (who delayed declaring himself from m i d d le of D e c e m b er to m i d d le of January, u n d er various pretexts), a nd the repug n a n ce of the Czar's m o t h e r, m a de N a p. look elsewhere for a wife, a nd break off négociations. 20 " T he E m p. N a p . ", says Crétineau-Joly: Hist, de l'église Romaine en face de la Révolution, "did n ot allow his policy to lose itself in a phraseology senti mentally revolutionary. W i th o ne stroke of the p en his m i n i s t er effaced, even from history, t he name of Poland, a nd a treaty which s u b s e q u e nt events rendered null, struck out that n a me as if it were a geographical su- perfetation." After his marriage with the daughter of the Austrian Emperor, N a p. h ad a new opportunity for the restauration of Poland. I quote from a F r e n ch au thor, whose history is an apotheosis of N a p. Norvins says: " N a p. was en- abled, in 1810, to realize, at last, that noble project", viz. t he restauration of Poland, "because Austria offered h im b o th the Galicias, b ut he refused, in order n ot to have a war with Russia who prepared war against h im the very day after the conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit". 25 30 After what has preceded, it is almost superfluous to say t h at N a p. m a de his war of 1812 against Russia not o ut of any regard for P o l a n d. He was forced into it by R u s s ia who on 19/31 Dec. 1810 allowed t he i m p o rt of colo n i al c o m m o d i t i es in n e u t r al ships, prohibited s o me F r e n ch c o m m o d i t i e s, hardly taxed others, a nd m a de n ot the least concession despite all t he di p l o m a t ic efforts of N a p. at preventing the war. He m u st either resign his continental system, or m a ke war against Russia. 35 40 52 Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox) 28 June, 1812. Day of entry of N a p. at Vilna. On that day the existence of confederate Poland (that is Poland u n i t ed to L i t h u a n i a) was p r o c l a i m ed at the diet of Warsaw, a nd a national war. N a p. told the deputies of Warsaw, that he did n ot want a national war. {Charras tells us that by his hatred of such a war etc 100 days.) | 53 K a rl M a rx P r o v i s o r i s c he B e s t i m m u n g en d er I n t e r n a t i o n a l en A r b e i t e r a s s o z i a t i on Übersetzung aus d em Englischen Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 10, 18. Januar 1865 Provisorische Bestimmungen der „Internationalen Arbeiter-Association". In Erwägung, daß die E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiterclasse d u r ch die Arbeiterclasse selbst erobert werden m u ß; 5 daß der K a m pf für die E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiterclasse k e i n en K a m pf für Classenprivilegien u nd M o n o p o le bedeutet, s o n d e rn d en K a m pf für gleiche R e c h te u nd Pflichten u nd die Abschaffung aller Classenherrschaft; daß die ö k o n o m i s c he Unterwerfung des M a n n es der Arbeit u n t er d en M o n o p o l i s t en der Arbeitsmittel, d. h. der Lebensquellen, der Knechtschaft 10 in allen ihren F o r m en zu G r u n de liegt, allem socialen Elend, aller geisti gen Degradation u nd politischen Abhängigkeit; daß die ö k o n o m i s c he E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiterclasse d a h er das große Ziel ist, d em j e de politische Bewegung als M i t t el u n t e r g e o r d n et sein m u ß; daß alle S t r e b u n g en n a ch diesem großen Ziel bisher gescheitert sind an 15 d em M a n g el der Solidarität zwischen d en m a n n i c h f a c h en Zweigen der Ar beit in j e d em L a nd u nd an der Abwesenheit eines brüderlichen B a n ds der Einigung zwischen d en Arbeiterclassen der verschiedenen L ä n d e r; d aß die E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeit weder ein locales, n o ch ein nationales, sondern ein sociales Problem ist, welches alle L ä n d er umfaßt, worin die 20 m o d e r ne Gesellschaft existirt, u nd seine Lösung a b h ä n gt von d em theoreti schen u nd praktischen Z u s a m m e n w i r k en der fortgeschrittensten Länder; daß das gegenwärtige, gleichzeitige Wiederaufleben der Arbeiterbewe gung in d en industriellen Ländern Europas einerseits n e ue Hoffnungen er weckt, andrerseits feierlich warnt vor d em Rückfall in die alten Irrthümer, 25 u nd zur sofortigen C o m b i n a t i on der bisher z u s a m m e n h a n g s l o s en Bewe g u n g en aufruft; 54 Provisorische Bestimmungen der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation aus diesen G r ü n d en h a b en die u n t e r z e i c h n e t en Mitglieder des K o m i t é s, welches am 2 8. S e p t e m b er 1864 in öffentlichem Meeting, in St. M a r t i ns Hall, L o n d o n, gewählt wurde, die vorläufigen Schritte zur G r ü n d u ng der folgende provisorische Be- Internationalen Arbeiterassociation g e t h an u nd 5 Stimmungen aufgesetzt: 1. Diese Association ist gegründet, um d en Arbeitergesellschaften, die in verschiedenen L ä n d e rn bestehen, u nd n a ch d e m s e l b en Ziele streben, n ä m l i ch d em Schutz, der F ö r d e r u ng u nd der vollständigen E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiterclasse, e i n en centralen M i t t e l p u n kt der M i t t h e i l u ng u nd Mit- 10 Wirkung zu b i e t e n; 2. Der N a me dieser Gesellschaft soll sein: Internationale Arbeiterassocia tion. 15 3. Im J a h re 1865 wird ein allgemeiner Arbeitercongreß in Belgien statt h a b e n. Er wird b e s t e h en aus d en R e p r ä s e n t a n t en aller Arbeitergesellschaf- ten, die sich in der Zwischenzeit der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Association ange schlossen h a b e n. D er Congreß wird vor E u r o pa die gemeinschaftlichen Strebungen der Arbeiterklassen proclamiren, die definitiven Statuten der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Association festsetzen, die für ihr erfolgreiches W i r k en n o t h w e n d i g en Mittel b e r a t h en u nd d en Centrairath der Association e r n e n- 20 n e n. Der allgemeine Congreß soll sich j ä h r l i ch e i n m al v e r s a m m e l n. 4. D er Centrairath soll in L o n d on seinen Sitz h a b e n, u nd z u s a m m e n g e setzt sein aus Arbeitern angehörig d en verschiedenen in der I n t e r n a t i o n a len Association repräsentirten L ä n d e r n. Er soll aus seiner eigenen M i t te die zur Geschäftsführung n ö t h i g en B e a m t en e r n e n n e n, e i n en Präsidenten, einen Cassirer, e i n en General-Secretair, correspondirende Secretaire für die verschiedenen L ä n d er u. s. w. 25 5. A uf seinen j ä h r l i c h en Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t en soll der allgemeine Congreß einen öffentlichen Bericht ü b er die j ä h r l i c h en T r a n s a c t i o n en des Centrai raths erhalten. Der v om Congreß jährlich n eu e r n a n n te Centrairath soll er- 30 mächtigt sein die Zahl seiner Mitglieder beliebig zu v e r m e h r e n. Im N o t h- fall m ag er den allgemeinen Congreß vor d em regelmäßigen j ä h r l i c h en T e r m in z u s a m m e n r u f e n. 35 Landes beständig ü b er die Bewegungen ihrer Klasse 6. Der Centrairath bildet eine internationale A g e n t ur zwischen den ver schiedenen z u s a m m e n w i r k e n d en Associationen, so d aß die Arbeiter eines in j e d em a n d e rn Lande u n t e r r i c h t et bleiben; d aß eine U n t e r s u c h u ng ü b er d en gesellschaftli chen Z u s t a nd Europas gleichzeitig in d en verschiedenen L ä n d e rn u nd u n ter gemeinschaftlicher Direction veranstaltet wird; d aß Fragen von allge m e i n em Interesse, angeregt von einer Gesellschaft, in allen a n d e rn erörtert 40 werden, u nd daß, wo u n m i t t e l b a re practische Schritte wünschenswerth, wie z.B. im Fall internationaler Zwiste, die A c t i on der associirten Gesellschaf- 55 Karl Marx ten gleichzeitig u nd gleichförmig sei. So oft er es für passend hält, soll der Centrairath die Initiative von Vorschlägen an die v e r s c h i e d e n en n a t i o n a l en oder localen Gesellschaften ergreifen. 7. Da der Erfolg der Arbeiterbewegung in j e d em L a n de n ur d u r ch die M a c ht der E i n h e it u nd K o m b i n a t i on gesichert werden k a n n, w ä h r e nd an- dererseits der N u t z en des internationalen Centrairaths größtentheils davon a b h ä n g en m u ß, ob er m it wenigen n a t i o n a l en C e n t r en der Arbeiterassocia- t i o n en oder m it einer großen A n z a hl kleiner u nd zerstreuter Localgesell- schaften zu v e r h a n d e ln hat, sollen die Mitglieder der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Asso ciation keine M ü he sparen, um die zerstreuten Arbeitergesellschaften ihrer resp. L ä n d er in n a t i o n a le u nd d u r ch Centraiorgane repräsentirte Körper zu vereinen. Es versteht sich j e d o ch von selbst, d aß die A n w e n d u ng dieses Pa ragraphen ganz u nd gar von d en b e s o n d e r en G e s e t z en eines j e d en L a n d es abhängt, u nd daß, a u ch von gesetzlichen H i n d e r n i s s en abgesehen, j e de u n abhängige Arbeitergesellschaft direct m it d em L o n d o n er Centrairath corre- spondiren k a n n. 8. Bis z ur Z u s a m m e n k u n ft des ersten Congresses wird das am 2 8. Sep t e m b er 1864 gewählte C o m i té provisorisch d en Centrairath bilden, sich in V e r b i n d u ng setzen m it d en Arbeitergesellschaften verschiedener Länder, Mitglieder im Vereinigten Königreich werben, die vorbereitenden Schritte t h un zur Z u s a m m e n b e r u f u ng des allgemeinen Congresses u nd die H a u p t fragen, die d i e s em Congreß vorgelegt werden sollen, m it d en n a t i o n a l en oder localen Arbeitergesellschaften besprechen. 9. Jedes Mitglied der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Association wird bei Verlegung 5 10 15 20 seines Domicils von e i n em L a nd z um a n d e rn d en b r ü d e r l i c h en Beistand der associirten Arbeiter erhalten. 25 10. Obgleich vereinigt zu brüderlicher Corporation, b e w a h r en die der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Association b e i t r e t e n d en Arbeitergesellschaften ihre U n abhängigkeit u nd existirende Organisation unversehrt. 56 Karl Marx: Draft for a report to the Central Council on the attitude of German working men's societies to the International Working Men's Association. Beginn der Niederschrift auf der ersten Seite des Briefes von Wilhelm Liebknecht an Marx vom 21. Januar 1865 K a rl M a rx D r a ft f or a r e p o rt to t he C e n t r al C o u n c il on t he a t t i t u de of G e r m an w o r k i ng m e n 's s o c i e t i es to t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on I As to t he G e n e r al F e d e r a t i on of G e r m an working m e n 's societies, it will declare in o ne way or other t he identity of its purposes with those of the In take place directly, ternational Association; b ut through a formal resolution passed by the [...] of the G e n e r al G e r m an As- sociation, b e c a u se || s u ch a step would be in contravention to t he Prussian laws regulating associations. the adhesion c a n n ot 5 F r om the s a me reason the Berlin society of printers a nd composers, which takes the greatest interest in your proceedings, is disabled from ad hering to t he L o n d on society by way of a formal resolution. 10 However, even t he latter society is sure to send a deputy to the congress to be convoked by the L o n d on c o m m i t t e e. Moreover, you m u st n ot forget, that o ur journal, the organ of the Ger m an F e d e r a t i on of working m e n 's societies, has b e en p ut at the entire dis posal of the I n t e r n a t i o n al C o m m i t t e e. | 59 K a rl M a rx Ü b er P . - J. P r o u d h on Brief an Johann Baptist von Schweitzer Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 16, 1. Februar 1865 Ueber P. J. Proudhon Sehr geehrter Herr! London, 24. J a n u ar 1865. Ich erhielt gestern e i n en Brief, worin Sie von m ir ausführliche Beurthei- lung Proudhon's verlangen. Z e i t m a n g el erlaubt m ir nicht, I h r en W u n s ch zu befriedigen. Z u d em h a be ich keine seiner Schriften hier z ur H a n d. Um i h n en j e d o ch m e i n en g u t en Willen zu zeigen, werfe ich rasch eine kurze Skizze h i n. Sie k ö n n en d a nn n a c h h o l e n, zusetzen, ausbessern, kurz u nd gut d a m it m a c h e n, was I h n en gutdünkt. 5 P r o u d h o n 's erster Versuche erinnere ich m i ch n i c ht m e h r. Seine Schul- 10 arbeit ü b er die „Langue universelle" zeigt, wie u n g e n i rt er sich an P r o b l e me wagte, zu d e r en Lösung i hm a u ch die ersten V o r k e n n t n i s se fehlten. Sein erstes W e r k: «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» ist u n b e d i n gt sein bestes Werk. Es ist e p o c h e m a c h e n d, wenn nicht d u r ch n e u en Inhalt, so d o ch d u r ch die n e ue u nd kecke Art, Altes zu sagen. In d en W e r k en der i hm be- 15 k a n n t en französischen Socialisten u nd C o m m u n i s t en war n a t ü r l i ch die ..propriété" n i c ht n ur mannigfach kritisirt, s o n d e rn a u ch utopistisch „aufge hoben" worden. P r o u d h on verhält sich in j e n er Schrift zu St. S i m on u nd Fourier ungefähr wie sich F e u e r b a ch zu Hegel verhielt. Verglichen m it H e gel ist F e u e r b a ch d u r c h a us arm. D e n n o ch war er e p o c h e m a c h e nd nach H e- gel, weil er d en Ton legte auf gewisse, d em christlichen Bewußtsein u n a n g e n e h me u nd für d en Fortschritt der Kritik wichtige P u n k t e, die Hegel in e i n em mystischen clair-obscur ließ. 20 W e nn ich m i ch so a u s d r ü c k en darf, herrscht in j e n er Schrift P r o u d h o n 's n o ch starke M u s k u l a t ur des Styls. U nd ich halte den Styl derselben für ihr 25 Hauptverdienst. M an sieht, daß selbst da, wo n ur Altes reproducirt wird, P r o u d h on selbstständig findet; daß das, was er sagt, i hm selbst n eu war u nd als n eu gilt. Herausfordernder Trotz, der das ö k o n o m i s c he „Allerheiligste" 60 Über P.-J. Proudhon antastet, geistreiche Paradoxie, womit der g e m e i ne Bürgerverstand gefoppt wird, z e r r e i ß e n d es Urtheil, bittre Ironie, d a nn u nd w a nn d u r c h s c h a u e nd ein tiefes u nd wahres Gefühl der E m p ö r u ng ü b er die Infamie des Beste h e n d e n, revolutionärer Ernst - d u r ch alles das elektrisirte «Qu'est ce que la 5 Propriété?» u nd gab e i n en großen A n s t oß b ei s e i n em ersten E r s c h e i n e n. In einer streng wissenschaftlichen G e s c h i c h te der politischen O e k o n o m ie wäre dieselbe Schrift k a um erwähnenswerth. A b er solche Sensational- schriften spielen in d en Wissenschaften e b en so gut ihre Rolle, wie in der R o m a n l i t e r a t u r. M an n e h me ζ. B. Malthus' Schrift ü b er „Population". In ihrer ersten A u s g a be ist sie nichts als ein „sensational pamphlet", d a zu Pla giat von Anfang zu E n d e. U nd doch, wie viel A n s t oß gab dies Pasquill auf das Menschengeschlecht! 10 Läge P r o u d h o n 's Schrift vor mir, so wäre in einigen Beispielen seine er ste Manier leicht n a c h z u w e i s e n. In d en Paragraphen, die er selbst für die 15 wichtigsten hielt, a h mt er Kant's B e h a n d l u ng der Antinomien n a ch - es war dies der einzige d e u t s c he Philosoph, d en er d a m a ls aus U e b e r s e t z u n g en k a n n te - u nd läßt d en starken E i n d r u ck zurück, d aß i h m, wie K a n t, die Lösung der A n t i n o m i en für etwas gilt, das Jenseits" des m e n s c h l i c h en Ver standes fällt, d. h. worüber sein eigner V e r s t a nd im U n k l a r en bleibt. 20 25 Trotz aller s c h e i n b a r en H i m m e l s s t ü r m e r ei findet m an aber schon in « Q u ' e st ce q ue la Propriété?» d en W i d e r s p r u c h, d aß P r o u d h on einerseits die Gesellschaft v om S t a n d p u n kt u nd m it d en A u g en eines französischen Parzellenbauers (später petit bourgeois) kritisirt, andererseits d en von d en Socialisten i hm überlieferten M a ß s t ab anlegt. D as U n g e n ü g e n de der Schrift war s c h on in i h r em Titel angedeutet. D ie Frage war so falsch gestellt, d aß sie n i c ht richtig beantwortet werden konnte. D ie antiken „Eigenthumsverhältnisse" waren u n t e r g e g a n g en in d en feudalen, d ie feudalen in d en „bürgerlichen". D ie G e s c h i c h te selbst hatte so ausgeübt. D a s, ihre Kritik an d en vergangnen Eigenthumsverhältnissen 30 worum es sich für P r o u d h on eigentlich h a n d e l t e, war das b e s t e h e n de mo dernbürgerliche Eigenthum. A uf die Frage, was dies sei, k o n n te n ur geant wortet werden d u r ch eine kritische Analyse der „Politischen Oekonomie", die i h r em juristischen A u s das G a n ze j e n er Eigenthumsverhältnisse, n i c ht druck als Willensverhältnisse, s o n d e rn in ihrer realen Gestalt, d. h. als Pro- in 35 ductionsverhältnisse, umfaßte. I n d em P r o u d h on aber die G e s a m m t h e it die ser ö k o n o m i s c h en Verhältnisse in die allgemeine juristische Vorstellung „das Eigenthum" Ja propriété" verflocht, k o n n te er a u ch n i c ht ü b er die A n t wort h i n a us k o m m e n, die Brissot m it d e n s e l b en W o r t en in einer ä h n l i c h en Schrift s c h on vor 1789 gegeben h a t t e: « La Propriété, c'est le vol.» 40 Im b e s t en Fall k o m mt d a b ei n ur h e r a u s, d aß die bürgerlich j u r i s t i s c h en Vorstellungen v on „Diebstahl" a u ch auf des Bürgers e i g n en „redlichen" Er- 61 Karl Marx werb passen. Andererseits verwickelte sich P r o u d h o n, da der „Diebstahl" als gewaltsame Verletzung des E i g e n t h u ms das Eigenthum voraussetzt, in aller lei ihm selbst u n k l a re Hirngespinnste ü b er das wahre bürgerliche Eigen thum. W ä h r e nd m e i n es Aufenthalts in Paris, 1844, trat ich zu P r o u d h on in per- sönliche Beziehung. Ich erwähne das hier, weil ich zu e i n em gewissen G r ad m it Schuld b in an seiner ..Sophistication", wie die E n g l ä n d er die Fäl schung eines Handels-Artikels n e n n e n. W ä h r e nd langer, oft ü b e r n ä c h t i g er D e b a t t en inficirte ich i hn zu s e i n em großen S c h a d en m it H e g e l i a n i s m u s, d en er d o ch bei seiner U n k e n n t n iß der d e u t s c h en Sprache n i c ht ordentlich studiren k o n n t e. W as ich begann, setzte n a ch m e i n er Ausweisung aus Paris Herr Karl Grün fort. D er hatte als Lehrer der d e u t s c h en Philosophie n o ch d en Vorzug vor mir, d aß er selbst nichts davon verstand. 5 10 Kurz vor E r s c h e i n en seines zweiten b e d e u t e n d en W e r k e s: „Philosophie de la Misère etc." kündigte m ir P r o u d h on dieses selbst in e i n em sehr ausführ- liehen Brief an, worin u. A. die W o r te unterlaufen: «J'attends votre férule cri tique.» I n d eß fiel diese bald in einer Weise auf i hn (in m e i n er Schrift: „Mi sere de la Philosophie etc." Paris 1847), die unserer Freundschaft für i m m er ein E n de m a c h t e. 15 Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 17, 3. Februar 1865 A us d em hier Gesagten ersehen Sie, d aß P r o u d h o n ' s: „Philosophie de la Mi- 20 sère ou système des contradictions économiques" eigentlich erst die Antwort enthielt auf die Frage: «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» Er h a t te in der T h at erst n a ch d em E r s c h e i n en dieser Schrift seine ö k o n o m i s c h en S t u d i en begon n e n; er h a t te entdeckt, d aß die von i hm aufgeworfene Frage n i c ht beant wortet werden k o n n te m it einer Invektive, s o n d e rn n ur d u r ch Analyse der m o d e r n en „Politischen Oekonomie". Er versuchte zugleich das System der ö k o n o m i s c h en Categorien dialektisch darzustellen. An die Stelle der un lösbaren „Antinomien"Kant's sollte der Hegel'sche„Widerspruch" als Entwick lungsmittel treten. 25 Z ur Beurtheilung seines zweibändigen, dickleibigen Werkes m uß ich Sie 30 auf m e i ne Gegenschrift verweisen. I ch zeigte darin u. a., wie wenig er in das G e h e i m n iß der wissenschaftlichen Dialektik eingedrungen; wie er an dererseits die Illusionen der spekulativen Philosophie theilt, i n d em er die ökonomischen Categorien, statt als theoretische Ausdrücke historischer, einer be stimmten Entwickelungsstufe der materiellen Produktion entsprechender, Produk- tionsverhältnisse zu begreifen, sie in präexistirende, ewige Ideen verfaselt 35 1 62 Über P.-J. Proudhon u nd wie er auf d i e s em Umwege wieder auf d em S t a n d p u n kt der bürgerli c h en O e k o n o m ie ankommt.*) Ich zeige weiter noch, wie d u r c h a us mangelhaft u nd theilweise selbst schülerhaft seine Bekanntschaft m it der „Politischen O e k o n o m i e ", d e r en 5 Kritik er u n t e r n a h m, u nd wie er m it d en U t o p i s t en auf eine s o g e n a n n te „Wissenschaft" Jagd m a c h t, wodurch e i ne F o r m el für die „Lösung der socia len Frage" a priori herausspintisirt werden soll, statt die Wissenschaft aus der kritischen E r k e n n t n iß der geschichtlichen Bewegung zu schöpfen, einer Bewegung, die selbst die materiellen Bedingungen der Emancipation produciré. N a m e n t l i ch aber wird gezeigt, wie P r o u d h on ü b er die G r u n d lage des G a n z e n, d en Tauschwerth, im U n k l a r e n, F a l s c h en u nd H a l b en bleibt, ja die utopistische A u s l e g u ng der R leardo 'sehen W e r t h - T h e o r ie für die G r u n d l a ge einer n e u en Wissenschaft versieht. U e b er seinen allgemei n en S t a n d p u n kt urtheile ich z u s a m m e n f a s s e nd wie folgt: 10 15 « C h a q ue rapport é c o n o m i q ue a un bon et un mauvais côté: c'est le seul point dans lequel M. P r o u d h on ne se d é m e nt pas. Le b on côté, il le voit ex posé par les économistes ; le m a u v a is côté, il le voit d é n o n cé par les socia listes. Il e m p r u n te aux économistes la nécessité des rapports é t e r n e l s; il e m p r u n te a ux socialistes l'illusion de ne voir d a ns la misère q ue la misère (au lieu d'y voir le côté révolutionnaire, subversif, qui renversera la société ancienne). Il est d'accord avec les u ns et les autres en v o u l a nt s'en référer à l'autorité de la science. La science, pour lui, se réduit aux m i n c es propor tions d ' u ne formule scientifique; il est l ' h o m me à la recherche des for mules. C'est ainsi q ue M. P r o u d h on se flatte d'avoir d o n né la critique et de l'économie politique et du c o m m u n i s me : il est au-dessous de l ' u ne et de l'autre. A u - d e s s o us des économistes, p u i s q ue c o m me philosophe, q ui a sous la m a in u ne formule m a g i q u e, il a cru pouvoir se dispenser d'entrer dans des détails p u r e m e nt é c o n o m i q u e s; au-dessous des socialistes, puisqu'il n 'a ni assez de courage, ni assez de l u m i è r es pour s'élever, - ne serait-ce q ue spéculativement - au-dessus de l'horizon bourgeois. Il veut planer en héros de science au-dessus des bourgeois et des prolétaires - il 20 25 30 *) «En disant que les rapports actuels - les rapports de la production bourgeoise - sont natu rels, les économistes font entendre que ce sont là des rapports dans lesquels se crée la richesse et se développent les forces productives conformément aux lois de la nature. Donc ces rap- 35 ports sont eux-mêmes des lois naturelles indépendantes de l'influence du temps. Ce sont des lois éternelles qui doivent toujours régir la société. Ainsi il y a eu de l'histoire, mais il n'y en a plus.» (p. 113 meiner Schrift.) (Indem die Nationalökonomen sagen, daß die gegenwärtigen Verhältnisse - die Verhältnisse der bürgerlichen Production - natürliche sind, wollen sie da mit behaupten, daß dies Verhältnisse sind, innerhalb deren der Reichthum sich erzeugt und 40 die Produktivkräfte sich den Gesetzen der Natur gemäß entwickeln. Folglich sind diese Ver hältnisse selber Naturgesetze, und als solche unabhängig vom Einfluß der Zeit. Es sind ewige Gesetze, welche die Gesellschaft immer beherrschen müssen. Demnach hat es eine Geschichte gegeben, aber giebt es keine mehr.) 63 Karl Marx n'est que le petit bourgeois, ballotte c o n s t a m m e nt entre le capital et le travail, entre l'économie politique et le communisme.»*) („Jedes ö k o n o m i s c he Verhältniß hat eine gute u nd eine s c h l i m me Seite: das ist der einzige P u n k t, in d em Hr. P r o u d h on sich nicht selbst ins G e sicht schlägt. D ie gute Seite sieht er von d en N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m en hervorge h o b e n. D ie s c h l i m me Seite sieht er von d en Socialisten angeklagt. Er ent lehnt d en N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m en die Nothwendigkeit der ewigen Verhältnisse; er entlehnt d en Socialisten d en W a h n, in d em E l e nd nichts zu sehen, als das Elend (statt darin die revolutionäre, zerstörende Seite zu erblicken, welche die alte Gesellschaft u m s t ü r z en wird). Er s t i m mt m it D i e s en u nd m it J e n en überein, i n d em er sich dabei auf die Autorität der Wissenschaft bezieht. Die Wissenschaft schrumpft für ihn zu d en winzigen Proportionen einer wissenschaftlichen F o r m el z u s a m m e n: er ist der M a nn auf der Jagd n a ch F o r m e l n. A uf diese Weise glaubt Hr. P r o u d h on die Kritik sowohl der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m ie als des K o m m u n i s m us gegeben zu h a b en - er steht aber u n t er der einen, wie u n t er d em andern. U n t er d en N a t i o n a l - O e k o n o- m e n, weil er sich als Philosoph, der eine m a g i s c he F o r m el u n t er d en H ä n d en hat, der M ü he ü b e r h o b en glaubt, in die rein ö k o n o m i s c h en Einzelhei ten e i n z u g e h e n; u n t er d en Socialisten, weil er weder d en M u th n o ch die Geisteshelle hat, sich - u nd wäre es n ur spekulativ - ü b er d en bürgerli c h en Gesichtskreis zu erheben. Er will als Held der Wissenschaft ü b er die Bourgeoisie u nd d en Proletariern schweben - u nd er ist n ur der Kleinbär ger, der beständig zwischen d em Kapital u nd der Arbeit, zwischen der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m ie u nd d em K o m m u n i s m us h i n- u nd hergeworfen wird.") Hart, wie das vorstehende Urtheil klingt, m uß ich n o ch h e u te jedes W o rt desselben u n t e r s c h r e i b e n. Zugleich aber b e d e n ke m a n, daß z ur Zeit, wo ich P r o u d h o n 's B u ch für d en Codex des Socialismus des Petit Bourgeois erklärte u nd dies theoretisch nachwies, P r o u d h on n o ch als Ultra-Erzrevolu tionär von politischen O e k o n o m i s t en u nd v on Socialisten zugleich verket zert ward. D e ß h a lb h a be ich später a u ch nie e i n g e s t i m mt in das Geschrei über seinen „Verrath" an der Revolution. Es war n i c ht seine Schuld, wenn er, von A n d e rn wie von sich selbst ursprünglich m i ß v e r s t a n d e n, u n b e r e c h tigte Hoffnungen n i c ht erfüllt hat. *) 1. c. p. 119, 120. 64 Über P.-J. Proudhon Der Soclal-Demokrat. Nr. 18, 5. Februar 1865 5 In der „Philosophie de la Misère" springen alle M ä n g el der P r o u d h o n ' s c h en Darstellungsweise, im Contrast zu «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» sehr u n g ü n stig hervor. D er Styl ist oft, was die F r a n z o s en ampoulé n e n n e n. H o c h t r a b e nd spekulatives Kauderwelsch, d e u t s c h - p h i l o s o p h i s ch sein sollend, tritt regelrecht ein, wo i hm die gallische Verstandesschärfe ausgeht. E in m a r k t schreierischer, selbstlobhudelnder, ein r e n o m m i s t i s c h er T o n, n a m e n t l i ch das stets so u n e r q u i c k l i c he G e s a l b a d er von, u nd falsches G e p r u n ke m it „Wissenschaft", gellt e i n em ins Ohr. Statt der wirklichen W ä r m e, welche die erste Schrift d u r c h l e u c h t e t, wird sich h i er an gewissen fortwährend 10 Stellen systematisch in eine fliegende H i t ze h i n e i n d e k l a m i r t. D a zu das u n beholfen-widrige G e l e h r t t h un des A u t o d i d a k t e n, dessen naturwüchsiger Stolz auf originelles Selbstdenken bereits g e b r o c h en ist, u nd der n un als Parvenu der Wissenschaft m it d e m, was er n i c ht ist u nd n i c ht h a t, sich spreizen zu m ü s s en wähnt. D a nn die G e s i n n u ng des Kleinbürgers, der etwa e i n en M a nn wie Cabet, respectabel wegen seiner praktischen Stellung z um französischen Proletariat, u n a n s t ä n d ig b r u t al - weder scharf n o ch tief, n o ch selbst richtig - angreift, dagegen ζ. B. e i n em Dunoyer (allerdings „Staatsrath") gegenüber artig thut, obgleich die g a n ze B e d e u t u ng j e n es D u noyer in d em k o m i s c h en Ernst bestand, w o m it er drei dicke, u n e r t r ä g l i ch langweilige B ä n de h i n d u r ch d en Rigorismus predigte, d en Helvetius so charakterisirt: «On veut que les malheureux soient parfaits.» daß die U n g l ü c k l i c h en v o l l k o m m en sein sollen.) ( M an verlangt, 15 20 D ie F e b r u a r r e v o l u t i on k am P r o u d h on in der T h at sehr ungelegen, da er just einige W o c h en zuvor unwiderleglich bewiesen h a t t e, d aß „die Aera der 25 Revolutionen" für i m m er vorüber sei. Sein Auftreten in der Nationalver s a m m l u n g, so wenig E i n s i c ht in d ie vorliegenden Verhältnisse es bewies, verdient alles L o b. Nach der J u n i i n s u r r e k t i on war es ein A kt g r o ß en M u- thes. Es h a t te a u ß e r d em die günstige Folge, d aß H e rr Thiers in seiner G e genrede gegen P r o u d h o n 's Vorschläge, die d a nn als b e s o n d e re Schrift ver- 30 öffentlicht ward, g a nz E u r o pa bewies, a uf w e l c h em K l e i n k i n d e r k a t e c h i s- mus-Piedestal der geistige Pfeiler der französischen Bourgeoisie stand. Herrn Thiers gegenüber schwoll Proudhon in der T h at zu e i n em vorsünd- fluthlichen Kolosse auf. P r o u d h o n 's E n t d e c k u ng des „Credit gratuit" u nd die auf i hn basirte 35 „Volksbank" ( b a n q ue du peuple) waren seine letzten ö k o n o m i s c h en „Tha- ten". In m e i n er Schrift „Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie. Heft 1." Berlin 1859 (p. 5 9 - 6 4) findet m an d en Beweis, d aß die t h e o r e t i s c he G r u n d l a ge seiner A n s i c ht aus einer V e r k e n n u ng der ersten E l e m e n te der bürgerlichen „Politischen O e k o n o m i e ", n ä m l i ch des Verhältnisses der Waaren z um 65 Karl Marx 5 10 15 20 Geld, entspringt, w ä h r e nd der praktische U e b e r b au bloße R e p r o d u k t i on viel älterer u nd weit besser ausgearbeiteter Pläne war. D aß das Creditwesen, ganz wie es z . B. im Anfang des 18. u nd später wieder des 19. J a h r h u n d e r ts in England d a zu diente, das Vermögen von einer Klasse auf die a n d e re zu übertragen, u n t er b e s t i m m t en ö k o n o m i s c h en u nd politischen U m s t ä n d en zur Beschleunigung der E m a n c i p a t i on der a r b e i t e n d en Klasse d i e n en kann, unterliegt n i c ht d em geringsten Zweifel, ist selbstverständlich. A b er das zinstragende Capital als die Hauptform des Capitals betrachten, aber eine besondere A n w e n d u ng des Creditwesens, angebliche Abschaffung des Z i n ist eine ses, zur Basis der Gesellschaftsumgestaltung m a c h en wollen, d u r c h a us spießbürgerliche Phantasie. M an findet diese P h a n t a s ie d a h er in der T h at a u ch des W e i t e r en ausgepatscht bereits bei d en ökonomischen Wortführern P r o u d h o n 's Polemik m it Bastiat (1850), bezüglich des zinstragenden Capi tals, steht tief u n t er der „Philosophie de la Misère". Er bringt es fertig, selbst von Bastiat geschlagen zu werden u nd bricht in burleskes Gepolter aus, wo sein Gegner i hm Gewalt a n t h u t. englischen Kleinbürgerschaft siebzehnten der des Jahrhunderts. Vor wenigen J a h r en schrieb P r o u d h on eine Preisschrift - ich glaube von der L a u s a n n er Regierung veranlaßt - ü b er die „Steuern". H i er erlischt a u ch die letzte Spur von Genialität. Es bleibt nichts als der petit bourgeois tout pur. Was P r o u d h o n 's politische u nd philosophische Schriften angeht, so zeigt sich in allen derselbe widerspruchsvolle, zwieschlächtige Charakter, wie in d en ö k o n o m i s c h en Arbeiten. D a b ei h a b en sie n ur lokal-französischen W e r t h. Seine Angriffe gegen Religion, Kirche u. s. w. besitzen j e d o ch ein großes lokales Verdienst zu einer Zeit, wo die französischen Socialisten es passend hielten, d em bürgerlichen Voltairianismus des 18. u nd der deut schen Gottlosigkeit des 19. J a h r h u n d e r ts d u r ch Religiosität überlegen zu sein. W e nn Peter der G r o ße die russische Barbarei d u r ch Barbarei nieder schlug, so t h at P r o u d h on sein Bestes, das französische Phrasenwesen durch die Phrase niederzuwerfen. Als nicht n ur schlechte Schriften, sondern als G e m e i n h e i t e n, j e d o ch d em kleinbürgerlichen S t a n d p u n kt e n t s p r e c h e n de G e m e i n h e i t e n, sind zu b e z e i c h n en seine Schrift ü b er den Coup d'état, worin er m it L. Bonaparte kokettirt, i hn in der T h at d en französischen A r b e i t e rn m u n d g e r e c ht zu ma- c h en strebt, u nd seine letzte Schrift gegen Polen, worin er d em C z a r en zur E h re kretinartigen Cynismus treibt. 25 30 35 M an h at Proudhon oft m it Rousseau verglichen. N i c h ts k a nn falscher sein. E h er h at er A e h n l i c h k e it m it Nie. Linguet, dessen „Theorie des Lois Ci viles" übrigens ein sehr geniales Buch ist. 40 P r o u d h on neigte von N a t ur zur Dialektik. Da er aber n ie die wirklich 66 Über P.-J. Proudhon 5 wissenschaftliche Dialektik begriff, b r a c h te er es n ur zur Sophistik. In der That hing das m it s e i n em kleinbürgerlichen S t a n d p u n kt z u s a m m e n. Der Kleinbürger ist wie der Geschichtsschreiber Raumer z u s a m m e n g e s e t zt aus Einerseits u nd Andrerseits. So in s e i n en ö k o n o m i s c h en Interessen, u nd da- her in seiner Politik, s e i n en religiösen, wissenschaftlichen u nd künstleri schen A n s c h a u u n g e n. So in seiner Moral, so in everything. Er ist der leben dige W i d e r s p r u c h. Ist er dabei, wie P r o u d h o n, ein geistreicher M a n n, so wird er bald m it s e i n en eigenen W i d e r s p r ü c h en spielen l e r n en u nd sie je n a ch U m s t ä n d en zu auffallenden, geräuschvollen, m a n c h m al scandalösen, 10 m a n c h m al brillanten P a r a d o x en ausarbeiten. Wissenschaftlicher Charlata- nismus u nd politische A c c o m m o d a t i on sind von s o l c h em S t a n d p u n kt u n zertrennlich. Es bleibt n ur n o ch ein t r e i b e n d es Motiv, die Eitelkeit des Subjekts, u nd es fragt sich wie bei allen Eiteln n ur n o ch um d en Erfolg des Augenblicks, um das A u f s e hn des Tages. So erlischt n o t h w e n d ig der einfa- 15 che sittliche Takt, der e i n en R o u s s e au ζ. B. selbst j e d em S c h e i n - C o m p r o- miß m it d en b e s t e h e n d en G e w a l t en stets fern hielt. Vielleicht wird die Nachwelt die j ü n g s te Phase des F r a n z o s e n t h u ms da durch charakterisiren, d aß Louis B o n a p a r te sein N a p o l e on war u nd Prou d h on sein Rousseau-Voltaire. 20 Sie m ü s s en n un selbst die Verantwortlichkeit dafür ü b e r n e h m e n, d aß Sie, so bald n a ch d em T o de des M a n n e s, die Rolle des T o d t e n r i c h t e rs m ir aufgebürdet. I hr ganz ergebener Karl Marx. 67 F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls H e rr T i d m a n n. A l t d ä n i s c h es V o l k s l i ed Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 18, 5. Februar 1865 Herr Tidmann. Altdänisches Volkslied. F r üh am Morgen, da ward es Tag, H e rr T i d m a nn kleidet' sich vor d em Bett, U nd er zog an sein H e md so schön. D as loben alle die Süderleut. Er zog an sein H e md so schön, Sein seidner R o ck war herrlich u nd grün, Bockslederne Stiefel schnürt er ans Bein. D as loben alle die Süderleut. Bockslederne Stiefel schnürt' er ans Bein Vergoldete Sporen schnallte er drein, So zog er h in z um S ü d e r h a r d er Thing. D as loben alle die Süderleut. So zog er h in z um Süderharder Thing, D ie Steuer verlangt' er von j e d em Edeling; Sieben Scheffel Roggen von j e d es M a n n es Pflug. D as loben alle die Süderleut. Sieben Scheffel Roggen von j e d es M a n n es Pflug, D as vierte Schwein aus d em Mastungswald - A uf da stund der alte M a n n. Das loben alle die Süderleut. A uf da stund der alte M a n n: K e i n er von u ns das geben k a nn U nd ehe die Steuer z a h l en wir - Das loben alle die Süderleut. 68 Herr Tidmann. Altdänisches Volkslied „ U nd e he die Steuer zahlen wir, Bleibt jeder M a nn am Thinge hier - I hr S ü d e r h a r d er B a u e rn steht z u s a m m en im Ring!" D as loben alle die Süderleut. „Ihr Süderharder B a u e rn steht z u s a m m en im Ring, H e rr T i d m a nn darf l e b e nd n i c ht k o m m en v om Thing!" D en ersten Schlag der alte M a nn schlug. D as loben alle die Süderleut. D en ersten Schlag der alte M a nn schlug, H e r rn T i d m a nn n i e d er zu B o d en er schlug, Da liegt Herr T i d m a n n, von i hm r i n nt das Blut. D as loben alle die Süderleut. Da liegt Herr T i d m a n n, von i hm r i n nt das Blut, D o ch frei geht der Pflug im schwarzen G r u n d, Frei g e hn die Schweine im Mastungswald. D as loben alle die Süderleut. Dies Stück mittelalterlichen Bauernkriegs spielt in der S ü d e r h a r de (Harde ist Gerichtsbezirk) nördlich von A a r h a us in J u t l a n d. A uf d em Thing, der Gerichtsversammlung des Bezirks, wurden a u ß er d en gerichtlichen a u ch Steuer- u nd Verwaltungssachen erledigt, u nd wie m it d em A u f k o m m en des Adels dieser d en Edelingen, d. h. den freien B a u e rn gegenübertrat, zeigt das Lied ebensowohl wie die Art u nd Weise, wie die B a u e rn der Adelsarro ganz ein Ziel zu setzen wußten. In e i n em L a n de wie D e u t s c h l a n d, wo die besitzende Klasse ebensoviel F e u d a l a d el wie Bourgeoisie u nd das Proleta- riat ebensoviel oder m e hr Ackerbau-Proletarier als industrielle Arbeiter enthält, wird das kräftige alte Bauernlied grade am Platze sein. Friedrich Engels. 5 10 15 20 25 69 K a rl M a rx An d ie R e d a k t i on d es „ S o c i a l - D e m o k r a t e n ". E n t w u rf f ür e i ne g e m e i n s am m it F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls a b g e g e b e ne E r k l ä r u ng I An die Redaction des „Social-Demokrat". Erklärung. N. 16 Ihres Blatts verdächtigt Herr M . H e ss von Paris aus die i hm ganz u nd gar u n b e k a n n t en französischen Mitglieder des Londoner Centralcomites der in t e r n a t i o n a l en Arbeiterassociation m it d en W o r t e n: „Es ist in der T h at nicht a b z u s e h n, was es verschlägt, wenn sich auch einige Freunde des Palais-Royal in der Londoner Gesellschaft befänden, da sie eine öffentliche ist u. s.w." In frührer N u m m e r, bei Beplauderung des Blatts: „L'Association", insi- nuirte derselbe Herr M. H. Aehnliches gegen die Pariser Freunde des Lon doner Comités. W ir erklären seine I n s i n u a t i o n en für abgeschmackte Ver- l ä u m d u n g. Im Uebrigen freut es u ns durch diesen Zwischenfall u n s re U e b e r z e u- gung bestätigt zu sehn, daß das Pariser Proletariat d em B o n a p a r t i s m us in b e i d en Gestalten, der Tuileriengestalt u nd der Gestalt des Palais Royal, n a ch wie vor unversöhnlich gegenübersteht u nd k e i n en Augenblick m it d em Plan u m g i ng seine historische (oder sollen wir sagen statt „seine histori sche Ehre", „sein historisches Erstgeburtsrecht als Träger der Revolution"?) Ehre für ein Gericht Linsen zu verkaufen. W ir empfehlen d en d e u t s c h en Arbeitern d i eß Muster. L o n d on u nd Manchester. | 70 F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t ei ·<\'-._·-· ·:-·;~"; :. 'i·:., .. " :;t > ~- ·~ b ~(;.:_~: .. : :' '·:·: ''-';_: .. "·'" ~-~~-::>,- Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · I |3| Die D e b a t te ü b er die Militärfrage ist bisher lediglich zwischen der R e gierung u nd F e u d a l p a r t ei auf der einen, u nd der liberalen u nd radikalen Bourgeoisie auf der a n d e r en Seite geführt worden. Jetzt, wo die Krisis her annaht, ist es an der Zeit, daß a u ch die Arbeiterpartei sich ausspricht. 5 Zu der Kritik der militärischen T h a t s a c h e n, um die es sich handelt, kön n en wir n ur von d en vorliegenden t h a t s ä c h l i c h en Verhältnissen ausgehen. Wir k ö n n en der p r e u ß i s c h en Regierung n i c ht z u m u t h e n, anders zu h a n deln, als v om p r e u ß i s c h en S t a n d p u n kt aus, solange die jetzigen Verhält nisse in D e u t s c h l a nd u nd E u r o pa bestehen. Ebensowenig m u t h en wir der 10 Bourgeois-Opposition zu, von e i n em a n d e rn als von d em S t a n d p u n kt ihrer eigenen Bourgeois-Interessen a u s z u g e h e n. Die Partei der Arbeiter, die in allen Fragen zwischen R e a c t i on u nd Bür gerthum a u ß e r h a lb des eigentlichen Konflikts steht, h at d en Vortheil, sol che Fragen ganz kaltblütig u nd u n p a r t e i i s ch b e h a n d e ln zu k ö n n e n. Sie al- lein k a nn sie wissenschaftlich b e h a n d e l n, historisch, als ob sie schon vergangen, a n a t o m i s c h, als ob sie schon Cadaver wären. 15 I. Wie es m it der p r e u ß i s c h en A r m ee n a ch d em früheren System aussah, dar über k ö n n en n a ch d en Mobilmachungs-Ver||4jsuchen von 1850 u nd 1859 20 keine zwei M e i n u n g en sein. Die absolute M o n a r c h ie war seit 1815 durch die öffentliche Zusage g e b u n d e n: keine n e u en Steuern zu erheben u nd keine A n l e i h en a u s z u s c h r e i b en o h ne vorherige G e n e h m i g u ng der künfti gen Landesvertretung. Diese Zusage zu brechen, war u n m ö g l i c h; keine A n leihe o h ne solche G e n e h m i g u ng versprach den geringsten Erfolg. Die Steu- s t e i g e n d em L a n d e s r e i c h t h um ihr Ertrag keineswegs in d e m s e l b en Verhältniß stieg. D er Absolutismus war arm, sehr arm, u nd die a u ß e r o r d e n t l i c h en A u s g a b en in so eingerichtet, d aß b ei 25 ern waren im G a n z en aber 75 Friedrich Engels Folge der S t ü r me von 1830 waren h i n r e i c h e n d, ihn zur ä u ß e r s t en Sparsam keit zu nöthigen. D a h er die Einführung der zweijährigen Dienstzeit, d a h er ein Ersparnißsystem in allen Zweigen der Armeeverwaltung, das die für eine M o b i l m a c h u ng bereit zu h a l t e n d en Ausrüstungsgegenstände n a ch Q u a n t i t ät u nd Qualität auf das allerniedrigste N i v e au reduzirte. T r o t z d em sollte P r e u ß e ns Stellung als G r o ß m a c ht b e h a u p t et werden; hierzu bedurfte m a n, für d en Beginn eines Kriegs, einer möglichst starken ersten Feldar m e e, u nd schlug d a h er die Landwehr ersten Aufgebots dazu. M an sorgte also dafür, d aß gleich b e im ersten d r o h e n d en Kriegsfall e i ne M o b i l m a c h u ng nöthig wurde, u nd daß m it dieser das ganze G e b ä u de z u s a m m e n- 10 brach. D er Fall trat 1850 ein u nd endete m it d em vollständigsten Fiasco Preußens. 5 15 ||5| daß die Linie h ö c h s t e ns 20 1850 k am m an bloß dahin, die materiellen M ä n g el des Systems k e n n en zu lernen; die ganze Sache war vorüber, e he die m o r a l i s c h en B l ö ß en her vortreten k o n n t e n. D ie von d en K a m m e rn bewilligten F o n ds w u r d en be- nutzt, um d en materiellen M ä n g e ln soweit möglich abzuhelfen. Soweit möglich; d e nn es wird u n t er allen U m s t ä n d en u n m ö g l i ch sein, das M a t e rial der Art bereit zu halten, d aß in 14 Tagen die eingezogenen Reserven, u nd n a ch 14 T a g en das ganze erste Aufgebot der L a n d w e hr schlagfertig ausgerüstet sein k a n n. M an vergesse nicht, 3 Jahrgänge, Reserve u nd erstes Aufgebot aber z u s a m m en 9 Jahrgänge zählten, also für 3 schlagfertige L i n i e n s o l d a t en in 4 W o c h en m i n d e s t e ns 7 Eingezogene a u s z u r ü s t en waren. N un k am der italienische Krieg von 1859, u nd d a m it eine n e ue allgemeine M o b i l m a c h u n g. A u ch hier traten n o ch materielle M ä n g el g e n ug hervor, sie traten aber weit zurück gegen die moralischen Blößen des Systems, welche j e t zt erst, bei der längeren D a u er des m o b i l en Standes, aufgedeckt wurden. Die L a n d w e hr war vernachlässigt worden, das ist u n l ä u g b a r; die Cadres ihrer Bataillone existirten großen- theils nicht u nd m u ß t en erst geschaffen werden; u n t er d en b e s t e h e n d en Offizieren waren viele für d en Felddienst untauglich. A b er selbst wenn dies Alles anders gewesen wäre, so blieb d o ch i m m er die T h a t s a c h e, daß die Offiziere ihren L e u t en nicht anders als ganz fremd sein k o n n t e n, fremd n a m e n t l i ch n a ch der Seite ihrer militärischen Befähigung, u nd d aß diese militärische Befähigung bei d en m e i s t en zu gering war, als d aß Bataillone m it solchen Offizieren m it Vertrauen gegen erprobte T r u p p en gesandt wer- d en k o n n t e n. W e nn die Landwehroffiziere sich im d ä n i s c h en Krieg sehr gut geschlagen h a b e n, so vergesse m an nicht, d aß es ein großer Unter schied ist, ob ein Bataillon % Linien- u nd % Landwehroffiziere besitzt, oder u m g e k e h r t. D a zu k am aber ein entscheidender P u n k t. Es stellte sich sofort h e r a u s, was m an h ä t te vorherwissen k ö n n e n: d aß m an m it der L a n d w e hr 40 zwar schlagen, n a m e n t l i ch zur Vertheidigung des eignen L a n d es schlagen, 25 35 30 76 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • I 5 aber u n t er k e i n en U m s t ä n d en d e m o n s t r i r en k a n n. D ie L a n d w e hr ist eine so defensive Institution, d aß m it ihr eine Offensive selbst erst in Folge einer zurückgeschlagenen Invasion möglich ist, wie 1814 u nd 1815. E in aus meist verheiratheten L e u t en von 26 bis 32 J a h r en b e s t e h e n d es Aufge- bot läßt sich n i c ht M o n a te lang an den G r e n z en m ü ß ig aufstellen, während täglich die Briefe von H a u se einlaufen, daß F r au u nd ||6| K i n d er d a r b e n; d e nn a u ch die U n t e r s t ü t z u n g en für die F a m i l i en der E i n b e r u f e n en zeigten sich als ü b er alle Begriffe u n g e n ü g e n d. D a zu k am n o c h, daß die L e u te nicht wußten, gegen wen sie sich schlagen sollten, gegen F r a n z o s en oder 10 Oestreicher - u nd k e i n er von B e i d en hatte d a m a ls P r e u ß en etwas zu Leide gethan. U nd m it solchen, d u r ch m o n a t e l a n g es Müßigsteheri demoralisirten Truppen sollte m an fest organisirte u nd kriegsgewohnte A r m e en angreifen? D aß eine A e n d e r u ng eintreten m u ß t e, ist klar. Preußen m u ß te u n t er d en gegebenen Verhältnissen eine festere Organisation der ersten F e l d a r m ee 15 haben. W ie ist diese hergestellt worden? M an ließ die e i n b e r u f e n en 36 Landwehrregimenter der Infanterie einst weilen bestehen, u nd verwandelte sie allmählig in n e ue Linienregimenter. N a ch u nd n a ch w u r de a u ch die Cavalerie u nd Artillerie soweit vermehrt, daß sie d i e s em stärkeren Stand der F u ß t r u p p en entsprachen, u nd e n d l i ch 20 wurde die Festungsartillerie von der Feldartillerie getrennt, welches letz tere jedenfalls eine Verbesserung war, n a m e n t l i ch für P r e u ß e n. M it e i n em Wort, die Infanterie w u r de verdoppelt, die Cavalerie u nd Artillerie u n g e fähr um die Hälfte erhöht. - Um diesen verstärkten A r m e e b e s t a nd auf recht zu erhalten, wurde vorgeschlagen, die Dienstzeit in der Linie von 5 auf 7 J a h re a u s z u d e h n en - 3 J a h re bei d en F a h n en (bei der Infanterie), 4 in der Reserve - dagegen die Verpflichtung z um zweiten Aufgebot der Landwehr um 4 J a h re a b z u k ü r z e n, u nd endlich die jährliche R e k r u t i r u ng von der bisherigen Z a hl von 40 000 auf 63 000 zu e r h ö h e n. Die L a n d w e hr wurde inzwischen ganz vernachlässigt. 25 30 D ie V e r m e h r u ng der Bataillone, Schwadronen u nd Batterien, wie sie hiermit festgesetzt war, entsprach fast genau der Ver||7|mehrung der Bevöl kerung P r e u ß e ns von 10 Mill. 1815 auf 18 Mill. 1 8 6 1; da P r e u ß e ns R e i c h t h um inzwischen rascher gewachsen ist als seine Bevölkerung, u nd da die andern e u r o p ä i s c h en G r o ß s t a a t en ihre Heere seit 1815 in weit größerem 35 M a ße verstärkt h a b e n, so war eine solche V e r m e h r u ng der Cadres sicher nicht zu h o ch gegriffen. D a b ei erschwerte der Vorschlag von allen Lasten des Dienstpflichtigen n ur die der j ü n g s t en Altersklassen, die Reserve pflicht, erleichterte dagegen die Landwehrpflicht in den ältesten Jahres klassen im doppelten Verhältniß, u nd h ob thatsächlich das zweite Aufge- bot fast ganz auf, i n d em n un das erste Aufgebot so ziemlich die früher d em zweiten angewiesene Stellung erhielt. 40 77 Friedrich Engels Dagegen ließ sich wider den Entwurf e i n w e n d e n: Die allgemeine Wehrpflicht - beiläufig die einzige d e m o k r a t i s c he Insti tution, welche in P r e u ß e n, w e nn a u ch n ur auf d em Papier, b e s t e ht - ist ein so e n o r m er Fortschritt gegen alle bisherigen militärischen E i n r i c h t u n g e n, d aß wo sie e i n m a l, w e nn a u ch n ur in u n v o l l k o m m e n er Durchführung, be s t a n d en hat, sie auf die D a u er nicht wieder abgeschafft werden kann. Es gibt n ur zwei klar b e s t i m m te G r u n d l a g en für u n s e re h e u t i g en H e e r e: ent weder W e r b u ng - u nd diese ist veraltet u nd n ur in A u s n a h m e f ä l l en wie E n g l a nd möglich - oder allgemeine Wehrpflicht. Alle Conscriptionen u nd A u s l o o s u n g en sind e b en n ur sehr u n v o l l k o m m e ne F o r m en der letzteren. D er G r u n d g e d a n ke des preußischen Gesetzes von 1814: d aß j e d er Staats bürger, der körperlich d a zu fähig ist, a u ch verpflichtet ist, w ä h r e nd seiner waffenfähigen J a h re persönlich die Waffen zur Vertheidigung des L a n d es zu führen - dieser G r u n d g e d a n ke steht h o ch ü b er d em Princip des Stell vertreter-Kaufs aller Conscriptionsländer, u nd wird n a ch fünfzigjährigem Bestehen sicher nicht d en sehnsüchtigen W ü n s c h en der Bourgeoisie n a ch Einführung des ||8| „Menschenfleisch-Handels", wie die F r a n z o s en sagen, z um Opfer fallen. 10 •$ 15 Ist aber die preußische Wehrverfassung e i n m al auf allgemeine Dienst pflicht, o h ne Stellvertretung begründet, so k a nn sie n ur d a d u r ch in ihrem eignen Geist u nd wohlthätig fortgebildet werden, d aß ihr G r u n d p r i n c ip im m er m e hr verwirklicht wird. Sehen wir, wie es d a m it steht. 20 i. 1815 auf 10 M i l l i o n en Einwohner 4 0 0 00 A u s g e h o b e n e, m a c ht 4 aufs Tausend. 1861 auf 18 Millionen 63 000 A u s g e h o b e n e, m a c ht 3]/2 aufs Tau send. Also ein Rückschritt, wenn a u ch ein Fortschritt gegenüber d em Stand der D i n ge bis 1859, wo bloß 2% aufs T a u s e nd a u s g e h o b en wurden. Um n ur d en Procentsatz von 1815 wieder zu erreichen, m ü ß t en 72 000 M a nn a u s g e h o b en werden. (Wir werden sehen, daß allerdings jedes J a hr ungefähr diese Z a hl oder m e hr in das H e er eintritt.) A b er ist die krie gerische Stärke des p r e u ß i s c h en Volkes m it einer j ä h r l i c h en Rekrutirung von 4 aufs T a u s e nd der Bevölkerung erschöpft? 25 30 Die D a r m s t ä d t er Allgemeine Militärzeitung h at wiederholte M a le aus d en Statistiken der d e u t s c h en Mittelstaaten nachgewiesen, d aß in Deutsch land vollkommen die Hälfte der zur R e k r u t i r u ng k o m m e n d en j u n g en Leute diensttauglich ist. N un betrug die A n z a hl der im J a h re 1861 zur Rekruti- rung k o m m e n d en j u n g en M ä n n e r, n a ch der Zeitschrift des P r e u ß. statisti schen Bureaus (März 1864) - 227 005. Dies gäbe jährlich 113 500 dienst taugliche R e k r u t e n. W ir wollen von diesen 6500 als u n a b k ö m m l i ch oder moralisch unfähig streichen, so bleiben i m m er n o ch 107 000 übrig. W a r um d i e n en von diesen n ur 63 000 oder h ö c h s t e ns 7 2 - 75 000 M a n n? 35 40 | Der Kriegsminister v. R o on theilte in der Session 1863 ||9| der Militär- 78 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • I C o m m i s s i on des A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s es folgende Aufstellung m it ü b er die A u s h e b u ng von 1 8 6 1: Gesammtzahl der Bevölkerung (Zählung von 1858) Zwanzigjährige Militärpflichtige, Klasse 1861 17 758 823 217 438 5 Aus früheren Jahren übernommene Militärpflichtige, über die noch nicht endgültig entschieden 348 364 565 802 1) Unermittelt geblieben 2) In andere Kreise gezogen oder dort gestellungspflichtig Davon sind: 10 geworden 3) Ohne Entschuldigung ausgeblieben 4) Als dreijährige Freiwillige eingetreten 5) Zum einjährigen Freiwilligen-Dienst berechtigt 6) Als Theologen zurückgestellt oder befreit 7) Seedienstpflichtig 8) Als moralisch unfähig gestrichen 9) Augenfällig unbrauchbar von der Bezirks-Commission 15 entlassen 10) Dauernd unbrauchbar von der Bezirks-Commission entlassen 20 11) Zur Ersatzreserve übergetreten: dreimaliger Conkurrenz a. Unter 5 Fuß nach b. Unter 5' 1" 3"' c. Zeitig unbrauchbar » d. Wegen häusl. Verhältn. » e. Disponibel nach fünfmaliger Conkurrenz 8 998 9553 46761 4213 291 12) Zum Train designirt, außer den zum Train Ausgehobenen 13) Auf ein Jahr zurückgestellt: a. Zeitig unbrauchbar b. Wegen häusl. Verhältnisse c. Wegen Ehrenstrafen und Untersuchung 219136 10013 1087 » » 25 30 Bleiben zur Aushebung Wirklich ausgehoben 55 770 82 216 10960 5 025 14811 1638 299 596 2 489 15 238 69 816 6774 230236 495 868 69934 59459 10475 Bleiben disponibel So u n v o l l k o m m en diese Statistik ist, so u n k l ar sie Alles d a d u r ch m a c h t, 35 daß in j e d er Position von 1 bis 13 die L e u te der Altersklasse 1861 m it d en aus d en b e i d en früheren Altersklassen verfügbar g e b l i e b e n en L e u t en zu s a m m en geworfen werden, so erhält sie d o ch einige sehr kostbare Einge ständnisse. I 40 Freiwillige |10| Es wurden eingestellt als R e k r u t en 5 9 4 59 M a n n. Als dreijährige traten ein 5025. Z um einjährigen Dienst waren berechtigt 1 4 8 1 1; da m an es b e k a n n t l i ch m it der Tauglichkeit der einjährigen Frei willigen gar n i c ht so g e n au n i m m t, weil sie nichts kosten, so dürfen wir a n n e h m e n, d aß m i n d e s t e ns die Hälfte, also 7400, wirklich eintraten. Dies ist sehr gering gerechnet; die Klasse von Leuten, die z um einjährigen Dienst 79 Friedrich Engels qualificiren, b e s t e ht o h n e h in meistens aus tauglichen L e u t e n; solche, die von vornherein u n b r a u c h b ar sind, geben sich gar n i c ht erst die M ü he zu qualificiren. D o ch n e h m en wir 7400 an. D a n a ch traten in die A r m ee ein im J a h re 1861 z u s a m m en 7 1 8 84 M a n n. Sehen wir weiter. Als Theologen w u r d en zurückgestellt oder befreit 1638 M a n n. W a r um die H e r r en Theologen nicht d i e n en sollen, ist n i c ht a b z u s e h e n. Im Gegentheil, ein J a hr A r m e e d i e n s t, L e b en in der freien Luft, u nd B e r ü h r u ng m it der Außenwelt k a nn i h n en n ur n u t z e n. Stellen wir sie also flott ein; % der G e s a m m t z a hl aufs laufende Jahr, davon drei Viertel untauglich, m a c ht i m m er 139 M a n n, welche m i t z u n e h m en sind. 5 10 Es wurden entlassen 18 551 M a n n, weil sie das M a aß n i c ht h a t t e n. W o h l gemerkt, n i c ht des Dienstes ü b e r h a u p t, s o n d e rn „zur Reserve entlassen". Im Kriegsfall sollen sie also d o ch D i e n st t h u n. N ur der P a r a d e d i e n st des Friedens soll i h n en erlassen bleiben, d a zu sind sie nicht a n s e h n l i ch genug. M an gesteht also zu, d aß diese kleinen L e u te ganz gut z um D i e n st b r a u c h- bar sind, u nd will sie selbst für d en Nothfall b e n u t z e n. Daß diese kleinen L e u te ganz gute Soldaten sein k ö n n e n, beweist die französische A r m e e, in der Leute bis zu 4 F uß 8 Zoll h e r ab d i e n e n. W ir schlagen sie also u n b e dingt zu d en militärischen Ressourcen des L a n d e s. D ie obige Z a hl schließt | | 1 1| bloß diejenigen ein, welche definitiv, n a ch dreimaliger Con- 20 kurrenz wegen Körperkürze zurückgewiesen w u r d e n; es ist also eine Zahl, die sich j ä h r l i ch wiederholt. W ir streichen die Hälfte als aus a n d e rn Rück sichten u n b r a u c h b a r, es bleiben u ns also 9275 kleine Kerle, welche ein ge wandter Offizier sicher bald in prächtige Soldaten u m a r b e i t en würde. 15 F e r n er finden wir z um Train designirt, außer d en z um T r a in ausgehobe- n en L e u t e n, 6774. D er T r a in gehört aber a u ch zur A r m e e, u nd es ist n i c ht a b z u s e h e n, weßwegen diese Leute n i c ht die kurze sechsmonatige Dienst zeit b e im T r a in m i t m a c h en sollen, was sowohl für sie wie für d en T r a in besser wäre. 25 W ir h a b en also: 30 Wirklich in D i e n st getretene L e u te Theologen Taugliche Leute, die das M aß n i c ht h a b en Z um T r a in designirte Leute 7 1 8 84 139 9 275 6 774 Z u s a m m en 88 072 M a n n, 35 welche n a ch d em eigenen Eingeständniß der von R o o n s c h en Statistik jedes J a hr in die A r m ee eintreten k ö n n t e n, w e nn m an m it der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht Ernst m a c h t e. N e h m en wir n un die U n b r a u c h b a r en vor. 80 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • I Es werden auf ein J a hr zurückgestellt als zeitig u n b r a u c h b ar N a ch dreimaliger C o n k u r r e n z, als ditto, in die Reserve verwiesen Als d a u e r nd u n b r a u c h b ar gestrichen nur 2 1 9 1 36 M a n n. 46 761 » 1 7 7 27 » Z u s a m m en 283 624 M a n n, so d aß die wegen wirklicher körperlicher G e b r e c h en dauernd u n t a u g l i c h en Leute n o ch n i c ht 7 % der s ä m m t l i c h e n, wegen U n t a u g l i c h k e it vom Dienst ausgeschlossenen Mannschaft, n o ch n i c ht 4 % der g e s a m m t e n, j ä h r l i ch vor die E r s a t z c o m m i s s i o n en |[12| k o m m e n d en L e u te bilden. B e i n a he 17% der zeitig U n t a u g l i c h en werden jährlich, n a ch dreimaliger C o n k u r r e n z, in die Reserve verwiesen. Es sind also 23jährige Leute, L e u te in e i n em Alter, wo die K ö r p e r c o n s t i t u t i on bereits anfängt sich zu setzen. W ir werden sicher nicht zu h o ch greifen, w e nn wir a n n e h m e n, d aß von diesen e in Drittel n a ch e r r e i c h t em 2 5. Lebensjahre z um Dienst ganz b r a u c h b ar ist, m a c ht 15 587 M a n n. D as M i n d e s t e, was m an von diesen L e u t en erwarten k a n n, ist, d aß sie zwei J a h re lang j e d es J a hr b ei der Infanterie drei M o n a te D i e n st t h u n, um wenigstens die R e k r u t e n s c h u le d u r c h z u m a c h e n. D i es k ä me gleich einer V e r m e h r u ng der F r i e d e n s a r m ee um 3897 M a n n. N un ist aber das g a n ze m e d i z i n i s c he Prüfungswesen der R e k r u t en in P r e u ß en in eine e i g e n t h ü m l i c he B a hn gelenkt worden. M an h a t te i m m er m e hr R e k r u t en als m an einstellen k o n n t e, u nd m an wollte d o ch d en Schein der a l l g e m e i n en Wehrpflicht b e i b e h a l t e n. W as war b e q u e m e r, als sich die b e s t en L e u te in der gewünschten Z a hl a u s z u s u c h e n, u nd d en R e st u n t er irgend w e l c h em Vorwande für u n t a u g l i ch zu erklären? U n t er diesen Verhältnissen, welche, wohlgemerkt, seit 1815 in P r e u ß en b e s t a n d en h a b en u nd n o ch b e s t e h e n, h at der Begriff der U n t a u g l i c h k e it dort eine ganz a b n o r me A u s d e h n u ng erhalten, wie dies am besten bewiesen ist d u r ch die Vergleichung m it d en d e u t s c h en Mittelstaaten. In diesen, wo die Conscrip- tion u nd A u s l o o s u ng besteht, lag k e in G r u nd vor, m e hr L e u te für u n t a u g lich zu erklären, als wirklich u n t a u g l i ch waren. Die Verhältnisse sind die in e i n z e l n en Staaten, S a c h s en ζ. B., n o ch selben wie schlechter, weil dort der Prozentsatz der industriellen Bevölkerung größer ist. N un ist wie gesagt in der A l l g e m e i n en Militär-Zeitung aber u nd aber- in P r e u ß e n; 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 mais nachgewiesen worden, d aß in d en M i t t e l s t a a t en eine volle Hälfte der zur Gestellung k o m m e n d en L e u te b r a u c h b ar ist, u nd das m uß in P r e u ß en auch ||13| der Fall sein. Sobald ein ernsthafter Krieg ausbricht, wird die Vorstellung von der Diensttauglichkeit in P r e u ß en eine plötzliche Revolu tion erleben, u nd m an wird d a n n, zu s e i n em S c h a d en zu spät, erfahren, 40 wie viel b r a u c h b a re Kräfte m an sich hat e n t g e h en lassen. 81 Friedrich Engels N un aber k o m mt das W u n d e r b a r s t e. U n t er d en 565 802 Dienstpflichti gen, ü b er die zu e n t s c h e i d en ist, sind: U n e r m i t t e lt geblieben In a n d e re Kreise gezogen oder dort gestellungspflichtig geworden O h ne Entschuldigung ausgeblieben 55 770 M a n n. 8 2 2 1 6» 10 9 6 0» Z u s a m m en 148 946 M a n n. 5 10 Also trotz der g e r ü h m t en preußischen Controle - u nd wer je in P r e u ß en militärpflichtig war, weiß, was es d a m it zu sagen h at - verschwinden volle 27 % der Dienstpflichtigen in j e d em Jahr? W ie ist das möglich? U nd wo bleiben die 8 2 2 16 M a n n, welche aus der Liste gestrichen werden, weil sie „in a n d e re Kreise gezogen, oder dort gestellungspflichtig geworden" sind? Braucht m an h e u t z u t a ge bloß von Berlin n a ch P o t s d am zu ziehen, um von der Dienstpflicht frei zu k o m m e n? W ir wollen a n n e h m e n, d aß h i er - H o m er s c h l u m m e rt ja bisweilen - die H e r r en B e a m t en in ihrer Statistik ein- fach e i n en Bock geschossen h a b e n, n ä m l i ch daß diese 8 2 2 16 M a nn u n t er der G e s a m m t s u m me von 565 802 zweimal figuriren: erstens in i h r em H e i- mathskreise u nd zweitens in d em Kreise, wohin sie ausgewandert sind. Es wäre sehr zu wünschen, daß dies festgestellt würde, wozu die Militärcom mission der K a m m er die beste Gelegenheit hat, d e nn eine R e d u c t i on der 20 wirklichen Militärpflichtigen auf 483 586 würde alle Prozentsätze b e d e u t e nd ä n d e r n. N e h m en wir indeß an, d aß d em so ist, so bleiben i m m er n o ch 15 66 730 M a n n, welche ||14| jährlich verschwinden u nd verdunsten, o h ne daß die preußische Controle u nd Polizei sie u n t er d en H e lm b r i n g en k a n n. Das sind b e i n a he 14 % der Dienstpflichtigen. H i e r a us folgt, daß die g a n ze Er- 25 schwerung der Freizügigkeit, welche u n t er d em Vorwand der Militär- pflichts-Controle in P r e u ß en herrscht, vollständig überflüssig ist. Die wirkli che A u s w a n d e r u ng aus P r e u ß en ist notorisch sehr gering, u nd steht in gar k e i n em Verhältniß zu der Z a hl der v e r d u n s t e t en R e k r u t e n. Diese b e i n a he 67 000 M a nn w a n d e rn a u ch gar nicht alle aus. D er größte Theil bleibt ent- 30 weder ganz im I n l a n d e, oder geht n ur auf kurze Zeit ins A u s l a n d. Ueber- h a u pt sind alle Präventiv-Maßregeln gegen E n t z i e h u ng von der Militär pflicht u n n ü t z, u nd treiben höchstens zur A u s w a n d e r u ng an. D ie Masse der j u n g en L e u te k a nn o h n e h in nicht auswandern. M an lasse n ur die L e u te richtig u nd o h ne G n a de n a ch d i e n e n, die sich der Einstellung e n t z o g en ha- 35 ben, so b r a u c ht m an d en g a n z en P l u n d er von Plackerei u nd Schreiberei nicht, u nd b e k o m mt m e hr R e k r u t en als vorher. W ir wollen übrigens, um ganz sicher zu gehen, n ur dasjenige als erwie sen a n n e h m e n, was aus H e r rn von R o o n 's eigner Statistik hervorgeht: n ä m lich, daß, die einjährigen Freiwilligen ungerechnet, 8 5 0 00 j u n ge Leute 40 82 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • I 5 10 jährlich eingestellt werden k ö n n e n. N un ist der Stand der jetzigen Frie densarmee ungefähr 2 1 0 0 00 Mann.- Bei zweijähriger Dienstzeit geben 8S000 M a nn j ä h r l i ch z u s a m m en 1 7 0 0 00 M a n n, w o zu Offiziere, Unteroffi ziere u nd K a p i t u l a n t e n, 25 bis 35 000 M a n n, k o m m e n, m a c ht z u s a m m en 195 bis 205 000 M a n n, m it d en einjährigen Freiwilligen 202 bis 212 000 M a n n. M it zweijähriger Dienstzeit der Infanterie u nd Fußartillerie (von der Cavalerie sprechen wir später) k ö n n en also selbst n a ch der eige nen Statistik der Regierung s ä m m t l i c he Cadres der reorganisirten A r m ee auf d en vollen F r i e d e n s s t a nd ||15| gebracht werden. Bei wirklicher D u r c h- führung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht würde m a n, bei zweijähriger Dienst zeit höchst wahrscheinlich 30 000 M a nn m e hr h a b e n; m an k ö n n te also, um doch die Z a hl v on 2 0 0 - 2 1 0 0 00 M a nn nicht zu überschreiten, e i n en Theil der Leute schon n a ch 1 - 1½ J a hr entlassen. E i ne solche frühere Entlassung als P r ä m ie für Diensteifer würde der g a n z en A r m ee m e hr n ü t z en als sechs 15 M o n a te längerer Dienstzeit. 20 25 30 35 40 Der Kriegsfuß würde sich wie folgt stellen: des Reorganisationsplans 4 Jahrgänge 63 000 M a nn 252 000 Reservisten. 3 Jahrgänge à 85 000 ergeben 2 5 5 0 00 Reservisten. Also sicher ebenso günstig wie der Reorganisationsplan. (Da es sich hier nur um das Verhältniß handelt, m a c ht es nichts aus, daß wir von den A b gängen der Reserve-Altersklassen h i er ganz absehen.) ergeben à Hier liegt der schwache P u n kt des Reorganisationsplans. U n t er d em Schein, auf die ursprüngliche allgemeine Wehrpflicht zurückzugreifen, welche allerdings o h ne eine Landwehr als große Armeereserve n i c ht beste- hen k a n n, m a c ht er- vielmehr eine Schwenkung n a ch d em französisch- östreichischen Cadresystem hin, u nd bringt d a d u r ch eine U n s i c h e r h e it in die preußische Wehrverfassung, d ie von d en s c h l i m m s t en F o l g en sein m u ß. M an k a nn nicht beide Systeme vermischen, m an k a nn nicht die Vor theile beider zugleich h a b e n. Es ist unläugbar, u nd nie bestritten worden, daß ein Cadressystem mit langer Dienst- u nd Präsenzzeit der A r m ee für den Anfang des Kriegs große Vortheile gewährt. Die L e u te k e n n en sich besser; selbst die Beurlaubten, d e n en der U r l a ub meist n ur auf kürzere Zeit auf e i n m al z u g e m e s s en wird, s e h en sich w ä h r e nd der g a n z en Urlaubs zeit als Soldaten an u nd sind stets auf d em Sprunge, zu d en F a h n en e i n b e- rufen zu werden - was die p r e u ß i s c h en Reservisten sicher ||16| n i c ht sind; die Bataillone h a b en d a d u r ch u n b e d i n gt m e hr Halt, wenn sie z um ersten Mal ins F e u er k o m m e n. Dagegen ist e i n z u w e n d e n, d aß w e nn m an hierauf am m e i s t en sieht, m an ebensogut das englische System der zehnjährigen Dienstzeit b ei d en F a h n en a n n e h m en k a n n; d aß d en F r a n z o s en ihre algie- rischen F e l d z ü g e, die Kriege in der K r im u nd in Italien sicher weit m e hr genützt h a b en als die lange Dienstzeit; u nd d aß m an endlich, bei d i e s em 83 Friedrich Engels System, n ur e i n en Theil des waffenfähigen Materials a u s b i l d en k a n n, also lange nicht alle Kräfte der N a t i on in Thätigkeit bringt. A u ß e r d em gewöhnt sich der deutsche Soldat erfahrungsmäßig sehr leicht ans F e u e r, u nd drei tüchtige, m it m i n d e s t e ns wechselndem G l ü ck durchgeführte Gefechte bringen ein sonst gutes Bataillon schon so weit, wie ein ganzes J a hr Extra- Dienstzeit. F ür e i n en Staat wie P r e u ß en ist das Cadressystem eine U n m ö g lichkeit. M it d em Cadressystem brächte P r e u ß en es auf eine A r m ee von höchstens 3 - 4 0 0 0 00 M a n n, bei e i n em F r i e d e n s s t a n de von 2 0 0 0 00 M. So viel aber h at es, um als G r o ß m a c ht sich zu halten, schon für die erste Feld a r m ee z um A u s r ü c k en nöthig, d.h. es bedarf, m it F e s t u n g s b e s a t z u n g e n, Er- satzmannschaften, u. s. w. für j e d en ernsthaften Krieg 5 - 6 0 0 0 00 M a n n. W e nn die 18 M i l l i o n en P r e u ß en im Krieg ein a n n ä h e r nd ebenso zahlrei ches H e er aufstellen sollen wie die 35 Mill. F r a n z o s e n, 34 Mill. Oestrei- cher, u nd 60 Mill. R u s s e n, so k a nn das n ur d u r ch allgemeine Dienstpflicht, kurze aber angestrengte Dienstzeit, u nd v e r h ä l t n i ß m ä ß ig lange Landwehr- i m m er v on der Verpflichtung geschehen. M an wird bei d i e s em System Schlagfertigkeit u nd selbst von der Schlagtüchtigkeit der Truppe, im ersten Augenblicke des Kriegs, etwas zu opfern h a b e n; Staat u nd Politik w e r d en e i n en n e u t r a l e n, defensiven Charakter erhalten; m an wird sich aber a u ch e r i n n e rn dürfen, d aß die ü b e r m ü t h i ge Offensive des Cadressystems von J e na n a ch Tilsit, u nd die bescheidne Defensive des Landwehrsystems | |17| m it allgemeiner Dienstpflicht von der K a t z b a ch n a ch Paris geführt hat. Also: Entweder Conscription u nd Stellvertretung m it 7 - 8 j ä h r i g er Dienst zeit, wovon etwa die Hälfte bei den F a h n e n, u nd d a nn keine spätere L a n d wehrverpflichtung; oder aber, allgemeine Dienstpflicht m it 5, h ö c h s t e ns 6jähriger Dienstzeit, wovon 2 bei den F a h n e n, u nd d a nn Landwehrver pflichtung in preußischer oder schweizerischer Art. A b er d aß die Masse des Volks erst die Last des Conscriptionssystems u nd n a c h h er n o ch die des Landwehrsystems tragen soll, das k a nn keine europäische N a t i on m i t m a chen, n i c ht e i n m al die Türken, die doch in ihrer kriegerischen Barbarei im Ertragen n o ch das Meiste leisten. Viele ausgebildete L e u te bei kurzer Dienstzeit u nd langer Verpflichtung, oder wenige bei langer Dienstzeit u nd kurzer Verpflichtung - das ist die Frage; aber m an m uß entweder das E i ne oder das A n d re wählen. 5 10 15 20 25 30 W i l l i am Napier, der d en englischen Soldaten n a t ü r l i ch für d en ersten der Welt erklärt, sagt in seiner Geschichte des Halbinselkriegs, d aß der englische Infanterist n a ch dreijähriger Dienstzeit n a ch allen Seiten voll ständig ausgebildet sei. N un m uß m an wissen, d aß die E l e m e n t e, aus de n en sich die englische A r m ee zu Anfang dieses J a h r h u n d e r ts z u s a m m e n setzte, die niedrigsten waren, aus d e n en ü b e r h a u pt ein H e er gebildet 40 werden k a n n. Die h e u t i ge englische A r m ee ist aus viel bessern E l e m e n t en 35 84 r Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · I gebildet, u nd a u ch diese sind n o ch u n e n d l i ch schlechter, in moralischer u nd intellectueller Beziehung, als die E l e m e n te der p r e u ß i s c h en A r m e e. U nd was die englischen Offiziere m it j e n em L u m p e n g e s i n d el in drei J a h ren fertig brachten, das sollte m an in P r e u ß en m it d em so äußerst bildsa- 5 m e n, theilweise schon so gebildeten, von vorn h e r e in moralisch geschulten Rekruten-Rohstoff n i c ht in 2 J a h r en m a c h en k ö n n e n? 10 Allerdings m uß der Soldat jetzt m e hr lernen. Aber das ist ||18| n ie ernst lich gegen die zweijährige Dienstzeit eingewandt worden. M an hat sich stets auf die A n e r z i e h u ng des wahren Soldatengeistes gestützt, der erst im dritten Dienstjahr h e r a u s k o m m e. Dies ist, w e nn die H e r r en ehrlich h e r a u s sprechen, u nd w e nn wir von der o b en zugegebenen größeren Tüchtigkeit der Bataillone a b s e hn wollen, weit m e hr ein politisches als ein militäri sches Motiv. D er wahre Soldatengeist soll sich am i n n e r en D ü p p el m e hr bewähren als am ä u ß e r e n. W ir h a b en nie gesehen, d aß der einzelne preußi- sehe Soldat im dritten Dienstjahre etwas m e hr gelernt h at als sich langwei len, den R e k r u t en Schnäpse auspressen, u nd ü b er seine Vorgesetzten schlechte Witze reißen. W e nn die m e i s t en unsrer Offiziere n ur ein J a hr als G e m e i ne oder Unteroffiziere gedient h ä t t e n, so k ö n n te i h n en dies u n m ö g lich entgangen sein. - Der „wahre Soldatengeist", soweit er politischer 20 N a t ur ist, geht erfahrungsmäßig u nd sehr rasch z um Teufel u nd zwar auf N i m m e r w i e d e r k e h r e n. D er militärische bleibt, a u ch n a ch 2 Dienst j a h r e n. 15 Zwei J a h re Dienstzeit reichen also, bei u n s e rn Soldaten, vollständig hin, sie für d en Infanteriedienst auszubilden. S e i t d em die Feldartillerie von der 25 Festungsartillerie getrennt ist, gilt von d er Fußartillerie dasselbe; einzelne Schwierigkeiten, welche sich hier zeigen m ö g e n, werden sich h e b en lassen, sei es d u r ch n o ch größere T h e i l u ng der Arbeit, sei es d u r ch die o h n e h in wünschenswerthe Vereinfachung des Feldartillerie-Materials. E i ne größere Einstellung von K a p i t u l a n t en würde ebenfalls keine Schwierigkeiten fin- den; aber diese Klasse von L e u t en ist ja grade in der p r e u ß i s c h en A r m ee gar n i c ht gern gesehen, sofern sie sich n i c ht zu Unteroffizieren eignen - welch ein Z e u g n iß gegen die lange Dienstzeit! N ur bei der Festungsartille rie u nd m it i h r em so sehr mannichfaltigen Material, u nd b e im G e n ie m it seinen vielseitigen Arbeitszweigen, die d o ch n ie ganz getrennt werden kön- n e n, werden intelligente K a p i t u l a n t en werth||19|voll, aber a u ch selten sein. Die reitende Artillerie wird die Dienstzeit der Cavalerie nöthig h a b e n. 30 35 W as die Cavalerie betrifft, so b r a u c ht eine geborene Reiterei n ur kurze, eine erzogene dagegen u n b e d i n gt lange Dienstzeit. W ir h a b en wenig gebo rene Reiterei, u nd b r a u c h en daher die vierjährige Dienstzeit des Reorgani sationsplanes sicher. D ie Reiterei h at zu ihrer einzigen wahren Kampfform den geschlossenen Angriff m it der b l a n k en Waffe, zu dessen Durchführung zo 85 Friedrich Engels der höchste M u th u nd das vollste Vertrauen der L e u te auf e i n a n d er gehört. D ie Leute m ü s s en also wissen, daß sie sich auf e i n a n d er u nd auf ihre F ü h rer verlassen k ö n n e n. D a zu gehört lange Dienstzeit. Aber o h ne V e r t r a u en des Reiters auf sein Pferd taugt die Cavalerie a u ch nichts; der M a nn m uß e b en reiten k ö n n e n, u nd um diese Sicherheit in der Beherrschung des Pfer- des - d.h. so ziemlich jedes Pferdes, das i hm zugetheilt wird - erlangen zu k ö n n e n, d a zu gehört a u ch lange Dienstzeit. In dieser Waffe sind Kapitu lanten u n b e d i n gt wünschenswerth, je achtere L a n d s k n e c h t e, desto besser, so lange sie n ur Spaß am Handwerk h a b e n. M an wird u ns v on oppositio neller Seite vorwerfen, das heiße eine Reiterei von lauter M i e t h l i n g en schaffen, die zu j e d em Staatsstreich die H a nd b i e t en würde. W ir antwor t e n: mag sein. A b er die Cavalerie wird u n t er b e s t e h e n d en Verhältnissen i m m er reaktionär sein ( m an vergleiche die b a d i s c h en Dragoner 1849), grade wie die Artillerie i m m er liberal sein wird. Das liegt in der N a t ur der Sache. E in p a ar K a p i t u l a n t en m e hr oder weniger ä n d e rn d a r an nichts. Und b e im B a r r i k a d e n k a m pf in großen Städten, n a m e n t l i ch die H a l t u ng der In fanterie u nd Artillerie dabei, entscheidet aber h e ut zu Tage das Schicksal aller Staatsstreiche. 5 10 15 20 N un gibt es aber, außer der V e r m e h r u ng der K a p i t u l a n t e n, ||20| n o ch an dere Mittel, die Schlagfähigkeit u nd d en i n n e r en Z u s a m m e n h a ng einer Ar- m ee m it kurzer Dienstzeit zu h e b e n. H i e r zu gehören u. A. Uebungslager, wie der Kriegsminister von R o on sie selbst als ein Ausgleichsmittel der kürzeren Dienstzeit bezeichnet hat. Ferner ein rationeller Betrieb der A u s bildung, u nd in dieser Beziehung ist in P r e u ß en n o ch sehr viel zu t h u n. Der ganze Aberglaube, daß bei kurzer Dienstzeit die ü b e r t r i e b e ne Präci- 25 sion des P a r a d e m a r s c h e s, das „stramme" Exerciren, u nd das lächerlich h o he A u f h e b en der Beine - „frei aus d em Hüftgelenk" ein L o ch in die Na tur stoßen - nöthig seien, um die kurze Dienstzeit aufzuwiegen - dieser ganze A b e r g l a u be b e r u ht auf lauter Uebertreibung. M an h at sich das in der p r e u ß i s c h en A r m ee so lange vorgeredet, bis es zuletzt zu e i n em unzweifel- baren A x i om geworden ist. Was hat es für e i n en Vortheil, w e nn die Leute bei den Gewehrgriffen das Gewehr m it einer V e h e m e nz gegen die Schulter schlagen, d aß sie b e i n a he umfallen, u nd d o ch ein höchst u n m i l i t ä r i s c h es Schüttern d u r ch die ganze Front geht, wie m an es bei keiner a n d e rn A r m ee sieht? - E n d l i ch ist als ein Aequivalent der verkürzten Dienstzeit - u nd als das wesentlichste, a n z u s e hn eine bessere körperliche E r z i e h u ng der Ju gend. N ur m uß m an d a nn a u ch z u s e h e n, daß wirklich etwas geschieht. M an hat zwar in allen Dorfschulen Barren u nd Reck aufgestellt, a b er d a m it k ö n n en u n s e re a r m en Schullehrer n o ch wenig anfangen. M an setze in je d en Kreis m i n d e s t e ns e i n en ausgedienten Unteroffizier h i n, der sich z um Turnlehrer qualificirt, u nd gebe i hm die Leitung des Unterrichts im Tur- 30 40 35 86 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · I n e n; m an sorge dafür, d aß m it der Zeit der Schuljugend das M a r s c h i r en in R e ih u nd Glied, die Bewegungen eines Zugs u nd einer K o m p a g n i e, die Vertrautheit m it den betreffenden K o m m a n d os beigebracht werden. In 6 -8 J a h r en wird m an reichlich dafür bezahlt werden u nd - m e hr u nd stär- kere R e k r u t en h a b e n. | 5 | 2 1| Bei der obigen Kritik des Reorganisationsplans h a b en wir u n s, wie gesagt, lediglich an die thatsächlich vorliegenden politischen u nd militäri schen Verhältnisse gehalten. Zu diesen gehört die Voraussetzung, daß u n ter den jetzigen U m s t ä n d en die gesetzliche Feststellung der zweijährigen 10 Dienstzeit für die Infanterie u nd Fußartillerie die höchste zu erreichende Verkürzung der Dienstzeit war. W ir sind sogar der M e i n u n g, daß ein Staat wie P r e u ß en d en größten Bock begehen würde - sei an der Regierung wel che Partei da wolle - w e nn er die n o r m a le Dienstzeit augenblicklich n o ch m e hr verkürzte. Solange m an die französische A r m ee auf der einen, die russische auf der a n d e rn Seite hat, u nd die Möglichkeit eines c o m b i n i r t en Angriffs Beider zu gleicher Zeit, b r a u c ht m an T r u p p e n, die die ersten Ele m e n te der Kriegsschule nicht erst vor d em F e i nd zu lernen h a b e n. W ir n e h m en daher keinerlei Rücksicht auf die P h a n t a s i en von e i n em Milizheer m it sozusagen gar keiner Dienstzeit; wie m an sich die Sache vorstellt, ist sie h e u te für ein L a nd von 18 M i l l i o n en E i n w o h n e rn u nd sehr exponirten G r ä n z en u n m ö g l i c h, u nd selbst für andere Verhältnisse n i c ht in dieser Weise möglich. 15 20 N a ch allem Vorhergegangenen: waren die G r u n d z ü ge des Reorganisa tionsplans für ein A b g e o r d n e t e n h a us a n n e h m b a r, das sich auf d en preußi- sehen S t a n d p u n kt stellt? W ir sagen, aus militärischen u nd politischen G r ü n d e n: die V e r m e h r u ng der Cadres in der durchgeführten Weise, die Verstärkung der F r i e d e n s a r m ee auf 1 8 0 - 2 0 0 0 00 M a n n, die Z u r ü c k s c h i e bung der L a n d w e hr ersten Aufgebots in die große Armeereserve oder zweite F e l d a r m ee resp. Festungsbesatzung, war a n n e h m b ar auf die Bedin- gung h i n: daß die allgemeine Dienstpflicht streng durchgeführt, daß die Dienst zeit auf zwei Jahre bei der Fahne, drei in der Reserve, und bis zum 3 6. Jahr in der Landwehr gesetzlich festgesetzt, u nd endlich d aß die ||22| Cadres der Landwehr ersten Aufgebots wiederhergestellt wurden. W a r en diese B e d i n g u n g en zu erlan gen? N ur W e n i g e, die d en D e b a t t en gefolgt sind, werden läugnen, daß dies unter der „ n e u en A e r a" u nd selbst vielleicht n o ch später m ö g l i ch war. 25 30 35 W ie b e n a hm sich n un die bürgerliche Opposition? | 87 Friedrich Engels |23| II. fin- 5 Die preußische Bourgeoisie, die als der entwickeltste T h e il der g a n z en d e u t s c h en Bourgeoisie hier ein R e c ht hat, diese m it zu repräsentiren, fri stet ihre politische Existenz d u r ch e i n en M a n g el an M u t h, der in der G e schichte, selbst dieser wenig couragirten Klasse, seines G l e i c h en n i c ht det, u nd n ur d u r ch die gleichzeitigen auswärtigen Ereignisse e i n i g e r m a ß en entschuldigt wird. Im M ä rz u nd April 1848 h a t te sie das Heft in der H a n d; aber k a um b e g a n n en die ersten selbstständigen R e g u n g en der Arbeiter klasse, als die Bourgeoisie sofort Angst b e k am u nd sich u n t er d en Schutz derselben Bureaukratie u nd desselben F e u d a l a d e ls zurückflüchtete, die sie e b en n o ch m it Hülfe der Arbeiter besiegt h a t t e. D ie Periode Manteuffel war die unvermeidliche Folge. E n d l i ch k am - o h ne Z u t h un der bürgerli c h en Opposition - die „neue Aera". D er unverhoffte Glücksfall verdrehte den Bürgern die Köpfe. Sie vergaßen ganz die Stellung, die sie sich d u r ch ihre wiederholten Verfassungsrevisionen, ihre Unterwerfung u n t er die Bu- 15 reaukratie u nd die F e u d a l en (bis zur Wiederherstellung der feudalen Pro- vinzial- u nd Kreisstände), ihr fortwährendes Z u r ü c k w e i c h en von Position zu Position selbst g e m a c ht hatten. Sie glaubten jetzt wieder das Heft in der H a nd zu h a b e n, u nd vergaßen ganz, daß sie selbst alle die i h n en feindli c h en M ä c h te wiederhergestellt hatten, die, s e i t d em erstarkt, ganz wie vor 20 1848 die wirkliche ||24| Staatsgewalt in Besitz hielten. Da k am die A r m e e- Reorganisation wie eine b r e n n e n de B o m be zwischen sie gefahren. 10 Die Bourgeoisie h at n ur zwei Wege, sich politische M a c ht zu verschaf fen. Da sie eine A r m ee von Offizieren o h ne Soldaten ist, u nd sich diese Soldaten n ur aus d en Arbeitern schaffen k a n n, so m uß sie entweder sich 25 die Allianz der Arbeiter sicher stellen, oder sie m uß d en ihr n a ch O b en ge g e n ü b er s t e h e n d en M ä c h t e n, n a m e n t l i ch d em K ö n i g t h u m, die politische M a c ht stückweise abkaufen. Die G e s c h i c h te der englischen u nd französi schen Bourgeoisie zeigt, daß kein anderer W eg existirt. 30 N un h a t te die preußische Bourgeoisie - u nd zwar o h ne allen G r u nd - alle Lust verloren, eine aufrichtige Allianz m it d en Arbeitern zu schließen. Im J a h re 1848 war die, d a m a ls n o ch in d en Anfangen der Entwickelung u nd Organisation begriffene, deutsche Arbeiterpartei bereit, für sehr billige B e d i n g u n g en die Arbeit für die Bourgeoisie zu t h u n, aber diese fürchtete die geringste selbstständige Regung des Proletariats m e hr als d en F e u d a l a- 35 del u nd die Bureaukratie. D ie um den Preis der Knechtschaft erkaufte R u he schien ihr Wünschenswerther als selbst die bloße Aussicht des K a m p fes m it der Freiheit. S e i t d em war dieser heilige Schrecken vor d en Arbei tern bei d en Bürgern traditionell geworden, bis e n d l i ch H e rr Schulze-De- $ I 88 Γ Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • II 5 litzsch seine Sparbüchsen-Agitation begann. Sie sollte d en Arbeitern be weisen, d aß sie kein größeres G l ü ck h a b en k ö n n t en als Zeitlebens, u nd selbst in i h r en N a c h k o m m e n, von der Bourgeoisie industriell ausgebeutet zu werden; ja d aß sie selbst zu dieser A u s b e u t u ng beitragen m ü ß t e n, in- d em sie d u r ch allerhand industrielle Vereine sich selbst e i n en Nebenver dienst u nd d a m it d en Kapitalisten die Möglichkeit z ur H e r a b s e t z u ng des Arbeitslohns verschafften. Obwohl n un die industrielle Bourgeoisie sicher neben d en Cavalerie-Lieutenants die ungebildetste Klasse deutscher N a tion ist, so war d o ch b ei e i n em geistig so entwickelten Volk ||25| wie d em 10 deutschen eine solche Agitation von vornherein o h ne alle Aussicht auf d a u e r n d en Erfolg. Die einsichtigeren Köpfe der Bourgeoisie selbst m u ß t en begreifen, d aß daraus nichts werden k o n n t e, u nd die Allianz m it d en Ar beitern fiel abermals durch. 15 20 25 30 35 40 Blieb das Feilschen m it der Regierung um politische M a c h t, wofür baa- res Geld - a us der Volkstasche n a t ü r l i ch - b e z a h lt wurde. D ie wirkliche M a c ht der Bourgeoisie im Staate b e s t a nd n ur in d e m, n o ch d a zu sehr ver- clausulirten - Steuerbewilligungsrecht. Hier also m u ß te der H e b el ange setzt werden, u nd eine Klasse, die sich so vortrefflich aufs A b d i n g en ver stand, m u ß te hier sicher im Vortheil sein. Aber n e i n. Die preußische bürgerliche Opposition - ganz im Gegensatz n a m e n t l i ch zu d em klassischen B ü r g e r t h um E n g l a n ds im 17. u nd 18. Jahr hundert - verstand die Sache d a h i n: daß sie M a c ht erfeilsche ohne G e ld dafür zu zahlen. V om rein-bürgerlichen S t a n d p u n kt aus, u nd u n t er voller Berücksichti- gung der Verhältnisse, u n t er d e n en die A r m e e - R e o r g a n i s a t i on vorgebracht wurde, was war da die richtige Politik der bürgerlichen Opposition? Sie m u ß te es wissen, w e nn sie ihre Kräfte k a n n t e, d aß sie, die e b en n o ch a us der Manteuffelschen Erniedrigung - u nd wahrlich o h ne ihr eigenes Z u- thun - e m p o r g e h o b en worden war, sicher n i c ht die M a c ht hatte, die fakti- sehe Durchführung des Planes zu hindern, die ja a u ch ins W e rk gesetzt wurde. Sie m u ß te wissen, daß m it j e d er fruchtlos h i n g e g a n g e n en Session die n e u e, faktisch b e s t e h e n de E i n r i c h t u ng schwerer zu beseitigen war; d aß also die Regierung von J a hr zu J a hr weniger b i e t en würde, um die Z u s t i m m u ng der K a m m er zu erlangen. Sie m u ß te wissen, daß sie n o ch lange nicht soweit war, Minister ein- u nd absetzen zu k ö n n e n, d aß also, je länger der Konflikt dauerte, je weniger zu C o m p r o m i s s en geneigte M i n i s t er sie sich gegenüber h a b en würde. Sie m u ß te endlich wissen, daß es vor A l l em ihr eignes ||26| Interesse war, die Sache n i c ht auf die Spitze zu treiben. D e nn ein ernstlicher Konflikt m it der Regierung m u ß t e, b ei d em Entwicklungs- stände der p r e u ß i s c h en Arbeiter, nothwendig e i ne u n a b h ä n g i ge Arbeiterbe wegung ins L e b en rufen, u nd ihr d a m it wieder für d en ä u ß e r s t en Fall das 89 Friedrich Engels D i l e m ma vorführen: entweder eine Allianz m it d en Arbeitern, aber dies m al u n t er weit ungünstigeren B e d i n g u n g en als 1848; oder aber: auf die K n i ee vor der Regierung, u n d: pater peccavi! 5 D ie liberale u nd fortschrittliche Bourgeoisie m u ß te d e m n a ch die A r m e e- Reorganisation, m it s a m mt der davon u n z e r t r e n n l i c h en E r h ö h u ng des Friedensstandes einer u n b e f a n g e n en sachlichen Prüfung unterwerfen, wo bei sie wahrscheinlich zu ungefähr denselben R e s u l t a t en g e k o m m en wäre wie wir. Sie durfte d a b ei n i c ht vergessen, d aß sie die vorläufige Einführung der N e u e r u ng doch n i c ht h i n d e r n, u nd ihre schließliche Feststellung n ur verzögern k o n n t e, so lange der Plan so viel richtige u nd b r a u c h b a re Ele- 10 m e n te enthielt. Sie m u ß te also vor allen D i n g en sich h ü t e n, von vorn her ein in eine direkt feindliche Stellung gegen die Reorganisation zu kom im G e g e n t h e il diese Reorganisation u nd die dafür zu m e n; sie m u ß te bewilligenden G e l d er b e n u t z e n, um sich dafür von der „ n e u en A e r a" mög lichst viel Aequivalente zu kaufen, um die 9 oder 10 M i l l i o n en n e ue Steu- ern in möglichst viel politische Gewalt für sich selbst u m z u s e t z e n. 15 20 U nd was war da nicht Alles n o ch zu t h u n! Da war die ganze Manteuffel- sche Gesetzgebung ü b er die Presse u nd das Vereinsrecht; da war die ganze, aus der absoluten M o n a r c h ie unverändert ü b e r n o m m e ne Polizei- u nd Be amtengewalt; die Beseitigung der Gerichte d u r ch Competenzconflikte; die Provinzial- u nd Kreisstände; vor A l l em die u n t er Manteuffel h e r r s c h e n de Auslegung der Verfassung, gegenüber welcher eine n e ue ||27| constitutio- nelle Praxis festzustellen war; die V e r k ü m m e r u ng der städtischen Selbstre gierung d u r ch die Bureaukratie, u nd n o ch h u n d e rt andere D i n g e, die jede a n d e re Bourgeoisie in gleicher Lage gern m it einer Steuervermehrung von % Thaler pr. Kopf erkauft hätte, u nd die Alle zu h a b en waren, w e nn m an einiger M a ß en geschickt verfuhr. A b er die bürgerliche Opposition dachte anders. W as die Preß-, Vereins- u nd Versammlungsfreiheit anging, so hat ten Manteuffel's Gesetze gerade dasjenige M aß festgestellt, worin die Bür ger sich behaglich fühlten. Sie k o n n t en u n g e h i n d e rt gelind gegen die Re- 30 gierung d e m o n s t r i r e n; ihnen weniger Vortheil als d en Arbeitern, u nd ehe die Bourgeoisie d en Arbeitern Freiheit zu einer selbstständigen Bewegung gab, ließ sie sich lieber etwas m e hr Zwang von Seiten der Regierung a n t h u n. E b e n so war es m it der Be schränkung der Polizei- u nd Beamtengewalt. Die Bourgeoisie glaubte, 35 d u r ch das M i n i s t e r i um der „ n e u en Aera" die Bureaukratie sich s c h on un terworfen zu h a b e n, u nd sah es gern, daß diese Bureaukratie freie H a nd ge gen die Arbeiter behielt. Sie vergaß ganz, daß die Bureaukratie weit stärker u nd lebenskräftiger war, als irgend ein bürgerfreundliches Ministerium. U nd d a nn bildete sie sich ein, daß m it d em Fall Manteuffels das tausend- 40 jährige R e i ch der Bürger eingetreten sei, u nd d aß es sich n ur n o ch d a r um j e de V e r m e h r u ng der Freiheit b r a c h te 25 90 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • II h a n d l e, die reife E r n te der bürgerlichen Alleinherrschaft e i n z u h e i m s e n, o h ne e i n en Pfennig dafür zu zahlen. 5 Aber die vielen zu bewilligenden Gelder, n a c h d em schon die paar J a h re seit 1848 soviel Geld gekostet, die Staatsschuld so vermehrt u nd die Steu- ern so erhöht h a t t e n! - M e i ne Herren, Sie sind die D e p u t i r t en des j ü n g s t en constitutionellen Staats der Welt, u nd Sie wissen nicht, d aß der Constitu- tionalismus die theuerste Regierungsform der Welt ist? fast n o ch t h e u r er als der B o n a p a r t i s m u s, der - après m oi le déluge - die ||28| alten S c h u l d en d u r ch i m m er n e ue deckt u nd so in z e hn J a h r en die Ressourcen eines Jahr- 10 h u n d e r ts discontirt? Die goldenen Zeiten des gefesselten Absolutismus, die I h n en n o ch i m m er vorschweben, k o m m en n ie wieder. A b er die Verfassungsklauseln wegen F o r t e r h e b u ng e i n m al bewilligter 20 Steuern? - J e d e r m a nn weiß, wie verschämt die „neue A e r a" im Geldfor dern war. D a d u r c h, d aß m a n, für wohlverbriefte Gegenconcessionen, die 15 Ausgaben für die Reorganisation ins O r d i n a r i um setzte, d a d u r ch war n o ch wenig vergeben. Es h a n d e l te sich um die Bewilligung n e u er Steuern, wo durch diese A u s g a b en zu d e c k en waren. Hier k o n n te m an knausern, u nd dazu k o n n te m an sich kein besseres M i n i s t e r i um w ü n s c h en als das der n e u en Aera. M an behielt d o ch das Heft in der H a n d, soweit m an es vorher besaß, u nd m an h a t te sich n e ue M a c h t m i t t el auf a n d e rn G e b i e t en erobert. A b er die Stärkung der Reaktion, wenn m an ihr Hauptwerkzeug, die Ar m e e, verdoppelte? - D i es ist ein Gebiet, wo die Fortschrittsbürger m it sich selbst in die unauflöslichsten Konflikte gerathen. Sie verlangen von Preu ßen, es soll die Rolle des d e u t s c h en P i é m o nt spielen. D a zu gehört e i ne starke schlagfertige A r m e e. Sie h a b en ein M i n i s t e r i um der „ n e u en Aera", das im Stillen dieselben A n s i c h t en hegt, das beste M i n i s t e r i u m, das sie, u n t er d en U m s t ä n d e n, h a b en k ö n n e n. Sie verweigern d i e s em M i n i s t e r i um die verstärkte A r m e e. - Sie führen tagtäglich, von M o r g en bis A b e n d, Preußens R u h m, P r e u ß e ns G r ö ß e, P r e u ß e ns M a c h t e n t w i c k e l u ng auf der 30 Z u n g e; aber sie verweigern P r e u ß en eine Armee-Verstärkung, die n ur im richtigen V e r h ä l t n iß zu derjenigen steht, welche die ü b r i g en G r o ß m ä c h te seit 1814 bei sich eingeführt h a b e n. - W e ß h a lb das Alles? Weil sie fürch ten, diese Verstärkung werde n ur der R e a k t i on zu G u te k o m m e n, werde den h e r u n t e r g e k o m m e n en Of||29|fiziersadel h e b en u nd ü b e r h a u pt der feu- 35 dalen u nd bureaukratisch-absolutistischen Partei die M a c ht geben, m it 25 e i n em Staatsstreich d en g a n z en K o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m us zu begraben. Zugegeben, d aß die Fortschrittsbürger R e c ht hatten, die R e a k t i on n i c ht zu stärken, u nd d aß die A r m ee der sicherste H i n t e r h a lt der R e a k t i on war. Aber gab es d e nn je eine bessere Gelegenheit, die A r m ee u n t er die K o n- trole der K a m m er zu bringen, als grade diese Reorganisation, vorgeschla gen von d em bürgerfreundlichsten M i n i s t e r i u m, das Preußen in ruhigen 40 91 Friedrich Engels Zeiten je erlebt hatte? Sobald m an sich bereit erklärte, die Armeeverstär kung u n t er gewissen Bedingungen zu bewilligen, war es da n i c ht grade möglich, ü b er die K a d e t t e n h ä u s e r, die Adelsbevorzugung u nd alle a n d e r en Klagepunkte ins R e i ne zu k o m m en u nd G a r a n t i e en zu erlangen, welche d em Offizierkorps e i n en m e hr bürgerlichen Charakter g a b e n? D ie „neue Aera" war sich n ur über Eins klar: d aß die Armeeverstärkung durchgesetzt werden m ü s s e. Die Umwege, auf d e n en sie die R e o r g a n i s a t i on ins Leben schmuggelte, bewiesen am besten ihr böses Gewissen u nd ihre F u r c ht vor den A b g e o r d n e t e n. Hier m u ß te m it b e i d en H ä n d en zugegriffen werden; eine solche C h a n ce für die Bourgeoisie war in h u n d e rt J a h r en n i c ht wieder zu erwarten. W as ließ sich nicht Alles im Detail aus d i e s em M i n i s t e r i um herausschlagen, w e nn die Fortschrittsbürger die Sache n i c ht knauserig, sondern als große Spekulanten auffaßten! 5 10 15 U nd n un gar die praktischen Folgen der Reorganisation auf das Offizier korps selbst! Es m u ß t en Offiziere für die doppelte A n z a hl Bataillone gefun- d en werden. Die K a d e t t e n h ä u s er reichten bei w e i t em n i c ht m e hr aus. M an war so liberal wie n o ch nie vorher in F r i e d e n s z e i t e n; m an offerirte die Lieutenantsstellen gradezu als P r ä m i en an S t u d e n t e n, A u s c u l t a t o r en u nd alle gebildeten j u n g en Leute. W er die preußische A r m ee n a ch der Reorga nisation wieder sah, k a n n te das Offizierkorps n i c ht m e h r. ||30| W ir spre- 20 c h en n i c ht von Hörensagen, sondern von eigener A n s c h a u u n g. D er specifi- sche Lieutenantsdialekt war in d en H i n t e r g r u nd gedrängt, die jüngeren Offiziere sprachen ihre natürliche Muttersprache, sie gehörten keineswegs einer geschlossenen Kaste an, sondern repräsentirten m e hr als je seit 1815 alle gebildeten Klassen u nd alle Provinzen des Staats. Hier war also die Po- 25 sition d u r ch die Nothwendigkeit der Ereignisse schon g e w o n n e n; es han delte sich n ur n o ch d a r u m, sie zu b e h a u p t en u nd a u s z u n u t z e n. Statt des sen wurde alles das von d en Fortschrittsbürgern ignorirt u nd fortgeredet, als ob alle diese Offiziere adlige K a d e t t en seien. U nd d o ch waren seit 1815 nie m e hr bürgerliche Offiziere in P r e u ß en als grade jetzt. 30 Beiläufig gesagt, schreiben wir das flotte Auftreten der p r e u ß i s c h en Offi ziere vor d em F e i nd im schleswig-holsteinischen Kriege h a u p t s ä c h l i ch die ser Infusion frischen Blutes zu. Die alte Klasse Subalternoffiziere allein hätte nicht gewagt, so oft auf eigene Verantwortung zu h a n d e l n. In dieser Beziehung h at die Regierung Recht, w e nn sie der R e o r g a n i s a t i on e i n en we- 35 sentlichen Einfluß auf die „Eleganz" der Erfolge zuschreibt; in welcher an deren H i n s i c ht die Reorganisation d en D ä n en furchtbar war, ist für uns n i c ht ersichtlich. E n d l i ch der H a u p t p u n k t: die Erleichterung eines Staatsstreichs durch die Verstärkung der Friedensarmee? - Es ist ganz richtig, d aß A r m e en die 40 Werkzeuge sind, womit m an Staatsstreiche m a c h t, u nd daß also j e de Ar- 92 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • II meeverstärkung a u ch die Durchführbarkeit eines Staatsstreichs vermehrt. Aber die für einen G r o ß s t a at erforderliche A r m e e s t ä r ke richtet sich n i c ht n a ch der größeren o d er geringeren Aussicht auf Staatsstreiche, s o n d e rn n a ch der G r ö ße der A r m e en der a n d e r en G r o ß s t a a t e n. H at m an A gesagt, 5 10 so m uß m an a u ch Β sagen. N i m mt m an e in M a n d at als p r e u ß i s c h er Abge ordneter an, schreibt m an P r e u ß e ns G r ö ße u nd europäische M a c h t s t e l l u ng auf seine F a h n e, so m uß m an a u ch z u s t i m m e n, d aß | | 3 1| die M i t t el herge stellt werden, o h ne welche von P r e u ß e ns G r ö ße u nd M a c h t s t e l l u ng k e i ne R e de sein k a n n. K ö n n en diese M i t t el n i c ht hergestellt werden, o h ne Staats- streiche zu erleichtern, desto s c h l i m m er für die H e r r en F o r t s c h r i t t s m ä n n e r. H ä t t en sie sich n i c ht 1848 so lächerlich feig u nd u n g e s c h i c kt b e n o m m e n, die Periode der Staatsstreiche wäre wahrscheinlich längst vorbei. U n t er d en obwaltenden U m s t ä n d en aber bleibt i h n en n i c h ts übrig als die Armeever stärkung in der e i n en o d er a n d e rn F o rm schließlich d o ch a n z u e r k e n n en 15 u nd ihre B e d e n k en wegen Staatsstreichen für sich zu b e h a l t e n. 20 25 I n d eß h at die Sache d o ch n o ch a n d e re Seiten. Erstens war es i m m er ge- rathener, m it e i n em M i n i s t e r i um der „ n e u en A e r a" ü b er die Bewilligung dieses Staatsstreich-Instruments zu v e r h a n d e l n, als m it e i n em M i n i s t e r i um Bismarck. Zweitens m a c ht selbstredend j e d er weitere Schritt z ur wirkli- chen D u r c h f ü h r u ng der a l l g e m e i n en Wehrpflicht die p r e u ß i s c he A r m ee ungeschickter z um W e r k z e ug für Staatsstreiche. Sobald u n t er der g a n z en Volksmasse das Verlangen n a ch Selbstregierung u nd die N o t h w e n d i g k e it des Kampfes gegen alle widerstrebenden E l e m e n te e i n m al d u r c h g e d r u n g en war, m u ß t en a u ch die 20- u nd 21jährigen j u n g en L e u te von der Bewegung erfaßt sein u nd selbst u n t er feudalen u nd absolutistischen Offizieren m u ß te ein Staatsstreich i m m er schwerer m it i h n en d u r c h z u f ü h r en sein. Je weiter die politische Bildung im L a n de fortschreitet, je mißliebiger wird die S t i m m u ng der eingestellten R e k r u t en werden. Selbst der jetzige K a m pf zwischen Regierung u nd Bourgeoisie m uß davon bereits Beweise geliefert 30 haben. Drittens ist die zweijährige Dienstzeit ein h i n r e i c h e n d es Gegengewicht gegen die V e r m e h r u ng der A r m e e. In d e m s e l b en M a ße wie die Armeever stärkung für die Regierung die materiellen M i t t el zu Gewaltstreichen ver mehrt, in d e m s e l b en M aß verringert die zweijährige Dienstzeit die morali- 35 sehen M i t t el dazu. Im ||32| dritten Dienstjahr m ag das ewige E i n p a u k en absolutistischer Lehren u nd die G e w o h n h e it des G e h o r c h e ns m o m e n t an u nd für die D a u er des Dienstes bei d en Soldaten etwas fruchten. Im dritten Dienstjahr, wo der einzelne Soldat fast n i c h ts Militärisches m e hr zu lernen hat, n ä h e rt sich u n s er allgemeiner Wehrpflichtiger s c h on einiger M a ß en 40 dem auf lange Jahre eingestellten Soldaten des französisch-östreichischen Systems. Er b e k o m mt etwas v om Berufssoldaten, u nd ist als solcher in al- 93 Friedrich Engels len Fällen weit leichter zu verwenden, als der j ü n g e re Soldat. D ie Entfer im dritten Dienstjahre würde die Einstellung von n u ng der Leute 6 0 - 8 0 0 00 M a nn m e hr sicher aufwiegen, w e nn m an vom Staatsstreich-Ge sichtspunkte ausgeht. N un aber k o m mt n o ch ein anderer, u nd der e n t s c h e i d e n de P u n kt dazu. W ir wollen n i c ht läugnen, daß Verhältnisse eintreten k ö n n t en - d a zu ken n en wir u n s e re Bourgeoisie zu gut - u n t er d e n en selbst o h ne Mobilisirung, m it d em einfachen Friedensstand der A r m ee ein Staatsstreich d e n n o ch möglich wäre. Das ist aber nicht wahrscheinlich. Um e i n en großen Coup zu m a c h e n, wird m an fast i m m er m o b il m a c h en m ü s s e n. U nd da tritt die W e n d u ng ein. D ie preußische F r i e d e n s a r m ee m ag u n t er U m s t ä n d en ein reines W e r k z e ug in d en H ä n d en der Regierung, zur V e r w e n d u ng im In n e r n, werden; die preußische Kriegsarmee sicher nie. W er je G e l e g e n h e it hatte, ein Bataillon erst auf Friedensfuß u nd d a nn auf Kriegsfuß zu sehen, k e n nt d en u n g e h e u r en U n t e r s c h i ed in der g a n z en H a l t u ng der L e u t e, im Charakter der g a n z en Masse. Die Leute, die als halbe K n a b en in die Ar m ee eingetreten waren, k o m m en jetzt als M ä n n er wieder zu ihr zurück; sie bringen e i n en Vorrath von Selbstachtung, Selbstvertrauen, Sicherheit u nd Charakter mit, der d em g a n z en Bataillon zu G u te k o m m t. D as Verhältniß der Leute zu den Offizieren, der Offiziere zu d en L e u t e n, wird gleich ein anderes. Das Bataillon gewinnt militärisch ganz b e d e u t e n d, aber politisch wird es - ||33| für absolutistische Zwecke - völlig unzuverlässig. Das k o n n te m an n o ch b e im E i n m a r s ch in Schleswig sehen, wo z um großen Er s t a u n en der englischen Zeitungscorrespondenten die p r e u ß i s c h en Soldaten überall an d en politischen D e m o n s t r a t i o n en offen t h e i l n a h m en u nd ihre d u r c h a us n i c ht o r t h o d o x en G e s i n n u n g en u n g e s c h e ut aussprachen. U nd dies Resultat - die politische Verderbniß der m o b i l en A r m ee für absoluti stische Zwecke - v e r d a n k en wir hauptsächlich der Manteuffel'schen Zeit u nd der „ n e u e s t e n" Aera. Im Jahre 1848 war es n o ch ganz anders. 5 10 15 20 25 U 30 Das ist e b en eine der besten Seiten an der preußischen Wehrverfassung, vor wie n a ch der Reorganisation: d aß m it dieser Wehrverfassung P r e u ß en weder e i n en u n p o p u l ä r en Krieg führen, n o ch e i n en Staatsstreich m a c h en k a n n, der D a u er verspricht. D e nn selbst w e nn die F r i e d e n s a r m ee sich zu e i n em kleinen Staatsstreich g e b r a u c h en ließe, so würde d o ch die erste M o b i l m a c h u ng u nd die erste Kriegsgefahr genügen, um die g a n z en „Errun- 35 genschaften" wieder in Frage zu stellen. O h ne die Ratifikation der Kriegs a r m ee wären die H e l d e n t h a t en der F r i e d e n s a r m ee b e im „ i n n e rn D ü p p e l" von n ur kurzer B e d e u t u n g; u nd diese Ratifikation wird je länger je schwe rer zu erlangen sein. R e a k t i o n ä re Blätter h a b en gegenüber d en K a m m e rn die „ A r m e e" für die wahre Volksvertretung erklärt. Sie m e i n t en d a m it na- 40 türlich n ur die Offiziere. W e nn es je d a h in k ä m e, daß die H e r r en von der 94 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · II Kreuzzeitung e i n en Staatsstreich m a c h t e n, wozu sie die mobile A r m ee n ö- thig h a b e n, sie w ü r d en ihr blaues W u n d er erleben an dieser Volksvertre tung, darauf k ö n n en sie sich verlassen. Darin aber liegt am E n de a u ch n i c ht die H a u p t g a r a n t ie gegen d en 5 Staatsstreich. Die liegt d a r i n: d aß keine Regierung, d u r ch e i n en Staats streich, e i ne K a m m er z u s a m m e n b r i n g en k a n n, die ihr n e ue Steuern u nd Anleihen bewilligt; u nd daß, selbst ||34| wenn sie eine d a zu willige K a m mer fertig b r ä c h t e, kein B a n q u i er in E u r o pa ihr auf solche K a m m e r b e schlüsse h in Kredit geben würde. In d en m e i s t en europäischen Staaten 10 wäre das anders. A b er P r e u ß en steht n un e i n m al seit d en V e r s p r e c h u n g en von 1815 u nd d en vielen vergeblichen M a n ö v e rn bis 1848, Geld zu b e k o m men, in d em Rufe, d aß m an i hm o h ne rechtsgültigen u nd u n a n t a s t b a r en K a m m e r b e s c h l uß k e i n en Pfennig borgen darf. Selbst H e rr R a p h a el von Er langer, der d o ch d en a m e r i k a n i s c h en Conföderirten geborgt hat, würde einer p r e u ß i s c h en Staatsstreich-Regierung schwerlich baares G e ld anver trauen. D as h at P r e u ß en einzig u nd allein der Bornirtheit des Absolutis m us zu v e r d a n k e n. 15 Hierin liegt die Stärke der Bourgeoisie: d aß die Regierung, w e nn sie in G e l d n o th k o m mt - u nd das m uß sie früher oder später sicher - genöthigt 20 ist, selbst sich an die Bourgeoisie um Geld zu wenden, u nd diesmal nicht an die politische R e p r ä s e n t a t i on der Bourgeoisie, die am E n de weiß, d aß sie z um B e z a h l en da ist, sondern an die h o he F i n a n z, die an der Regierung ein gutes Geschäft m a c h en will, die die Kreditfähigkeit einer Regierung an demselben M a ß s t a be m i ßt wie die jedes Privatmannes, u nd der es total 25 gleichgültig ist, ob der preußische Staat viel oder wenig Soldaten braucht. Diese H e r r en discontiren n ur W e c h s el m it drei Unterschriften, u nd wenn neben der Regierung n ur das H e r r e n h a u s, o h ne das A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s, darauf u n t e r s c h r i e b en hat, oder ein A b g e o r d n e t e n h a us von S t r o h m ä n n e r n, so sehen sie das für Wechselreiterei an u nd d a n k en für das Geschäft. 30 Hier hört die Militärfrage auf, u nd die Verfassungsfrage fängt an. Einer lei, d u r ch welche Fehler u nd Verwickelungen, die bürgerliche Opposition ist jetzt e i n m al in die Stellung gedrängt: sie m uß die Militärfrage durch fechten, oder sie verliert den Rest von politischer Macht, d en sie n o ch be sitzt. Die Regie||35|rung hat bereits ihr ganzes Budgetbewilligungsrecht in 35 Frage gestellt. W e nn n un die Regierung früher oder später d o ch i h r en Frie den m it der K a m m er m a c h en muß, ist es da n i c ht die beste Politik, einfach auszuharren, bis dieser Zeitpunkt eintritt? N a c h d em der Conflict e i n m al soweit getrieben, - u n b e d i n gt - ja. Ob mit dieser Regierung auf a n n e h m b a re G r u n d l a g en ein A b k o m m en zu schließen, ist m e hr als zweifelhaft. D ie Bourgeoisie h at sich durch Ueber- schätzung ihrer eigenen Kräfte in die Lage versetzt, d aß sie an dieser Mili- 40 95 Friedrich Engels tärfrage erproben m u ß, ob sie im Staate das e n t s c h e i d e n de M o m e n t, oder gar nichts ist. Siegt sie, so erobert sie zugleich die M a c h t, M i n i s t er a b- u nd einzusetzen, wie das englische U n t e r h a us sie besitzt. Unterliegt sie, so k o m mt sie auf verfassungsmäßigem Wege nie m e hr zu irgend welcher Be d e u t u n g. ist in Frankreich. Die Feudalaristokratie A b er der k e n nt u n s re d e u t s c h en Bürger schlecht, der der A n s i c ht wäre, d aß eine solche A u s d a u er zu erwarten steht. Die Courage der Bourgeoisie in politischen D i n g en steht i m m er in g e n a u em Verhältniß zu der Wichtig keit, die sie in d em gegebenen L a nd in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ein n i m m t. In D e u t s c h l a nd ist die soziale M a c ht der Bourgeoisie weit geringer als in England u nd selbst in Frankreich; sie h at sich weder m it d er alten Aristokratie alliirt wie in England, n o ch diese m it Hülfe der B a u e rn u nd Arbeiter vernichtet wie in D e u t s c h l a nd n o ch i m m er eine M a c h t, eine der Bourgeoisie feindliche u nd o b e n d r e in m it d en R e g i e r u n g en verbündete M a c h t. D ie Fabrik-Industrie, die Basis aller sozialen M a c ht der m o d e r n en Bourgeoisie, ist in Deutsch land weit weniger entwickelt als in Frankreich u nd E n g l a n d, so e n o rm a u ch ihre Fortschritte seit 1848 sind. Die kolossalen K a p i t a l a n s a m m l u n gen in e i n z e l n en H ä n d e n, die in England u nd selbst F r a n k r e i ch häufig vor k o m m e n, sind in D e u t s c h l a nd seltener. D a h er ||36| k o m mt der kleinbürger liche Charakter unserer g a n z en Bourgeoisie. Die Verhältnisse, in d e n en sie lebt, die Gesichtskreise, die sie sich bilden k a n n, sind kleinlicher Art; was W u n d er d aß ihre ganze Denkweise ebenso kleinlich ist! W o h er soll da der M u th k o m m e n, eine Sache bis aufs Aeußerste d u r c h z u f e c h t e n? D ie preu ßische Bourgeoisie weiß sehr gut, in welcher Abhängigkeit sie, für ihre eigne industrielle Thätigkeit, von der Regierung steht. C o n z e s s i o n en u nd Verwaltungscontrole drücken wie ein Alp auf sie. Bei jeder n e u en Unter n e h m u ng k a nn die Regierung ihr Schwierigkeiten in d en Weg legen. U nd n un gar auf d em politischen Gebiet! W ä h r e nd des Konflikts ü b er die Mili tärfrage k a nn die Bourgeoiskammer n ur v e r n e i n e nd auftreten, sie ist rein auf die Defensive verwiesen; indessen geht die Regierung angreifend vor, interpretirt die Verfassung auf ihre Weise, maßregelt die liberalen Beam ten, annullirt die liberalen städtischen W a h l e n, setzt alle H e b el der bu- reaukratischen Gewalt in Bewegung, um d en Bürgern i h r en U n t e r t h a n e n- s t a n d p u n kt klar zu m a c h e n, n i m mt thatsächlich eine Position n a ch der a n d e r n, u nd erobert sich so eine Stellung, wie sie selbst Manteuffel nicht h a t t e. Inzwischen geht das budgetlose G e l d a u s g e b en u nd Steuer-Erheben seinen ruhigen G a n g, u nd die Armee-Reorganisation gewinnt m it j e d em J a hr ihres Bestehens n e ue Stärke. Kurz, der in A u s s i c ht s t e h e n de endliche Sieg der Bourgeoisie erhält von J a hr zu J a hr e i n en revolutionäreren Cha rakter, u nd die täglich sich m e h r e n d en Detailsiege der Regierung auf allen 96 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · III G e b i e t en erhalten m e hr u nd m e hr die Gestalt vollendeter T h a t s a c h e n. D a zu k o m mt eine von Bourgeoisie wie R e g i e r u ng vollständig u n a b h ä n g i ge Arbeiterbewegung, die die Bourgeoisie zwingt, entweder d en Arbeitern sehr fatale K o n z e s s i o n en zu m a c h e n, oder gefaßt zu sein, im entscheiden- den Augenblick o h ne die Arbeiter agiren zu m ü s s e n. Sollte die preußische Bourgeoisie u n t er diesen U m s t ä n d en d en M u th h a b e n, a u s z u h a r r en bis aufs j|37| Aeußerste? Sie m ü ß te sich seit 1848 w u n d e r b ar verbessert ha ben - in i h r em eignen S i nn - u nd die C o m p r o m i ß s e h n s u c h t, die sich in der Fortschrittspartei seit Eröffnung dieser Session tagtäglich ausseufzt, spricht n i c ht dafür. W ir fürchten, die Bourgeoisie wird a u ch diesmal kei n en A n s t a nd n e h m e n, sich selbst zu verrathen. | 5 10 |38| III. „Welches ist n un die Stellung der Arbeiterpartei zu dieser Armee-Reorga nisation u nd zu d em daraus e n t s t a n d e n en Konflikt zwischen Regierung 15 u nd bürgerlicher O p p o s i t i o n ?" Die arbeitende Klasse gebraucht zur vollen Entfaltung ihrer politischen Thätigkeit ein weit größeres Feld als es die Einzelstaaten des h e u t i g en zer splitterten D e u t s c h l a n ds darbieten. Die Vielstaaterei wird für das Proleta riat ein Bewegungs-Hinderniß sein, aber nie eine berechtigte Existenz, ein 20 Gegenstand des ernsthaften D e n k e n s. D as d e u t s c he Proletariat wird n ie sich m it Reichsverfassungen, p r e u ß i s c h en Spitzen, Trias u nd dergleichen befassen, a u ß er um d a m it a u f z u r ä u m e n; die Frage, wie viel Soldaten der preußische Staat braucht, um als G r o ß m a c ht fortzuvegetiren, i hm gleichgültig. Ob die Militärlast durch die Reorganisation sich etwas ver- 25 mehrt oder nicht, wird der Arbeiterklasse, als Klasse, wenig a u s m a c h e n. ist Dagegen ist es ihr d u r c h a us nicht gleichgültig, ob die allgemeine W e h r pflicht vollständig durchgeführt wird oder nicht. Je m e hr Arbeiter in d en Waffen geübt werden, desto besser. D ie allgemeine Wehrpflicht ist die nothwendige u nd n a t ü r l i c he Ergänzung des allgemeinen S t i m m r e c h t s; sie setzt die S t i m m e n d en in d en Stand, ihre Beschlüsse gegen alle Staats streich-Versuche m it d en Waffen in der H a nd d u r c h z u s e t z e n. | 30 |39| D ie m e hr u nd m e hr c o n s é q u e n te Durchführung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht ist der einzige Punkt, der die Arbeiterklasse D e u t s c h l a n ds an der p r e u ß i s c h en Armee-Reorganisation interessirt. 35 Wichtiger ist die Frage: wie sich die Arbeiterpartei zu stellen h at bei dem daraus e n t s t a n d e n en Konflikt zwischen Regierung u nd K a m m e r? Der m o d e r ne Arbeiter, der Proletarier, ist ein Produkt der großen i n d u striellen Revolution, welche n a m e n t l i ch in d en letzten h u n d e rt J a h r en in 97 Friedrich Engels allen, civilisirten L ä n d e rn die ganze Produktionsweise, zuerst der Industrie u nd n a c h h er a u ch des Ackerbaus, total umgewälzt hat, u nd in Folge deren an der P r o d u k t i on n ur n o ch zwei Klassen betheiligt sind: die der Kapitali sten, welche sich im Besitz der Arbeitshülfsmittel, der R o h m a t e r i a l i en u nd der L e b e n s m i t t el befinden, u nd die der Arbeiter, welche weder Arbeits- hülfsmittel, n o ch Rohmaterialien, n o ch L e b e n s m i t t el besitzen, sondern sich diese letzteren m it ihrer Arbeit von d en Kapitalisten erst kaufen m ü s sen. D er m o d e r ne Proletarier h at also direkt n ur m it einer Gesellschafts klasse zu t h u n, die i hm feindlich gegenübersteht, i hn a u s b e u t e t; m it der Klasse der Kapitalisten, der Bourgeois. In L ä n d e r n, wo diese industrielle Revolution vollständig durchgeführt ist, wie in England, h at der Arbeiter wirklich a u ch n ur mit Kapitalisten zu t h u n, d e nn a u ch auf d em L a n de ist der große G u t s p ä c h t er nichts als ein Kapitalist; der Aristokrat, der n ur die G r u n d r e n te seiner Besitzungen verzehrt, hat m it d em Arbeiter absolut keine gesellschaftlichen Berührungspunkte. 5 10 15 A n d e rs in L ä n d e r n, wo diese industrielle Revolution erst in der Durch führung begriffen ist, wie in D e u t s c h l a n d. Hier sind aus d en früheren feu d a l en u nd n a c h f e u d a l en Z u s t ä n d en n o ch eine M e n ge gesellschaftlicher E l e m e n te haften geblieben, welche, um u ns so a u s z u d r ü c k e n, das gesell schaftliche M i t t el ( m e d i u m) ||40| t r ü b e n, d em sozialen Z u s t a nd Deutsch- 20 lands j e n en einfachen, klaren, klassischen Charakter n e h m e n, der den Ent wicklungsstand Englands auszeichnet. W ir finden hier in einer sich täglich m e hr m o d e r n i s i r e n d en A t m o s p h ä re u nd u n t er ganz m o d e r n en Kapitalisten u nd Arbeitern die wunderbarsten vorsündfluthlichen Fossilien lebendig u m h e r w a n d e l n: Feudalherren, Patrimonialgerichte, Krautjunker, Stockprü- gel, Regierungsräthe, Landräthe, I n n u n g e n, Competenzkonflikte, Verwal tungsstrafmacht u. s. w. U nd wir finden, daß im K a m pf um die politi sche M a c ht alle diese l e b e n d en Fossilien sich z u s a m m e n s c h a a r en gegen die Bourgeoisie, die, d u r ch ihren Besitz die mächtigste Klasse der n e u en Epoche, im N a m en der n e u en Epoche i h n en die politische Herrschaft ab- 30 verlangt. 25 A u ß er der Bourgeoisie u nd d em Proletariat p r o d u c i ti die m o d e r ne große Industrie n o ch eine Art Zwischenklasse zwischen Beiden, das Kleinbür g e r t h u m. Dies besteht theils aus d en R e s t en des früheren halbmittelalterli chen Pfahlbürgerthums, theils aus etwas e m p o r g e k o m m e n en Arbeitern. Es 35 findet seine Stellung weniger in der P r o d u k t i on als in der Vertheilung der W a a r e n; der D e t a i l h a n d el ist sein Hauptfach. W ä h r e nd das alte Pfahlbür g e r t h um die stabilste, ist das m o d e r ne K l e i n b ü r g e r t h um die am meisten wechselnde Klasse der Gesellschaft; der Bankerott ist bei i hm eine Institu tion geworden. Es n i m mt Theil durch seinen k l e i n en Kapitalbesitz an der 40 Lebenslage der Bourgeoisie, durch die Unsicherheit seiner Existenz an der 98 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • III des Proletariats. Widerspruchsvoll wie sein gesellschaftliches D a s e in ist seine politische Stellung; im A l l g e m e i n en j e d o ch ist die „reine D e m o k r a tie" sein correktester Ausdruck. Sein politischer Beruf ist der, die Bour geoisie in i h r em K a m pf gegen die Reste der alten Gesellschaft u nd n a- 5 mentlich gegen ihre eigene Schwäche u nd Feigheit voranzutreiben u nd diejenigen F r e i h e i t en erkämpfen zu helfen, - Preßfreiheit, Vereins- u nd Versammlungsfreiheit, allgemeines Wahlrecht, lokale Selbstregierung - | |41| o h ne welche, trotz ihrer bürgerlichen N a t u r, eine s c h ü c h t e r ne Bour geoisie wohl fertig werden kann, o h ne welche die Arbeiter aber nie ihre 10 E m a n c i p a t i on erobern k ö n n e n. 15 Im Laufe des Kampfes zwischen den R e s t en der alten, vorsündfiuthli- chen Gesellschaft u nd der Bourgeoisie k o m mt überall irgend e i n m al der M o m e n t, wo beide K ä m p f e n d en sich an das Proletariat w e n d en u nd seine Unterstützung n a c h s u c h e n. Dieser M o m e nt fällt gewöhnlich m it demjeni- gen z u s a m m e n, in d em die Arbeiterklasse selbst anfängt, sich zu regen. Die feudalen u nd b u r e a u k r a t i s c h en R e p r ä s e n t a n t en der u n t e r g e h e n d en Gesellschaft rufen d en Arbeitern zu, m it i h n en auf die Aussauger, die Ka pitalisten, die einzigen F e i n de des Arbeiters loszuschlagen; die Bourgeois weisen die Arbeiter darauf hin, daß sie beide z u s a m m en die n e ue Gesell- 20 schaftsepoche repräsentiren u nd daher jedenfalls der u n t e r g e h e n d en alten Interesse h a b e n. Um diese Zeit Gesellschaftsform gegenüber gleiches k o m mt d a nn die Arbeiterklasse allmählig z um Bewußtsein, d aß sie eine eigene Klasse m it eigenen Interessen u nd m it einer eigenen u n a b h ä n g i g en Zukunft ist; u nd d a m it k o m mt die Frage, die n a ch e i n a n d er in E n g l a n d, in 25 Frankreich u nd in D e u t s c h l a nd sich aufgedrängt h a t: wie h at sich die Ar beiterpartei gegenüber d en K ä m p f e n d en zu stellen? Dies wird vor A l l em davon abhängen, was die Arbeiterpartei, d . h. derje nige Theil der a r b e i t e n d en Klasse, welcher z um Bewußtsein der gemeinsa m en Interessen der Klasse g e k o m m en ist, im Interesse der Klasse für Ziele 30 erstrebt? Soweit bekannt, stellen die avancirtesten Arbeiter in D e u t s c h l a nd die Forderung: E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeiter von d en Kapitalisten d u r ch Ueber- tragung von Staats-Kapital an associirte Arbeiter, z um Betrieb der Produk tion für g e m e i n s a me R e c h n u ng u nd o h ne Kapitalisten, u nd als M i t t el zur 35 Durchsetzung dieses ||42| Zwecks: Eroberung der politischen M a c ht d u r ch das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht. Soviel ist n un klar: W e d er die feudal-bureaukratische Partei, die m an kurzweg die Reaktion zu n e n n en pflegt, n o ch die liberal-radikale Bour geoispartei wird geneigt sein, diese F o r d e r u n g en freiwillig z u z u g e s t e h e n. 40 N un wird aber das Proletariat eine M a c ht von d em Augenblick an, wo sich eine selbstständige Arbeiterpartei bildet, u nd mit einer M a c ht m uß m an 99 Friedrich Engels r e c h n e n. Beide feindliche Parteien wissen das u nd werden also im gegebe n en A u g e n b l i c ke geneigt sein, d en Arbeitern scheinbare oder wirkliche Concessionen zu m a c h e n. A uf welcher Seite k ö n n en die Arbeiter die größ ten Zugeständnisse erwirken? 5 D er reaktionären Partei ist bereits die Existenz von Bourgeois u nd Prole- tariern ein D o rn im Auge. Ihre M a c ht b e r u ht darauf, daß die m o d e r ne ge sellschaftliche Entwickelung wieder todt g e m a c ht oder wenigstens ge h e m mt werde. Sonst verwandeln sich allmählig alle b e s i t z e n d en Klassen in Kapitalisten, alle u n t e r d r ü c k t en Klassen in Proletarier, u nd d a m it ver schwindet die reaktionäre Partei von selbst. D ie R e a k t i on will, w e nn sie 10 c o n s e q u e nt ist, allerdings das Proletariat aufheben, aber n i c ht dadurch, daß sie zur Association fortschreitet, sondern i n d em sie die m o d e r n en Pro letarier wieder in Zunftgesellen u nd ganz oder halb leibeigene bäuerliche Hintersassen zurückverwandelt. Ist u n s e rn Proletariern m it einer solchen Verwandlung gedient? W ü n s c h en sie sich wieder u n t er die väterliche Z u c ht des Zunftmeisters u nd des „gnädigen H e r r n" zurück, w e nn so etwas möglich wäre? Sicherlich nicht. Es ist ja gerade erst die L o s t r e n n u ng der a r b e i t e n d en Klasse von all d em früheren Scheinbesitz u nd d en Scheinpri vilegien, die Herstellung des nackten Gegensatzes zwischen Kapital u nd Arbeit, die ü b e r h a u pt die Existenz einer einzigen großen Arbeiterklasse m it g e m e i n s a m en Interessen, einer Arbeiterbewegung, einer Arbeiterpartei mög||43|lich g e m a c ht hat. U nd d a zu ist eine solche Z u r ü c k s c h r a u b u ng der G e s c h i c h te eine reine Unmöglichkeit. D ie D a m p f m a s c h i n e n, die m e c h a n i schen Spinn- u nd W e b s t ü h l e, die Dampfpflüge u nd D r e s c h m a s c h i n e n, die E i s e n b a h n en u nd elektrischen Telegraphen u nd die Dampfpressen der G e- genwart lassen k e i n en solchen absurden Rückschritt zu, im G e g e n t h e i l, sie vernichten allmählig u nd unerbittlich alle Reste feudaler u nd zünftiger Zu stände u nd lösen alle von früher ü b e r k o m m e n en kleinen gesellschaftlichen Gegensätze auf in d en e i n en weltgeschichtlichen G e g e n s a tz von Kapital u nd Arbeit. 25 20 15 30 Dagegen h at die Bourgeoisie gar keine a n d e re geschichtliche Stellung, als die erwähnten riesenhaften Produktivkräfte u nd Verkehrsmittel der m o d e r n en Gesellschaft n a ch allen Seiten h in zu v e r m e h r en u nd aufs Höchste zu steigern, d u r ch ihre Credit-Associationen a u ch die Produktionsmittel, welche aus früheren Zeiten m it überliefert sind, n a m e n t l i ch d en G r u n d b e- 35 sitz, sich in die H ä n de zu spielen, alle Produktionszweige m it m o d e r n en Hülfsmitteln zu betreiben, alle Reste feudaler P r o d u k t i o n en u nd feudaler Verhältnisse zu vernichten, u nd so die ganze Gesellschaft zurückzuführen auf d en einfachen Gegensatz einer Klasse von Kapitalisten u nd einer Klasse von besitzlosen Arbeitern. In d e m s e l b en M a ß e, wie diese Vereinfa- 40 c h u ng der gesellschaftlichen Klassengegensätze stattfindet, wächst die 100 Deutscher Bundestag tato»*» Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · III in England bereits 5 werden, wie es dies M a c ht der Bourgeoisie, aber in n o ch g r ö ß e r em M a ße wächst a u ch die Macht, das Klassenbewußtsein, die Siegesfähigkeit des Proletariats; n ur durch diese Machtvergrößerung der Bourgeoisie bringt es das Proletariat allmählig d a h i n, die Majorität, die überwiegende Majorität im Staate zu in Deutschland, wo B a u e rn aller Art auf d em L a n de u nd kleine Meister, Kleinkrämer u. s. w. in d en Städten i hm n o ch die Stange h a l t e n. Also: J e d er Sieg der R e a k t i on h e m mt die gesellschaftliche ||44| Ent- wickelung, entfernt unfehlbar d en Zeitpunkt, wo die Arbeiter siegen kön- 10 nen. Jeder Sieg der Bourgeoisie ü b er die R e a k t i on dagegen ist n a ch einer Seite h in zugleich ein Sieg der Arbeiter, trägt z um e n d l i c h en Sturz der Ka pitalistenherrschaft bei, rückt d en Z e i t p u n kt n ä h er heran, wo die Arbeiter über die Bourgeoisie siegen werden. ist, aber n o ch keineswegs M an n e h me die Stellung der d e u t s c h en Arbeiterpartei 1848 u nd jetzt. Es 15 gibt in D e u t s c h l a nd n o ch V e t e r a n en genug, die an d en ersten Anfangen der G r ü n d u ng einer d e u t s c h en Arbeiterpartei vor 1848 mitgewirkt, die n a ch der R e v o l u t i on an i h r em A u s b au halfen, so lange die Zeitverhältnisse es erlaubten. Sie Alle wissen, welche M ü he es kostete, selbst in j e n en auf geregten Z e i t en eine Arbeiterbewegung zu S t a n de zu bringen, sie im 20 Gange zu halten, reaktionär-zunftmäßige E l e m e n te zu entfernen u nd wie die ganze Sache n a ch ein paar J a h r en wieder einschlief. W e nn jetzt eine Arbeiterbewegung so zu sagen von selbst e n t s t a n d en ist, woher k o m mt das? Daher, weil seit 1848 die große Bourgeois-Industrie in D e u t s c h l a nd u n erhörte Fortschritte gemacht, weil sie eine Masse kleiner Meister u nd sonstiger Zwischenleute zwischen d em Arbeiter u nd d em Kapitalisten vernichtet, eine M a s se Arbeiter in direkten Gegensatz z um Kapitalisten gestellt, kurz ein b e d e u t e n d es Proletariat da geschaffen hat, wo es früher nicht oder n ur in geringem M a ße bestand. E i ne Arbeiterpartei u nd Arbei terbewegung ist d u r ch diese industrielle Entwickelung eine Nothwendig- 25 30 keit geworden. 35 D a m it ist n i c ht gesagt, daß nicht M o m e n te eintreten k ö n n e n, wo es der Reaktion g e r a t h en erscheint, d en Arbeitern Concessionen zu m a c h e n. Aber diese Concessionen sind stets ganz eigener Art. Sie sind n ie politi scher N a t u r. D ie feudal-bureaukratische R e a k t i on wird weder das S t i m m- recht a u s d e h n e n, n o ch die Presse, das Vereins- u nd V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c ht befreien, n o ch die M a c ht der Bureaukratie b e s c h r ä n k e n. ||45| D ie Conces sionen, die sie m a c h t, sind stets direkt gegen die Bourgeoisie gerichtet u nd der Art, d aß sie die politische M a c ht der Arbeiter d u r c h a us n i c ht vermeh ren. So wurde in England das Z e h n s t u n d en Gesetz für die Fabrikarbeiter 40 gegen d en Willen der F a b r i k a n t en durchgeführt. So wäre von der Regie rung in P r e u ß en die g e n a ue E i n h a l t u ng der Vorschriften ü b er die Arbeits- 101 Friedrich Engels zeit in den F a b r i k en - welche jetzt n ur auf d em Papier b e s t e h en - ferner das Coalitionsrecht der Arbeiter u . s . w. zu fordern u nd möglicher Weise zu erlangen. A b er es ist bei allen diesen Concessionen von Seiten der Reak tion [feststehend, d aß sie erlangt werden o h ne irgend e i n en G e g e n d i e n st von Seiten der Arbeiter, u nd m it Recht, d e nn i n d em die R e a k t i on den Bourgeois das L e b en sauer m a c h t, h at sie schon ihren Zweck erreicht, u nd die Arbeiter sind ihr k e i n en D a nk schuldig, d a n k en ihr a u ch nie. N un gibt es n o ch eine Art von Reaktion, welche in letzter Zeit großen Erfolg gehabt hat u nd bei gewissen L e u t en sehr in M o de k o m m t; es ist die Art, welche m an h e u t z u t a ge Bonapartismus n e n n t. Der B o n a p a r t i s m us ist die nothwendige Staatsform in e i n em L a n d e, wo die Arbeiterklasse, auf einer h o h en Stufe ihrer Entwickelung in d en Städten, aber an Z a hl überwo gen von den kleinen B a u e rn auf d em L a n d e, in e i n em g r o ß en revolutionä ren K a m pf von der Kapitalistenklasse, d em K l e i n b ü r g e r t h um u nd der Ar m ee besiegt worden ist. Als in Frankreich in d em Riesenkampfe v om J u ni 1848 die Pariser Arbeiter besiegt waren, h a t te sich zugleich die Bourgeoisie an d i e s em Siege vollständig erschöpft. Sie war sich bewußt, k e i n en zweiten solchen Sieg ertragen zu k ö n n e n. Sie herrschte n o ch d em N a m en n a c h, aber sie war zu schwach zur Herrschaft. An die Spitze trat die A r m e e, der eigentliche Sieger, gestützt auf die Klasse, aus der sie sich vorzugsweise re- krutirte, die k l e i n en Bauern, welche R u he h a b en wollten vor d en Städte- krawallern. Die F o rm dieser Herrschaft war selbstredend der militärische Despo||46|tismus, ihr natürlicher Chef, der a n g e s t a m m te Erbe desselben, Louis Bonaparte. G e g e n ü b er d en Arbeitern wie den Kapitalisten z e i c h n et sich der Bona- p a r t i s m us d a d u r ch aus, daß er sie verhindert auf e i n a n d er loszuschlagen. D as heißt, er schützt die Bourgeoisie vor gewaltsamen Angriffen der Ar beiter, begünstigt ein kleines friedliches Plänkelgefecht zwischen beiden Klassen, u nd entzieht im Uebrigen den E i n en wie d en A n d e rn j e de Spur politischer M a c h t. K e in Vereinsrecht, kein V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c h t, keine Preßfreiheit; ein allgemeines Wahlrecht u n t er solchem bureaukratischen Druck, daß Oppositionswahlen fast u n m ö g l i ch sind; eine Polizeiwirth- schaft, wie sie selbst in d em polizirten F r a n k r e i ch bisher u n e r h ö rt war. Da n e b en wird ein Theil der Bourgeoisie wie der Arbeiter direkt gekauft; der eine durch colossale Creditschwindeleien, wodurch das Geld der kleinen 35 5 10 15 20 25 30 Kapitalisten in die Tasche der großen gelockt wird; der andere durch colos sale Staatsbauten, die n e b en d em natürlichen, selbstständigen Proletariat ein künstliches, imperialistisches, von der Regierung abhängiges Proleta riat in d en großen Städten concentriren. E n d l i ch wird d em Nationalstolz geschmeichelt d u r ch scheinbar heroische Kriege, die aber stets m it h o h er 40 obrigkeitlicher E r l a u b n iß Europas gegen d en jeweiligen allgemeinen Sün- 102 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • III denbock geführt werden, u nd n ur u n t er solchen Bedingungen, d aß der Sieg von vorn h e r e in gesichert ist. Das Höchste, was u n t er einer solchen Regierung für die Arbeiter wie für die Bourgeoisie h e r a u s k o m m t, ist, daß sie sich v om K a m p fe a u s r u h e n, daß die Industrie sich - u n t er sonst günstigen U m s t ä n d en - stark entwickelt, daß also die E l e m e n te eines n e u en u nd heftigeren Kampfes sich ausbilden, u nd daß dieser K a m pf ausbricht, sobald das Bedürfniß eines solchen R u h e punktes n i c ht m e hr existirt. Es wäre die höchste H ö he der Thorheit, m e hr zu erwarten für die Arbeiter von einer Regierung, ||47| die gerade bloß d a zu existirt, die Arbeiter gegenüber der Bourgeoisie im Z a u me zu h a l t e n. - 5 10 K o m m en wir n un auf d en u ns speciell vorliegenden Fall. W as k a nn die Reaktion in P r e u ß en der Arbeiterpartei bieten? K a nn diese R e a k t i on der Arbeiterklasse e i n en wirklichen A n t h e il an der politischen M a c ht bieten? - U n b e d i n gt n e i n. Erstens ist es in der n e u e r en 15 Geschichte, weder Englands n o ch Frankreichs, je v o r g e k o m m e n, daß eine reaktionäre Regierung dies gethan hätte. Zweitens h a n d e lt es sich in d em gegenwärtigen K a m pf in P r e u ß en ja gerade d a r u m, ob die Regierung alle wirkliche M a c ht in sich vereinigen, oder sie m it d em P a r l a m e nt theilen soll. U nd die Regierung wird wahrlich nicht alle Mittel aufbieten, der 20 Bourgeoisie die M a c ht zu entreißen, bloß um diese M a c ht n a c h h er d em Proletariat zu s c h e n k e n! 25 30 35 Die Feudalaristokratie u nd die Bureaukratie k ö n n en ihre wirkliche M a c ht in P r e u ß en b e h a l t en a u ch o h ne parlamentarische Vertretung. Ihre traditionelle Stellung am Hof, in der A r m e e, im B e a m t e n t h um garantirt ihnen diese M a c h t. Sie dürfen sogar keine besondere Vertretung wün schen, d e nn Adels- u nd B e a m t e n k a m m e r n, wie Manteuffel sie hatte, sind heutzutage auf die D a u er in P r e u ß en d o ch u n m ö g l i c h. Sie w ü n s c h en d a h er auch die ganze Kammerwirthschaft z um Teufel. Dagegen k ö n n en Bourgeoisie u nd Arbeiter eine wirkliche geregelte poli- tische M a c ht n ur durch parlamentarische Vertretung a u s ü b e n; u nd diese parlamentarische Vertretung ist n ur d a nn etwas werth, w e nn sie m i t z u r e den u nd m i t z u b e s c h l i e ß en h a t, m it a n d e rn W o r t e n, w e nn sie „ d en K n o pf auf d em Beutel" h a l t en k a n n. Das ist ja aber gerade, was Bismarck einge standener M a ß en verhindern will. W ir fragen: ist es das Interesse der Ar- beiter, d aß dies P a r l a m e nt aller M a c ht b e r a u bt werde, dies Parlament, in das sie selbst d u r ch Erringung des allgemeinen direkten W a h l r e c h ts einzu treten u nd worin sie einst die Majorität ||48| zu bilden hoffen? Ist es ihr In teresse, alle H e b el der Agitation in Bewegung zu setzen, um in eine Ver sagen h a t? s a m m l u ng zu k o m m e n, die schließlich d o ch nichts zu 40 Sicherlich nicht. W e nn n un aber die Regierung das b e s t e h e n de Wahlgesetz u m s t i e ß e, 103 Friedrich Engels u nd das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c ht octroyirte? Ja, wenn! Wenn die Re gierung e i n en solchen Bonapartistischen Streich m a c h t e, u nd die Arbeiter gingen darauf ein, so h ä t t en sie ja d a m it schon von vorn h e r e in der Regie rung das R e c ht z u e r k a n n t, durch eine n e ue Octroyirung, sobald es ihr be liebte, das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht a u ch wieder aufzuheben, u nd was wäre da das ganze allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c ht werth? 5 Wenn die Regierung das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c ht oktroyirte, so würde sie es von vornherein so verklausuliren, d aß es e b en kein allgemei nes direktes W a h l r e c ht m e hr wäre. U nd was selbst das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c ht angeht, so braucht m an n ur n a ch F r a n k r e i ch zu gehen, um sich zu ü b e r z e u g e n, welche zah- m en W a h l en m an d a m it zu Stande bringen k a n n, sobald m an eine zahlrei- che stupide Landbevölkerung, eine wohlorganisirte Bureaukratie, eine gut gemaßregelte Presse, d u r ch Polizei h i n r e i c h e nd niedergehaltene Vereine, u nd gar keine politischen V e r s a m m l u n g en hat. W ie viel Vertreter der Ar- beiter bringt d e nn das allgemeine direkte S t i m m r e c ht in die französische K a m m e r? U nd d o ch h at das französische Proletariat vor d em deutschen eine weit größere K o n c e n t r a t i on u nd eine längere Erfahrung im Kampf u nd in der Organisation voraus. Dies bringt u ns n o ch auf e i n en a n d e rn Punkt. In D e u t s c h l a nd ist die Landbevölkerung doppelt so stark wie die Städtebevölkerung, d. h. es leben % v om Ackerbau, % von der Industrie. U nd da der große G r u n d b e s i tz in D e u t s c h l a nd die Regel, u nd der kleine Parzellenbauer die A u s n a h me ist, so heißt das m it a n d e rn W o r t e n: daß wenn % der Arbeiter ||49| u n t er d em K o m m a n do des Kapitalisten stehn, so Stenn % unter dem Kommando des Feudalherrn. Die Leute, welche in e i n em fort ü b er die Kapitalisten herfal- len, aber gegen die F e u d a l en kein W ö r t c h en des Zorns h a b e n, m ö g en sich dies zu G e m ü t he führen. D i e ' F e u d a l en b e u t en in D e u t s c h l a nd doppelt so viel Arbeiter aus wie die Bourgeois; sie sind in D e u t s c h l a nd ganz ebenso direkte G e g n er der Arbeiter wie die Kapitalisten. Das ist aber n o ch lange nicht Alles. D ie patriarchalische Wirthschaft auf d en alten F e u d a l g ü t e rn bringt eine a n g e s t a m m te Abhängigkeit des l ä n d l i c h en Tagelöhners oder Häuslers von s e i n em „gnädigen H e r r n" zu Wege, die d em Ackerbauprole tarier d en Eintritt in die Bewegung der städtischen Arbeiter sehr erschwert. D ie Pfaffen, die systematische V e r d u m m u ng auf d em L a n d e, der schlechte Schulunterricht, die Abgeschlossenheit der L e u te von aller Welt, t h un den Rest. Das Ackerbauproletariat ist derjenige Theil der Arbeiterklasse, d em seine eignen Interessen, seine eigne gesellschaftliche Stellung am schwer sten u nd am letzten klar werden, m it a n d e rn W o r t e n, derjenige Theil, der am längsten ein bewußtloses Werkzeug in der H a nd der i hn a u s b e u t e n d e n, bevorzugten Klasse bleibt. U nd welche Klasse ist dies? In D e u t s c h l a n d, 10 15 I t 20 | f % % 25 j '. -| '•• 30 35 ... 1 40 104 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · III 5 nicht die Bourgeoisie, s o n d e rn der Feudaladel. N un h at selbst in Frank reich, wo d o ch fast n ur freie g r u n d b e s i t z e n de B a u e rn existiren, wo der F e u daladel aller politischen M a c ht längst b e r a u bt ist, das allgemeine S t i m m recht die Arbeiter n i c ht in die K a m m er gebracht, sondern sie fast ganz davon ausgeschlossen. W as würde das Resultat des allgemeinen S t i m m rechts in D e u t s c h l a nd sein, wo der F e u d a l a d el n o ch eine wirkliche soziale u nd politische M a c ht ist, u nd wo zwei A c k e r b a u t a g e l ö h n er auf e i n en i n d u striellen Arbeiter k o m m e n? Die Bekämpfung der feudalen u nd b u r e a u k r a- ist in tischen R e a k t i on - d e nn beide sind b ei u ns jetzt u n t r e n n b ar - 10 Deutschland g l e i c h b e d e u t e nd m it d em K a m pf für ||50| geistige u nd politi sche E m a n c i p a t i on des Landproletariats - u nd solange das Landproletariat nicht in die Bewegung m it hineingerissen wird, solange k a nn u nd wird das städtische Proletariat in D e u t s c h l a nd n i c ht das Geringste ausrichten, so lange ist das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c ht für das Proletariat k e i ne Waffe, 15 sondern ein Fallstrick. Vielleicht wird diese sehr offenherzige, aber nöthige A u s e i n a n d e r s e t zung die F e u d a l en e r m u t h i g e n, für das allgemeine directe W a h l r e c ht auf zutreten. Um so besser. Oder sollte die Regierung n ur deswegen die Presse, das Vereinsrecht, das 20 Versammlungsrecht der bürgerlichen Opposition gegenüber v e r k ü m m e rn (wenn ü b e r h a u pt an d en jetzigen Z u s t ä n d en n o ch viel zu v e r k ü m m e rn ist), um d en A r b e i t e rn ein G e s c h e nk m it einer freien Presse, freiem Vereins u nd V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c ht zu m a c h e n? In der That, geht n i c ht die Arbeiter bewegung ruhig u nd ungestört i h r en G a n g? 25 Da liegt ja gerade der H a se im Pfeffer. D ie Regierung weiß, u nd die Bourgeoisie weiß auch, d aß die ganze jetzige deutsche Arbeiterbewegung nur geduldet ist, n ur solange lebt, wie es der Regierung beliebt. Solange der Regierung d a m it gedient ist, d aß diese Bewegung besteht, daß der bürgerli chen Opposition n e u e, u n a b h ä n g i ge G e g n er erwachsen, solange wird sie 30 diese Bewegung d u l d e n. V on d em Augenblick an, wo diese Bewegung die Arbeiter zu einer selbstständigen M a c ht entwickelt, wo sie d a d u r ch der R e gierung gefährlich wird, hört die Sache sofort auf. D ie Art u nd Weise, wie den Fortschrittlern die Agitation in Presse, V e r e i n en u nd V e r s a m m l u n g en gelegt worden ist, möge d en Arbeitern zur W a r n u ng d i e n e n. Dieselben G e- setze, V e r o r d n u n g en u nd Maßregeln, welche da in A n w e n d u ng gebracht worden sind, k ö n n en j e d en Tag gegen sie angewandt werden, u nd ihrer Agitation d en G a r a us m a c h e n; sie werden es, sobald diese Agitation ge fährlich wird. Es ist von der höch||51|sten Wichtigkeit, d aß die Arbeiter in diesem P u n k te klar sehen, d aß sie n i c ht derselben T ä u s c h u ng verfallen wie 40 die Bourgeoisie u n t er der n e u en Aera, wo sie ebenfalls n ur geduldet war, aber bereits im Sattel zu sein glaubte. U nd w e nn J e m a nd sich e i n b i l d en 35 105 Friedrich Enge/s sollte, die jetzige Regierung würde die Presse, das Vereinsrecht u nd Ver s a m m l u n g s r e c ht von den jetzigen Fesseln befreien, so gehörte er e b en zu d en L e u t e n, m it d e n en nicht m e hr zu sprechen ist. U nd o h ne Preßfreiheit, Vereins- u nd V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c ht ist keine Arbeiterbewegung möglich. D ie b e s t e h e n de Regierung in Preußen ist n i c ht so einfältig, daß sie sich selbst d en Hals a b s c h n e i d en sollte. U nd w e nn es d a h in k ä m e, d aß die Re aktion d em d e u t s c h en Proletariat einige politische Scheinkonzessionen hinwerfen sollte, um es d a m it zu ködern - d a nn wird hoffentlich das deut sche Proletariat antworten m it den stolzen Worten des alten Hildebrands liedes: 5 10 M it gêrû seal m an geba infâhan, ort widar orte. „Mit d em Speere soll m an G a be empfangen, Spitze gegen Spitze." W as die sozialen K o n z e s s i o n en betrifft, die die R e a k t i on d en Arbeitern m a c h en k ö n n te - Verkürzung der Arbeitszeit in d en F a b r i k e n, bessere H a n d h a b u ng der Fabrikgesetze, Coalitionsrecht u . s . w. - so beweist die Er- 15 fahrung aller Länder, daß die R e a k t i on solche Anträge stellt, o h ne daß die Arbeiter ihr das Geringste als Entgelt zu b i e t en h a b e n. D ie R e a k t i on hat die Arbeiter nöthig, die Arbeiter aber n i c ht die R e a k t i o n. So lange die Ar beiter also in ihrer eignen selbstständigen Agitation auf diesen P u n k t en be stehen, so k ö n n en sie darauf rechnen, daß der M o m e nt eintreten wird, wo reaktionäre E l e m e n te dieselben F o r d e r u n g en aufstellen, bloß um die Bour geoisie zu chicaniren; u nd d a m it gewinnen die Arbeiter Erfolge gegenüber der Bourgeoisie, o h ne der R e a k t i on irgend welchen D a nk schuldig zu sein. -1 20 |52| W e nn aber die Arbeiterpartei von der R e a k t i on N i c h ts zu erwarten hat, als kleine Konzessionen, die ihr o h n e h in zufließen, o h ne daß sie d a r um betteln zu gehen braucht - was h at sie d a nn von der bürgerlichen Opposition zu erwarten? 25 W ir h a b en gesehen, daß Bourgeoisie u nd Proletariat beides K i n d er einer n e u en E p o c he sind, daß sie Beide in ihrer gesellschaftlichen Thätigkeit 30 d a r a u f h i n a r b e i t e n, die Reste des aus früherer Zeit ü b e r k o m m e n en G e r u m pels zu beseitigen. Sie h a b en zwar u n t er sich e i n en sehr ernsten Kampf a u s z u m a c h e n, aber dieser K a m pf k a nn erst ausgefochten werden, w e nn sie e i n a n d er allein gegenüberstehen. Erst d a d u r ch d aß der alte P l u n d er über Bord fliegt, wird „klar Schiff z um Gefecht" g e m a c ht - n ur d aß d i e s m al das Gefecht n i c ht zwischen zwei Schiffen, sondern am Bord des E i n en Schiffs, zwischen Offizieren u nd Mannschaft geschlagen wird. 35 D ie Bourgeoisie k a nn ihre politische Herrschaft n i c ht erkämpfen, diese politische Herrschaft nicht in einer Verfassung u nd in G e s e t z en ausdrük- ken, o h ne gleichzeitig d em Proletariat Waffen in die H a nd zu geben. Ge- 40 106 f Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • II/ 5 10 genüber d en alten, d u r ch G e b u rt u n t e r s c h i e d e n en S t ä n d en m uß sie die M e n s c h e n r e c h t e, gegenüber d em Zunftwesen die H a n d e l s- u nd Gewerbe freiheit, gegenüber der bureaukratischen B e v o r m u n d u ng die Freiheit u nd die Selbstregierung auf ihre F a h ne schreiben. C o n s e q u e n t er W e i se m uß sie also das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht, Preß-, Vereins- u nd V e r s a m m l u n g s freiheit u nd A u f h e b u ng aller A u s n a h m s g e s e t ze gegen einzelne Klassen der Bevölkerung verlangen. Dies ist aber a u ch Alles, was das Proletariat von ihr zu verlangen braucht. Es k a nn n i c ht fordern, d aß die Bourgeoisie aufhöre Bourgeoisie zu sein, aber wohl d aß sie ihre eigenen Prinzipien c o n s e q u e nt durchführe. D a m it b e k o m mt das Proletariat aber a u ch alle die Waffen in die H a n d, d e r en es zu s e i n em e n d l i c h en Siege bedarf. M it der Preßfreiheit, dem V e r s a m m l u n g s- u nd Vereinsrechte ||53| erobert es sich das allgemeine Stimmrecht, m it d em allgemeinen direkten Stimmrecht, in Vereinigung mit d en obigen Agitationsmitteln, alles Uebrige. 15 Es ist also das Interesse der Arbeiter, die Bourgeoisie in i h r em Kampfe gegen alle r e a k t i o n ä r en E l e m e n te zu u n t e r s t ü t z e n, solange sie sich selbst treu bleibt. J e de Eroberung, die die Bourgeoisie der R e a k t i on abzwingt, k o m m t, unter dieser Bedingung, der Arbeiterklasse schließlich zu gut. D i e s en rich tigen Instinkt h a b en die d e u t s c h en Arbeiter a u ch gehabt. Sie h a b e n, m it 20 vollem Recht, in allen deutschen Staaten, überall für die radikalsten Kan didaten gestimmt, die Aussicht z um D u r c h k o m m en h a t t e n. Aber w e nn n un die Bourgeoisie sich selbst u n t r eu wird, ihre eigenen Klassen-Interessen u nd die daraus folgenden Prinzipien verräth? D a nn b l e i b en d en Arbeitern zwei W e ge übrig! 25 30 Entweder die Bourgeoisie gegen ihren Willen voranzutreiben, sie soweit möglich zu zwingen, das W a h l r e c ht a u s z u d e h n e n, die Presse, die Vereine u nd V e r s a m m l u n g en zu befreien, u nd d a m it d em Proletariat ein G e b i et zu schaffen, auf d em es sich frei bewegen u nd sich organisiren k a n n. Dies ha ben die englischen Arbeiter seit der Reformbill von 1832, die französi- sehen Arbeiter seit der Julirevolution 1830 gethan, u nd gerade d u r ch u nd mit dieser Bewegung, deren n ä c h s te Ziele rein bürgerlicher N a t ur waren, ihre eigene Entwicklung u nd Organisation m e hr als durch irgend ein ande res Mittel gefördert. Dieser Fall wird i m m er eintreten, d e nn die Bourgeoi sie, bei i h r em M a n g el an politischem M u t h, wird sich von Zeit zu Zeit 35 überall u n t r e u. Oder aber, die Arbeiter ziehen sich ganz von der bürgerlichen Bewegung zurück u nd überlassen die Bourgeoisie i h r em Schicksale. Dieser Fall trat in England, F r a n k r e i ch u nd D e u t s c h l a nd n a ch d em Scheitern der europä ischen Arbeiterbewegung ||54| von 1 8 4 8 - 50 ein. Er ist n ur möglich n a ch 40 gewaltsamen u nd m o m e n t a n en fruchtlosen A n s t r e n g u n g e n, n a ch d e n en die Klasse R u he bedarf. Im g e s u n d en Z u s t a nd der Arbeiterklasse ist er u n- ·. 107 Friedrich Engels möglich; er k ä me ja einer vollständigen politischen A b d a n k u ng gleich, u nd deren ist eine ihrer N a t ur n a ch m u t h i ge Klasse, eine Klasse, die N i c h ts zu verlieren u nd Alles zu gewinnen hat, auf die D a u er unfähig. Selbst in d em ä u ß e r s t en Fall, daß die Bourgeoisie, aus F u r c ht vor den Arbeitern, sich u n t er der Schürze der R e a k t i on verkriechen, u nd an die M a c ht der ihr feindlichen E l e m e n te um Schutz gegen die Arbeiter appelli- ren sollte - selbst d a nn wird der Arbeiterpartei nichts übrig bleiben, als die von d en Bürgern verrathene Agitation für bürgerliche Freiheit, Preßfrei heit, V e r s a m m l u n g s- u nd Vereinsrecht trotz der Bürger fortzuführen. O h ne diese F r e i h e i t en k a nn sie selbst sich n i c ht frei bewegen; sie kämpft in die- s em K a m pf für ihr eigenes Lebenselement, für die Luft, die sie z um Ath- m en nöthig hat. 5 10 Es versteht sich von selbst, d aß in allen diesen Fällen die Arbeiterpartei n i c ht als der bloße Schwanz der Bourgeoisie, sondern als eine d u r c h a us von ihr u n t e r s c h i e d e n e, selbstständige Partei auftreten wird. Sie wird der 15 Bourgeoisie bei jeder Gelegenheit ins G e d ä c h t n iß rufen, daß die Klassen interessen der Arbeiter d e n en der Kapitalisten direkt entgegengesetzt, u nd daß die Arbeiter sich dessen bewußt sind. Sie wird ihre eigene Organisa tion gegenüber der Parteiorganisation der Bourgeoisie festhalten u nd fort bilden, u nd m it der letzteren n ur u n t e r h a n d e ln wie eine M a c ht m it der an- d e m. Auf diese W e i se wird sie sich eine a c h t u n g g e b i e t e n de Stellung sichern, die e i n z e l n en Arbeiter ü b er ihre Klasseninteressen aufklären, u nd bei d em n ä c h s t en revolutionären S t u rm - u nd diese Stürme sind ja jetzt von so regelmäßiger W i e d e r k e hr wie die Handelskrisen u nd Aequinoctial- s t ü r me - z um H a n d e ln bereit sein. | 20 25 |55| D a r a us folgt die Politik der Arbeiterpartei in d em p r e u ß i s c h en Ver fassungskonflikt von selbst. Die Arbeiterpartei vor A l l em organisirt erhalten, soweit es die jetzigen Z u s t ä n de zulassen; die Fortschrittspartei vorantreiben z um wirklichen Fortschreiten, soweit das möglich; sie nöthigen, ihr eigenes P r o g r a mm radikaler zu m a c h en u nd daran zu h a l t e n; j e de ihrer I n c o n s e q u e n z en u nd Schwächen u n n a c h s i c h t- lich z ü c h t i g en u nd lächerlich m a c h e n; 30 die eigentliche Militärfrage gehen lassen wie sie geht, in d em Bewußt sein, d aß die Arbeiterpartei a u ch e i n m al ihre eigene, deutsche „Armee-Re- 35 Organisation" m a c h en wird; der R e a k t i on aber auf ihre heuchlerischen L o c k u n g en antworten: „Mit d em Speere soll m an G a be empfangen", „Spitze gegen Spitze". | 108 F K a rl M a r x / F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls E r k l ä r u n g. An d ie R e d a k t i on d es „ S o c i a l - D e m o k r a t e n" Erklärung An die Redaction des „Social-Demokraten". 5 Die U n t e r z e i c h n e t en versprachen ihre Mitarbeit am „Social-Demokrat" u nd erlaubten die Veröffentlichung ihrer N a m en als Mitarbeiter u n t er d em ausdrücklichen Vorbehalt, daß das Blatt im Geist des i h n en mitgetheilten kurzen P r o g r a m ms redigirt werde. Sie v e r k a n n t en k e i n en Augenblick die schwierige Stellung des „Social-Demokrat" u nd m a c h t en d a h er keine für den M e r i d i an von Berlin u n p a s s e n d en A n s p r ü c h e. Sie forderten aber wie- 10 derholt, d aß d em M i n i s t e r i um u nd der feudal-absolutistischen Partei ge genüber eine wenigstens e b en so k ü h ne Sprache geführt werde als gegen über d en Fortschrittlern. D ie von d em „Social-Demokrat" befolgte Taktik schließt ihre weitere Betheiligung an d e m s e l b en aus. Die A n s i c ht der U n terzeichneten v om königlich p r e u ß i s c h en Regierungssocialismus u nd der richtigen Stellung der Arbeiterpartei zu solchem Blendwerk findet sich be reits ausführlich entwickelt in No. 73 der „Deutschen Brüsseler Zeitung" v om 12. September 1847, in Antwort auf N. 206 des damals in K ö ln erscheinen d en „Rheinischen Beobachter", worin die Allianz des „Proletariats" m it der „Regierung" gegen die „liberale Bourgeoisie" vorgeschlagen war. Jedes 15 20 Wort unsrer d a m a l i g en Erklärung u n t e r s c h r e i b en wir n o ch h e u t e. | 109 F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls N o t iz ü b er „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" I In diesen T a g en erscheint bei O . M e i ß n er in H a m b u rg eine Broschüre von Fr. Engels: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei". Sie verdankt i h r en Ursprung einer Aufforderung von Seiten eines sogenannt „sozial-demokratischen" Blattes an d en Verfasser, sich ü b er diesen Gegen stand in d i e s em Blatt auszusprechen. E i ne e i n g e h e n de B e h a n d l u ng des G e g e n s t a n d es erforderte j e d o ch m e hr R a um als einer Z e i t u ng zu G e b o te stand; u nd die bismarckophile R i c h t u n g, die die n e u e s te „Sozial-Demokra- t i e" g e n o m m e n, m a c h te es a u ß e r d em d en L e u t en von der „ N e u en R h e i n i schen Z e i t u n g" u n m ö g l i c h, an den O r g a n en dieser „Sozialdemokratie" mit zuarbeiten. U n t er diesen U m s t ä n d en erscheint die g e n a n n te Arbeit selbstständig in Broschürenform // u nd entwickelt d en S t a n d p u n kt d en die „ S o z i a l d e m o k r a t e n" von 1848 sowohl der Regierung wie der Fortschritts partei gegenüber e i n n e h m e n. / 110 K a rl M a rx N o t i z en z um K o n f l i kt in d er S e c t i on de P a r is 11865 21 Febr. (Tuesday) Beschluß des Central Council d en Le Lubez herüber zuschicken, reist ab. Wednesday. 22 Feb. (Abends.) Lubez reist ab. Paris 23 Febr. E i n l a d u ng zu meeting des Lefort bei Fribourg etc. (Sieh Letter of Fribourg). Antwort des Lefort in Schily's Brief, (p. 2) 24 Febr. A b e n d. Meeting on Fribourg etc. 24 Feb. Morgen: Lefort besucht Schily mit Lubez - Schily geht n u n, Lefort zunächst in der N ä he lassend, zu Fribourg, where they found different friends, a m o n g st others a friend of Lefort's. All were decidedly against his intrusion. Schily t h en went away to fetch h i m, a nd did n ot conceal from him that he considered his claim, s u ch as formulated by h i m, u n t e n a b l e, (p.2.) Betrogen der Lefort bei der Gelegenheit. (I.e.) Schritte g e t h an entge g e n k o m m e nd gegen Lefort. (2,3.) 24 Feb. Abend: Meeting. Le Lubez nicht da; ging zur Lefortschen Soirée. (3,4.) Schilderung dieses m e e t i ng v om 24. F e b. (p. 4, 5, 6 . )| 111 K a rl M a rx R e s o l u t i o ns of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il on t he c o n f l i ct in t he S e c t i on de P a r is ( O r i g i n al d r a f t) I Ich schlage d em S u b c o m m i t t ee folgende Resolutions vor: 1) T he present Paris b r a n ch A d m i n i s t r a t i o n, consisting of citizens To- lain, Fribourg, a nd L i m o u s i n, is confirmed in its functions by t he L o n d on Central Council, which also expresses its t h a n ks for their zeal a nd activ ity; 2) T he adjunction of citizen Pierre Vinçard to the Paris b r a n ch A d m i n i s tration is thought desirable; 3) W h i le t h a n k i ng citizen Lefort for the part he took in the f o u n d a t i on of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Society, and earnestly whishing for his collaboration, as homme de conseil, with the Paris b r a n ch A d m i n i s t r a t i o n; the L o n d on Cen tral Council, at the s a me t i m e, consider themselves n ot entitled to impose citizen Lefort in any official capacity u p on t he Paris b r a n ch Administra tion; 4) Citizen Victor Schily is appointed the Paris delegate of the L o n d on Central Council. || In this character he has to act only with t he Paris branch Administration. He will exercise b r a n ch themselves have thought proper to acknowledge as a necessary attri b u te of the Central Council u n d er the present political conjuncture. | that droit de surveillance which t he Paris 112 K a rl M a rx R e s o l u t i o ns of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il on t he c o n f l i ct in t he S e c t i on de P a r is 1I) Resolution. W h e r e as citizen Tolain has several t i m es t e n d e r ed his res ignation, a nd the Central C o u n c il has as often refused to accept it, the said C o u n c il now leaves it to citizen T o l a in a nd the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i on to reconsider, w h e t h er or n ot u n d er present circumstances, this resignation be opportune. T he Central Council confirms beforehand whatever resolu tion the a d m i n i s t r a t i on m ay come to on this point. 5 II) Resolution. In deference to the wishes of a m e e t i ng of 32 m e m b e rs of the working m e n 's international Association held at Paris F e b. 24, a nd in obedience to t he principles of popular sovereignty a nd selfgovernment, t he 10 Central C o u n c il cancels its resolution relating to the a p p o i n t m e nt of an of ficial vindicator for t he F r e n ch press. At t he s a me t i me the C o u n c il seizes this opportunity of expressing its h i gh esteem for citizen Lefort, in particu lar as o ne of the initiators of the Working M e n 's I n t e r n a t i o n al Society a nd in general for h is approved public character, a nd further it protests t h at it does not sanction the principle that n o ne b ut an ouvrier is admissible as an 15 official in o ur society. III) Resolution: T he Council resolves that the present A d m i n i s t r a t i on with the a d d i t i on of citizen Vinçard be confirmed. do IV) Resolution: T he Central C o u n c il earnestly requests t he A d m i n i s t r a tion at Paris to c o me to an u n d e r s t a n d i ng with citizens Lefort a nd Beluze, so as to a d m it t h e m, a nd the group of ouvriers they represent, to be repre sented in the a d m i n i s t r a t i on by three m e m b e r s, b ut the council while emit ting such a wish, has no power n or design to dictate. K)The A d m i n i s t r a t i on at Paris having expressed its readiness to ac- t he Council accordingly appoints citizen Schily to be its delegate to the said A d m i n i s tration. J 25 knowledge a direct delegation from the Central Council, 113 Karl Marx / Privatinstruction an Schily. „In case no c o m p r o m i se be arrived at, t he Council declare t h at t he group Lefort, a f t er having taken out their cards of membership, will have t he Power u n d er our Statutes (see § 7) to form a local b r a n ch Society." 77i¿y to be held out in terrorem, but confidentially, to Fribourg et Co., in or der to i n d u ce t h em to m a ke t he necessary concessions, supposed Lefort a nd Beluze (the director of the B a n q ue du Peuple) are earnest in i n d u c i ng their group to b e c o me m e m b e r s. | 114 I n h a l t s a n z e i ge v on F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re K a rl M a rx „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" Hermann. Nr. 324, 18. März 1865 Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei. Von Friedrich Engels. (Hamburg, Otto Meißner.) 5 Diese sehr b e d e u t e n de Brochure zerfallt in drei A b s c h n i t t e. In d em ersten unterwirft der Verfasser die preußische A r m e e - R e o r g a n i sation einer militärisch wissenschaftlichen Kritik. D en Hauptfehler findet er darin, daß der Reorganisationsplan „ u n t er d em Schein, auf die ur sprüngliche allgemeine Wehrpflicht eine 10 Landwehr als große Armeereserve nicht b e s t e h en k a n n, vielmehr eine Schwenkung n a ch d em französisch-ostreichischen Cadresystem m a c h t ". zurückzugreifen, welche o h ne Der zweite A b s c h n i tt kritisirt in scharfen Z ü g en die B e h a n d l u ng der M i litärfrage d u r ch die bürgerliche Opposition. D er Verfasser k o m mt zu d em Schlüsse: „Einerlei, d u r ch welche Fehler u nd Verwicklungen, die bürgerli- 15 che Opposition ist jetzt e i n m al in die Stellung gedrängt: sie m uß die Mili tärfrage durchfechten, oder sie verliert d en Rest von politischer M a c h t, d en sie n o ch b e s i t z t . .. Sollte die preußische Bourgeoisie d en M u th h a b e n, aus zuharren bis aufs Aeußerste? Sie m ü ß te sich seit 1848 w u n d e r b ar verbes sert h a b en u nd die C o m p r o m i ß s e h n s u c h t, die sich in der Fortschrittspartei seit Eröffnung dieser Session tagtäglich ausseufzt, spricht n i c ht dafür." 20 In d em dritten A b s c h n i tt u n t e r s u c ht der Verfasser die Stellung „der Ar beiterpartei zu dieser A r m e e - R e o r g a n i s a t i o n" u nd d en „daraus e n t s t a n d e nen Verfassungs-Conflict". Seine Antwort ist z u s a m m e n g e f a ßt in d en fol genden Sätzen: 25 „Die m e hr u nd m e hr c o n s é q u e n te Durchführung der allgemeinen W e h r pflicht ist der einzige Punkt, der die Arbeiterklasse D e u t s c h l a n ds an d er preußischen Armee-Reorganisation interessirt." 115 Karl Marx Die Politik, welcher die Arbeiterklasse in d em Verfassungs-Conflict zu folgen hat, ist „die Arbeiterpartei vor A l l em organisirt erhalten so gut es die jetzigen Z u s t ä n de zulassen; die Fortschrittspartei vorantreiben z um wirklichen Fortschreiten, so weit es möglich; der R e a c t i on aber auf ihre h e u c h l e r i s c h en L o c k u n g en antworten: M it d em Speere soll m an G a be empfangen, Spitze gegen Spitze". 116 K a rl M a rx N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" Londoner Anzeiger. Nr. 12, 17. März 1865 Die preußische Militärfrage u nd die deutsche Arbeiterpartei. V on Friedrich Engels. ( H a m b u r g. Otto Meißner.) W ir k ö n n en u n s e r en Lesern diese Bro chure, welche die jetzt in D e u t s c h l a nd b r e n n e n d s t en Fragen m it großer Schärfe, Unparteilichkeit u nd S a c h k e n n t n iß b e h a n d e l t, aufs Beste empfeh len. Die alte Organisation der p r e u ß i s c h en A r m e e, die Zwecke ihrer Reor ganisation, die E n t s t e h u ng des p r e u ß i s c h en Verfassungsconflikts, die F ü h rung der Opposition d u r ch die Fortschrittspartei, die gleichzeitigen W i r r en zwischen der Fortschrittspartei u nd der Arbeiterpartei, alles dies wird hier kurz, aber originell u nd erschöpfend dargestellt. 117 K a rl M a rx E r k l ä r u ng ü b er d ie U r s a c h en d es B r u c hs m it d em „ S o c i a l - D e m o k r a t e n" Berliner Reform. Nr. 67, 19. März 1865 Erklärung. S e i n em N a c h w o rt zur Austritts-Erklärung der H e r r en Rüstow u nd Herwegh (No. 31 des „Social-Demokrat") einverleibt H e rr v. Schweitzer e i n en von L o n d on in die „Neue Frankfurter Zeitung" spedirten Artikel z um Beweis, „wie inconsequent u nd innerlich haltlos das Verfahren der H e r r en Marx u nd Engels ist". Er versucht Fälschung der T h a t s a c h e n. D a h er folgendes Tat sächliche. 5 Am 11.November 1864 kündigte Herr V.Schweitzer die Stiftung des „So cial-Demokrat", Organ des Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeiter-Vereins, m ir schrift lich an u nd sagte bei dieser Gelegenheit u. A. : 10 „Wir h a b en u ns an etwa 6 -8 bewährte Mitglieder der Partei oder dersel b en wenigstens n a h e s t e h e n de M ä n n er gewandt, um sie für die Mitarbeiter schaft zu g e w i n n en u nd es steht ziemlich a u ß er Zweifel, daß diese Herren zusagen werden. Allein für ungleich wichtiger h a l t en wir es, d aß Sie, der Be gründer der Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (diese Worte sind von H r n. v. Schweitzer selbst unterstrichen) und ihr erster Vorfechter, u ns Ihre Mitwirkung angedei- hen lassen. Wir hegen die Hoffnung, daß Sie einem Verein, der, w e nn a u ch n ur indirekt auf Ihre eigene Wirksamkeit zurückzuführen ist, n a ch d em großen Verluste, der i hn betroffen, in s e i n em schweren Kampfe z ur Seite stehen werden." 15 20 % D i e s em Einladungsschreiben lag ein Prospectus bei „als Manuscript ge druckt". Statt daß in d i e s em Prospectus, wie H e rr v. Schweitzer j e t zt der „Neuen Frankfurter Zeitung" nachlügt, „Lassalle's W o r te als die m a ß g e b e n d en standen", o d er „Lassalle's N a m en auf die F a h ne geschrieben" war, fi- gurirte Lassalle hier weder m it Wort n o ch N a m e n. D er Prospectus enthielt n ur drei P u n k t e: „Solidarität der Völkerinteressen", „das ganze gewaltige D e u t s c h l a nd „Abschaffung der Kapitalherr schaft". M it ausdrücklicher Berufung auf diesen Prospectus sagten Engels u nd ich die Mitarbeit zu. freier Volksstaat", - Ein 25· 118 Erklärung über die Ursachen des Bruchs mit dem „Social-Demokraten" Am 19. November 1864 schrieb m ir Hr. v. Schweitzer: „Sollten Sie in Be treff der A u s g a be des Prospectus n o ch etwas zu b e m e r k en h a b e n, so m ü ß te dies umgehend g e s c h e h e n ." Ich b e m e r k te nichts. 5 Hr. v. Schweitzer frag ferner an, ob „wir (die Redaction) h i er u nd da einen Artikel von I h n en erwarten dürfen u nd ob es u ns zugleich erlaubt, dies unsern Lesern anzukündigen". Engels u nd ich verlangten vorher die G e sellschaft zu k e n n e n, worin wir öffentlich figuriren sollten. Hr. v. Schweitzer zählte sie n un auf, h i n z u s c h r e i b e n d: „ W e nn Sie an e i n em oder d em an dern dieser H e r r en A n s t oß n e h m en sollten, so wird sich das hoffentlich 10 durch die Erwägung erledigen, d aß ja zwischen d en Mitarbeitern eines Blattes keine gar strenge Solidarität besteht." Am 28.November schrieb Hr.V.Schweitzer: „Ihre u nd Engels' Zusage h at in der Partei, so weit dieselbe ü b e r h a u pt eingeweiht ist, die freudigste Sensa tion hervorgerufen." 15 Die zwei ersten P r o b e n u m m e rn e n t h i e l t en schon m a n c h e r l ei Bedenkli ches. Ich remonstrirte. U nd unter anderm sprach ich m e i ne E n t r ü s t u ng dar über aus, d aß aus e i n em Privatbriefe, d en ich auf die N a c h r i c ht von Las- salle's T od der Gräfin Hatzfeldt schrieb, ein p a ar Trostworte herausgeris sen, m it m e i n er Namensunterschrift veröffentlicht u nd schamlos d a zu 20 mißbraucht worden seien, eine servile L o b h u d e l ei Lassalle's „ein- und auszu läuten". Er antwortete am 30. D e z e m b e r: „Sehr geehrter Herr! H a b en Sie Geduld m it u ns - die Sache wird schon nach und nach besser gehen, u n s e re Position ist sehr schwierig. G ut D i ng will Weile h a b e n, u nd so hoffe ich, daß Sie sich beruhigen und eine Zeit lang zusehen." Dies schon am 30sten De- 25 zember 1864, als n ur n o ch die ersten P r o b e n u m m e rn in m e i n er H a n d! Anfangs Januar 1865, n a ch Confiscation einer der ersten N u m m e rn des „Social-Demokrat", beglückwünschte ich H r n. v. Schweitzer zu d i e s em Ereig- niß, hinzufügend, er m ü s se offen m it d em M i n i s t e r i um brechen. Auf die N a c h r i c ht von Proudhon's T od bat er um e i n en Artikel ü b er 30 Proudhon. I ch entsprach s e i n em W u n s ch m it u m g e h e n d er Post, ergriff je doch diese Gelegenheit, um jetzt in s e i n em eigenen Blatt, „selbst j e d en Scheincompromiß m it der b e s t e h e n d en Gewalt", als Verletzung „des einfa chen sittlichen T a k t e s" u nd P r o u d h o n 's Kokettiren m it L. Bonaparte n a ch dem Staatsstreich als eine „ G e m e i n h e i t" zu charakterisiren. Gleichzeitig sandte i hm Engels die Uebersetzung eines a l t d ä n i s c h en Bauernliedes, um in einer Randglosse die Nothwendigkeit des Kampfes wider das Krautjun kerthum d en Lesern des „Social-Demokrat" ans H e rz zu legen. 35 Während desselben M o n a ts Januar j e d o ch h a t te ich von N e u em gegen Hrn. v. Schweitzer's „Taktik" zu protestiren. Er antwortete am 4. Februar: „ Unsere Taktik betreffend, bitte ich Sie zu b e d e n k e n, wie schwierig u n s e re 40 Stellung ist. W ir m ü s s en d u r c h a us erst zu erstarken s u c h en u. s. w." 119 Karl Marx Ende Januar veranlaßte eine I n s i n u a t i on der Pariser Correspondenz des „Social-Demokrat" Engels u nd m i ch zu einer Erklärung, worin es u. A. hieß, wir freuten u n s, u n s e re A n s i c ht bestätigt zu finden, daß „das Pariser Prole tariat d em B o n a p a r t i s m us in beiderlei Gestalt - der Gestalt der Tuilerien u nd derjenigen des Palais Royal - n a ch wie vor unversöhnlich gegenüber- steht u nd k e i n en Augenblick daran gedacht hat, sein historisches Erstge burtsrecht als Vorkämpfer der Revolution um ein G e r i c ht L i n s en zu ver schachern". D ie Erklärung schloß m it d en W o r t e n: „Wir empfehlen d en d e u t s c h en Arbeitern dies Muster." 5 D er Pariser Correspondent hatte u n t e r d e s s en in Nr. 21 des „Social-Demo- 10 krat" seine frühere A n g a be berichtigt u nd entzog unserer Erklärung so den u n m i t t e l b a r en Vorwand. W ir n a h m en daher H r n. v. Schweitzer's Druckver weigerung h i n. Zugleich aber schrieb ich i h m: „wir würden anderswo u n sere Ansicht ü b er das Verhältniß der Arbeiter zur P r e u ß. Regierung aus führlich aussprechen." E n d l i ch m a c h te ich e i n en letzten Versuch, i hm an e i n em praktischen Beispiel, der Coalitionsfrage, die Erbärmlichkeit seiner „Taktik", war sie anders redlich gemeint, klar zu m a c h e n. Er erwiderte am 15. F e b r u a r: 15 „ W e nn Sie mir, wie im letzten Schreiben, ü b er theoretische (!) Fragen Aufklärung geben wollen, so würde ich solche Belehrung von Ihrer Seite dankbar e n t g e g e n n e h m e n. Was aber die praktischen Fragen momentaner Taktik betrifft, so bitte i ch Sie zu b e d e n k e n, daß, um diese Dinge zu beur- theilen, m an im M i t t e l p u n kt der Bewegung s t e h en m u ß. Sie t h un u ns da her U n r e c h t, w e nn Sie rer Taktik aussprechen. Dies' dürften Sie n ur d a nn t h u n, wenn Sie die Verhältnisse genau k e n n t e n. A u ch vergessen Sie nicht, daß der Allgemeine Arbeiter-Verein ein consolidirter Körper ist u nd bis zu e i n em gewissen G r a de an seine Traditionen g e b u n d en bleibt. Die Dinge in concreto schlep p en e b en i m m er irgend ein Fußgewicht m it sich h e r u m ." irgendwo und irgendwie Ihre Unzufriedenheit mit unse 20 ?5 Auf dies Schweitzer'sche U l t i m a t um antwortete Engels' u nd m e i ne öf- 30 feniliche Austrittserklärung. L o n d o n, 15. M ä rz 1865. Karl Marx. 120 K a rl M a rx M e m o r a n d um to H e r m a nn J u ng a b o ut t he c o n f l i ct in t he S e c t i on de P a r is |[1]| Subcommittee Sitting 4 March, he wanted already to m o ve his resolution, according to which the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i on was to be c o m p o s ed as fol lows: Fribourg, Vinçard, L i m o u s i n, 3 m e m b e rs to be designated by Lefort, Schily as a sort of umpire. 5 Subcommittee Sitting. 6 March. He reproduces that m o t i o n. Sitting of the Central Council. 7 March. He allowed the a p p o i n t m e nt of Schily to pass without division, that is he accepted it, speaking in a parlia mentary sense. After this h ad t a k en place, he writes in hot-haste to Paris, even before he 10 had the Resolutions in his h a n d. He expected, as he said (14 M a r c h ), t h at the Paris Administration would protest against Schily. As by R e s o l u t i on V [Resolution V. The Administration at Paris having expressed its readiness to ac knowledge a direct delegation from the Central Council, the C o u n c il accord ingly appoints Citizen Schily to be its delegate to the said Administration.) 15 Schily was only accredited to that A d m i n i s t r a t i o n, his ||[2]| a p p o i n t m e nt could only be protested against by t h e m. Having failed with t h e m, L u b ez conspires with the brothers of his lodge, to declare Schily's a p p o i n t m e nt the cause of their withdrawal. He puts himself in this awkward position: He protests against t he Paris 20 Administration in the n a me of Lefort, a nd he protests against Schily in t he name of the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i on which represents the F r e n ch b r a n ch etc. On the remark of Mr. F ox (last sitting of Central Council) that h is forget- fulness of Schily's nationality on 4 a nd 6 M a r c h, a nd his vivid recollection of it on M a r ch 14 could only be a c c o u n t ed for by his wish to revenge h i m- 25 self because of the slight he thought Mr. Lefort was p ut to, he accepted this plain explanation. His mean i n s i n u a t i n g: ls t l y) as if the introductory words of R e s o l u t i on V h ad b e en inserted as a catch-vote on false pretences. These words rest u p on facts, Mr. Schily's open letter, brought over by Lubez, read on February 28 in presence of Tolain 30 121 Karl Marx etc, secondly Mr. Schily's report, c o m m u n i c a t ed t he S u b c o m m i t t e e, lastly the resolutions passed by the meeting of 24th February at Paris. T he words were only inserted to avoid even the appearance of dictatorship on the part of t he Central Council. | to I [3] I 2n d l y) T h e re h ad on M a r ch 7 t i me b e en killed by personal alterca tions in order to hurry t he acceptance of the 3 last Resolutions, carry t h em by surprise. 3r d l y) Mr. Schily was no ouvrier. Rejected as principle by R e s o l u t i on II. Schily h ad only to act privately with the Paris a d m i n i s t r a t i o n; Lefort was to act u p on the public stage before the world in the n a me of the Association. The cases not analogous. As to Lefort. He asks us to appoint h im Defender G e n e r al in the F r e n ch Press. We do so because we suppose h im to act in u n d e r s t a n d i n g, and in concurrence with Tolain etc. This n o m i n a t i on so o b t a i n ed he t u r ns afterwards against us into a legal title. On Tolain's letter, a nd before L u b ez was sent to Paris, we cancel this a p p o i n t m e n t, as far as Mr. Lefort's name a nd public position is concerned. (We r e d u ce it to this: he is allowed to write articles not signed by himself, b ut by an ouvrier - a thing which he m i g ht have d o ne without our consent.) T h at such is the case, results from an angry letter he t h en wrote to L u b e z, b ut he yielded. T he Paris m e e t i ng of F e b r u a ry 24th com m i t t ed only this b l u n d e r: that it protested against a resolution that had ceased to exist. A nd upon this Mr. Lefort, or his friends at L o n d o n, feign to forget that he h ad already given up the post he was n a m ed ||[4]| to. He even m e n a c es us to warn all democrats against us, forgetting t h at we can warn against h i m, if necessary. He a nd his m an Lubez say that he is n ot m o v ed by personal a m b i t i o n. He only wants a political guarantee. Well. We appoint Vinçard, a m an who re presents m o re guarantees t h an Lefort et Le L u b ez p ut together. Having b e en appointed, Mr. Vinçard turns into a n o n - e n t i ty for Lefort a nd Lubez. T he only thing they could say against his proposal by Tolain etc, afterwards confirmed by u s, is this: that it was n ot at the right t i me c o m m u n i c a t ed to Lefort. T h us this miserable point of etiquette is their last pretence of oppo sition etc. International Character of the society endangered, a nd Power of t he Council to appoint ambassadors. The class character of this movement. R é p u b l i c a i ns formalistes. 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 122 Karl Marx: Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in the Section de Paris. Seite [5] Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in the Section de Paris I[5]I 1) Pas de résolution contre Schily; M a rx déclare la n o m i n a t i on de M ö n s. Schily c o m me n o n - a v e n u e, qu'il l'avait s e u l e m e nt acceptée par- cequ'elle a passé unanimement. 2) T he instructions given to Le Lubez to c o m m u n i c a te to the F r e n ch ad ministration a nd Lefort (in the sitting of C o u n c il 7th M a r c h ), r un t h u s: „In case no compromise be arrived at, the Council declare that the group Lefort, a f t er having t a k en o ut their cards of m e m b e r s h i p, will have t he Power, u n der our statutes (see § 7), to form a local b r a n ch society." In the sitting of the C o u n c il of M a r ch 14 this Private I n s t r u c t i on was changed into a Resolution, because no c o m p r o m i se could be arrived at. This was the only Resolution passed. (There was the other R e s o l u t i on passed that L u b ez h ad to c o m m u n i c a te lit erally to b o th sides the whole of the Resolutions.) 125 K a rl M a rx N o te to H e r m a nn J u ng a b o ut E r n e st J o n e s 's l e t t er to t he C e n t r al C o u n c il I Ernest Jones writes to M a rx (d.d. M a r ch 16, M a n c h e s t e r ), t h at he will sup port the delegation sent to the M a n c h e s t er Conference. T he m i d d le class h ad sent to h im a nd H o o s on to sign the Circular convening t he M a n c h e s t er Conference. He h ad n ot accepted it at the date of the letter. Er schreibt ausserdem: " We are going to hold district meetings in M a n c h e s t er to or ganise the M a n h o od Suffrage m o v e m e nt in support of t he L o n d on one." Give Mr.Cremer (privately) the address of E.Jones, 55, Cross Street, Man chester. I 126 E r k l ä r u ng an d ie R e d a k t i on d er „ B e r l i n er R e f o r m" K a rl M a rx I An die Redaction der (Berliner) „Reform". Aus den h i e r h in m ir nachgeschickten N . 68 der „Reform" u nd N . 37 des „So cial-Demokrat" ersehe ich, d aß Herr v. Schweitzer verlegne u nd verlogne Versuche m a c h t, um sich aus selbstbereiteten „holden H i n d e r n i s s e n" her- auszuwinden. H a b e at sibi! I ch erlaube i hm j e d o ch nicht, m e i ne Erklärung vom 15. M ä r z, worin ich ihn einfach sich selbst schildern lasse, in eine Er klärung über Lassalle zu verdrehn. D ie ungefähr fünfzehn J a h re u m f a s s e n de und in m e i n em Besitz befindliche Correspondenz Lassalle's m it m ir ent zieht es ganz u nd gar der M a c ht der Schweitzer u nd Consorten, u n s er per- sönliches Verhältniß zu entstellen, oder die Motive || m e i n er n e u t r a l en Haltung zur Lassalleschen Agitation zu verdächtigen. W as andrerseits das Verhältniß der theoretischen Arbeiten Lassalle's zu d en m e i n i g en betrifft, so ist das Sache wissenschaftlicher Kritik. Z ur Erörterung ü b er d en e i n en oder den a n d e rn P u n kt bietet sich später vielleicht die Gelegenheit. U n t er allen U m s t ä n d en aber verbietet m ir die Pietät Derartiges z um G e g e n s t a nd 5 10 15 der Zeitungspolemik m it Sykophanten zu m a c h e n. Zalt-Bommel 2 8 . M ä rz 1865. Karl M a rx | 127 K a rl M a rx D er „ P r ä s i d e nt d er M e n s c h h e i t" Der „Präsident der Menschheit". Rheinische Zeitung. Nr. 102, 12. April 1865 Bei m e i n er R ü c k k e hr von Holland n a ch L o n d on präsentirt m ir der „Social- Demokrat" in Nr. 39 e i n en von H r n. Bemh. Becker eigenhändig gebackenen A s a - F ö t i d a - K u c h e n, größtentheils a us Vogt'schen V e r l ä u m d u n g s k r u m en z u s a m m e n g e s e t z t. D ie der V o g t ' s c h en L ü g e n m ä r c h en findet m an in m e i n er Schrift „Herr Vogt. Lon don, 1860". G a nz wider sich H r. Bernhard Becker, der „Präsident der Menschheit", diesmal n i c ht blos mit Abschreiberei. Z um ersten M al in s e i n em L e b en versucht er, a u ch etwas Eigenes zu geben. d o k u m e n t i r te Widerlegung seine G e w o h n h e it j e d o c h, begnügt gerichtlich 5 10 „Ja, Marx", sagt der „Präsident der Menschheit", „versetzte d u r ch D r o n ke für 1000 Thlr. ein Manuscript, welches der p r e u ß i s c he Polizei-Commissar Stieber, der in L o n d on u n t er den Flüchtlingen h e r u m s p i o n i r t e, auslöste." U nd dreimal im Lauf seines selbstmündlichen Präsidialvortrags kehrt u n ser Bernhard Becker m it stets wachsender Heiterkeit z u r ü ck zu dieser „That- 15 sache". Seite 124 m e i n es „Herr Vogt", sage ich in einer N o t e: „Ich selbst hatte Bangya m it s e i n em d a m a l i g en F r e u n d e, d em jetzigen G e n e r al Tun, 1850 in L o n d on k e n n en gelernt. Der Verdacht, d en m ir seine M o g e l e i en m it allen m ö g l i c h en Parteien, Orleanisten, Bonapartisten u. s. w., u nd sein U m g a ng 20 m it Polizisten j e d er R a t i o n a l i t ä t' einflößten, schlug er einfach nieder d u r ch Vorzeigung eines i hm von Kossuth eigenhändig ausgefertigten Pa tents, worin er früher schon provisorischer Polizei-Präsident zu Komorn u n t er Klapka, z um Polizei-Präsidenten in partibus bestallt war. G e h e i m er Polizeichef im Dienste der Revolution, m u ß te er sich n a t ü r l i ch die Zu- 25 gänge zur Polizei im Dienste der R e g i e r u n g en „offen" halten. Im Laufe des S o m m e rs 1852 entdeckte ich, daß er ein Manuscript, das ich ihm zur Besor gung an einen Buchhändler in Berlin anvertraut, unterschlagen und einer deut schen Regierung in die Hände gespielt hatte. N a c h d em ich ü b er diesen Vorfall 128 Der „Präsident der Menschheit" u nd andere, m ir längst auffällige E i g e n t h ü m l i c h k e i t en des M a n n es an e i n en U n g a rn (Szemere) zu Paris geschrieben, u nd d u r ch die Intervention einer dritten g e n au u n t e r r i c h t e t en Person das M y s t e r i um Bangya völlig ge löst worden war, s a n d te ich eine öffentliche Denunciation, unterzeichnet mit 5 meinem Namen, Anfang 1853 der Newyorker Criminalzeitung zu."' Der „Präsident der Menschheit" h at offenbar die ausführliche, von m ir vor 12 J a h r en in der „Newyorker C r i m i n a l z e i t u n g" veröffentlichte D e n u n c i a tion Bangya's, der d a m a ls n o ch zu L o n d on hauste, nicht gelesen. Er h ä t te sonst wohl seine D i c h t u ng d em T h a t b e s t a n de etwas n ä h er angeschmiegt. 10 So überläßt er sich ganz d em Spiel seiner h o l d en Phantasie, u nd was lag der näher, als die a n g e n e h me Ideenassociation von London u nd Versetzen ? Doch stehe ich dafür, daß Bernhard Becker n i e m a ls seine M a n u s c r i p te ver setzt hat. D er „Präsident der Menschheit" geruhte ferner h i n z u z u f ü g e n: 15 „daß M a rx b e im E n t s t e h en des W i e n er .Botschafters', des officiösen Or gans der östreichischen Regierung, m i ch (eben denselbigen Bernhard Becker) als C o r r e s p o n d e n t en für denselben gewinnen wollte, i n d em er m ir d en offi ciösen Charakter des a u f t a u c h e n d en Blattes, das, wie er sagte, i hm zuge schickt worden war, verschwieg u nd im G e g e n t h e il b e t o n t e, daß ich ganz rothe Artikel hineinliefern dürfe." 20 25 Herr Bernhard Becker, der damals n o ch nicht „Präsident der Menschheit" war, a u ch die unverbrüchliche G e w o h n h e it besaß, „ganz blasse Artikel" in den L o n d o n er „Hermann" zu kritzeln, überraschte m i ch (ich hatte ihn vor her n ur ein oder zweimal zufällig gesehn), - kurz bevor er sich aus siche- ren G r ü n d en still aus L o n d on wegstahl, eines s c h ö n en A b e n ds m it e i n em leibhaftigen B e s u c he in m e i n em H a u s e. Er winselte m ir kläglich sein M i ß geschick vor u nd frag an, ob ich i hm C o r r e s p o n d e n z en zur Hülfe aus bitte rer N o th verschaffen k ö n n e? Ich erwiderte, Herr Kolatschek h a be vor weni gen Tagen H e r rn S. Borkheim, politischem Flüchtling u nd K a u f m a nn in der 30 City, die G r ü n d u ng eines n e u e n, angeblich „sehr liberalen" W i e n er Blattes angezeigt, i hm P r o b e n u m m e rn zugeschickt u nd i hn ersucht, e i n en L o n d o ner C o r r e s p o n d e n t en zu werben. A uf Bernhard Becker's h e i ß en W u n s ch ver sprach ich, m i ch für i hn an Herrn Borkheim, der F l ü c h t l i n g en stets gern ge fällig ist, in dieser Angelegenheit zu w e n d e n. Bernhard Becker schrieb auch, so viel ich m i ch erinnere, e i n en oder m e h r e re Probeartikel n a ch W i e n. U nd sein fehlgeschlagener Versuch, Correspondent des Botschafters zu werden, beweist meine Allianz m it der östreichischen Kanzlei! Herr Bernhard Becker glaubt offenbar, daß weil die Gräfin Hatzfeldt i hm ein A m t, der Herrgott ihm a u ch d en d a zu n ö t h i g en Verstand gegeben hat! 35 40 „Systematisch", erzählt Bernhard Becker weiter, „bearbeitete Liebknecht n un die Gräfin Hatzfeldt, an welche a u ch M a rx Telegramme u nd Briefe schickt, um sie gegen den Verein aufzureizen." 129 Karl Marx Herr Bernhard Becker wähnt, ich n e h me die i hm t e s t a m e n t a r i s ch über k o m m e ne Wichtigkeit ganz so „systematisch" ernsthaft wie er selbst! M e i ne Briefe an die Gräfin Hatzfeldt n a ch d em Tode Lassalle's b e s t a n d en aus e i n em Condolenzschreiben, aus Antworten auf verschiedene, m ir we gen der beabsichtigten Lassalle-Brochüre gestellte F r a g en u nd aus Erörte r u n g en ü b er eine m ir abverlangte u nd in der T h at erfolgte A b w e hr wider einen V e r l ä u m d er Lassalle's. Z ur V e r m e i d u ng von Mißverständnissen hielt ich es j e d o ch für zweckmäßig, die Gräfin in e i n em Brief v om 22. Dezember 1864 zu erinnern, daß ich m it Lassalle's Politik nicht ü b e r e i n s t i m m t e. Da m it schloß u n s e re Correspondenz, worin keine Silbe ü b er den Verein. Die Gräfin h a t te m i ch u. a. ersucht ihr umgehend zu schreiben, ob die Z u g a be gewisser Portraits zur beabsichtigten Brochure m ir passend schiene. Ich antwortete d u r ch Telegraph: Neinl D i eß eine T e l e g r a mm setzt H e rr Bern hard Becker, der ein eben so großer G r a m m a t i k e r, wie Dichter u nd D e n k er ist, in den Plural. in P r e u ß en m i ß b r a u c h en Er erzählt, ich h a be m i ch a u ch später an einer wider i hn in's W e rk ge setzten Agitation betheiligt. Der einzige Schritt meinerseits in dieser all wichtigen Angelegenheit war dieser: M an h a t te m ir aus Berlin geschrieben, Bernhard Becker werde von gewisser Seite her verfolgt, weil er d en „Social- Demokrat" u nd d en „Verein" nicht zur Agitation für die Einverleibung Schleswig-Holsteins m i ch gleichzeitig ersucht, Herrn Klings in Solingen, auf d en m an m ir we gen früherer V e r b i n d u ng e i n en gewissen Einfluß zu schrieb, u nd Herrn Philipp Becker in Genf, diese „Intrigue" z ur W a r n u ng m i t z u t h e i l e n. Ich that beides, das eine d u r ch e i n en Barmer F r e u n d, das a n d re d u r ch m e i n en F r e u nd Schily in Paris, der befangen wie ich war in d em W a h ne es sei dem „Präsidenten der Menschheit" etwas m e n s c h l i c h es passirt u nd er h a be sich wirklich e i n m al anständig aufgeführt. Er verdreht jetzt n a t ü r l i ch d en That- b e s t a nd ins grade G e g e n t h e il - als Dialektiker. lassen wolle. M an hatte 10 15 20 25 D er „Präsident der Menschheit" ist aber nicht n ur groß als Dichter, Den- ker, G r a m m a t i k er u nd Dialektiker. Er ist o b e n d r e in Patholog reinsten Was sers. M e i ne anderthalbjährige Karbunkelkrankheit, die zufällig n o ch 6 M o n a te n a ch Lassalle's T od fortdauerte, diese blutrothe K r a n k h e it erklärt er aus „blassem N e i de über Lassalle's Größe". Aber, fügt er emphatisch h i n z u, „er wagte es n i c ht gegen Lassalle aufzutreten, d e nn er wußte recht 35' wohl, der würde m a u s e t o dt geschlagen h a b e n ". i hn m it seiner R i e s e n k e u le gleich d em Bastiat-Schulze 30 N un preißt Lassalle grade in dieser seiner letzten Schrift ü b er „Bastiat- Schulze" m e i ne „Kritik der Pol. Oekonomie. Berlin 1859" ü b er G e b ü h r, n e n nt sie „Epochemachend" ein „Meisterwerk" u nd stellt sie m it d en W e r k en 40 A. Smiths u nd R i c a r d o 's in gleiche Linie. H i e r a us schließt Herr Bernhard 130 Der „Präsident der Menschheit" Becker m it d em i hm e i g e n t h ü m l i c h en D e n k v e r m ö g e n, d aß Lassalle m i ch gleich Schulze-Bastiat t o d t m a c h en k o n n t e. Lassalle h a t te übrigens a u ch ganz andre Vorstellungen von d em was ich „wage". Als ich i hm bei einer hier nicht zu erörternden Gelegenheit schrieb, Engels u nd ich w ü r d en aus 5 G r ü n d e n, d i e i ch aufzählte, zu e i n em öffentlichen Angriff auf ihn gezwun gen sein, antwortete er ausführlich in e i n em in diesem Augenblick vor m ir liegenden Briefe, worin er erst seine G e g e n g r ü n de aufstellt, u nd d a nn m it der W e n d u ng abschließt: „Bedenket das Alles, bevor ihr laut u nd öffentlich sprecht. A u ch die Theilung u nd Spaltung unserer würde für u n s re o h n e h in 10 nicht große specielle Partei ein beklagenswerthes Ereigniß sein!" Herr Bernhard Becker findet e i n en v o l l k o m m e n en Widerspruch darin, d aß ich von einer i n t e r n a t i o n a l en Winkelassociation, worin er, Bernhard Becker, figurirt h a b en soll, nichts wissen wollte, w ä h r e nd ich m i ch d o ch m it gro ßem Eifer an der vergangenen September von d en Chefs der L o n d o n er Tra- des U n i on gestifteten i n t e r n a t i o n a l en Association betheilige. Die Unterscheidungsgabe des H e r rn Bernhard Becker hält offenbar s e i n em Schlußvermögen die Stange. Seine Association, r ü h mt er, b r a c h te es zu einer Blüthe von g a n z en „400 M a n n ", während u n s e re Association so u n bescheiden ist, schon j e t zt in England allein z e h n t a u s e nd Mitglieder zu zählen. Es ist in der T h at unerlaubt, daß sich so etwas gewissermaßen h i n ter d em R ü c k en des „Präsidenten der Menschheit" zutrage. Alles in A l l em erwogen u nd n a m e n t l i ch d en n ur ganz kurz von m ir an findet m an gedeuteten Fähigkeitenschwarm des Herrn Bernhard Becker, seine Beschwerde k a um gerechtfertigt, daß m an e i n em M a n ne wie i hm zu viel auf e i n m al h a be aufbürden wollen; d aß m an i hm nicht n ur die A u t o kratieverrichtung als sein Hauptfach, sondern „nebenbei" a u ch das kleinere Amt aufoctroyirt: „Eier u nd Butter für's H a us zu kaufen." D o ch scheint eine bessere H a u s o r d n u ng u n t er seinen zwieschlächtigen F u n k t i o n en zu laßbar. In Zukunft m a c he m an es zu s e i n em Hauptgeschäft „Eier u nd But- ter für's H a us zu kaufen" u nd lasse ihn dahingegen n ur ganz „ n e b e n b e i" die M e n s c h h e it verpräsidiren. 15 20 25 30 London, 8. April 1865. Karl Marx. 131 Karl M a rx B e r i c h t i g u n g. An d en R e d a k t e ur d es „ W e i ß en A d l e r s" Berichtigung. N a c h d em die in N . 30 Ihres Blatts erwähnten zwei Anträge der H e r r en Bea- les u nd Leverson auf d em L o n d o n er Polenmeeting v om l . M ä rz angenom m en worden waren, stellte Herr Peter Fox (Engländer), im N a m en der „In ternationalen Arbeiterassociation" d en Antrag, integrales und u n a b h ä n g i g es Polen eine u n e n t b e h r l i c he B e d i n g u ng eines demokratischen Europa's ist, u nd daß so lange diese Bedingung unerfüllt bleibt, revolutio n ä re T r i u m p he auf d em Continent n ur kurzlebige Vorspiele verlängerter Perioden der Herrschaft der Conterrevolution sein k ö n n e n ." „Daß ein 5 N a ch einer k u r z en historischen Skizze der Uebel, die E u r o pa in Folge des Verlusts der Freiheit Polens befielen, u nd der Erobrungspolitik R u ß lands, wies Herr P. F ox n a c h, daß die H a l t u ng der liberalen Partei in dieser Frage n i c ht zusammenfalle m it der der demokratischen Gesellschaft, in de ren N a m en er spreche. Das M o t to des conservativen E u r o p a 's sei: Ein ge knechtetes E u r o pa m it e i n em geknechteten Polen als Basis. Das M o t to der 15 „ I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Arbeiterassociation" sei dagegen: E in freies E u r o pa ge stützt auf ein freies u nd unabhängiges Polen. io Herr Eccarius (deutscher Arbeiter, Vicepräsident der „Internationalen Arbeiterassociation") unterstützte den Antrag u nd setzte ausführlich Preu ß e ns T h e i l n a h me an d en verschiednen T h e i l u n g en Polens auseinander. Er 20 schloß m it d en W o r t e n: „Der Untergang der preussischen Monarchie conditio sine q ua n on für D e u t s c h l a n d 's Herstellung u nd Polens Wieder herstellung." I ist die I Herr Le Lubez, französisches Mitglied der „Internationalen Arbeiterasso ciation" sprach ebenfalls für den Antrag, der einstimmig und unter anhalten- 25 dem Beifallsruf des Meeting's angenommen ward. D ie Daily News u nd ein paar andre „liberale" L o n d o n er Tagesblätter un terdrückten diesen Theil des Berichts aus Aerger ü b er d en T r i u m ph der „In- 132 Berichtigung · An den Redakteur des „Weißen Adlers" das P o l e n m e e t i ng temationalen Arbeiterassociation", o h ne deren Mitwirkung, n e b e n b ei be merkt, zu St. M a r t i n 's Hall ü b e r h a u pt n i c ht stattgefunden h ä t t e. Ich ersuche Sie im N a m en der „ I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Arbei- terassociaton" um A u f n a h me dieser Berichtigung. London etc. H. Jung, correspondirender Secretar d er „Int. Arbeiterass." für die Schweitz. | 133 K a rl M a rx To A n d r ew J o h n s o n, P r e s i d e nt of t he U n i t ed S t a t es of A m e r i ca The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865 To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. Sir,—The d e m on of t he "peculiar institution," for the supremacy of which t he South rose in arms, would n ot allow his worshippers to h o n o u r a b ly suc c u mb in t he o p en field. W h at he h ad b e g un in treason, he m u st n e e ds end in infamy. As Philip II.'s war for the Inquisition bred a Gerard, t h us Jef ferson Davis's pro-slavery war, a Booth. 5 It is n ot our part to cull words of sorrow a nd horror, while the heart of two worlds heaves with e m o t i o n. Even the sycophants who, year after year, a nd day by day, stuck to their Sisyphus work of morally assassinating Abra- 10 h am Lincoln, a nd the great Republic he h e a d e d, stand now aghast at this universal outburst of popular feeling, a nd rival with each o t h er to strew rhe torical flowers on his o p en grave. They have now at last found out that he was a m a n, n e i t h er to be browbeaten by adversity, n or intoxicated by suc cess, inflexibly pressing on to his great goal, never c o m p r o m i s i ng it by 15 blind haste, slowly m a t u r i ng his steps, never retracing t h e m, carried away by no surge of popular favour, disheartened by no slackening of the popular pulse, t e m p e r i ng stern acts by the gleams of a kind heart, illuminating scenes dark with passion by the smile of h u m o u r, doing his titanic work as h u m b ly a nd h o m e ly as Heaven-born rulers do little things with the grandil- 20 o q u e n ce of p o mp a nd state; in o ne word, o ne of t he rare m en who succeed in b e c o m i ng great, without ceasing to be good. Such, indeed, was t he mod esty of this great and good m a n, that the world only discovered h im a hero after he h ad fallen a martyr. To be singled out by the side of such a chief, the second victim to the in- 25 fernal gods of slavery, was an h o n o ur d ue to Mr. Seward. H ad he not, at a t i me of general hesitation, the sagacity to foresee a nd the m a n l i n e ss to foretell "the irrepressible conflict?" Did he not, in the darkest h o u rs of that 134 The Bee-Hive Newspaper. London. Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865. Titelseite mit der Adresse „To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America" von Marx To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America conflict, prove true to the R o m an duty to never despair of the R e p u b l ic a nd its stars? We earnestly h o pe that he a nd his son will be restored to health, public activity, a nd well deserved h o n o u rs within m u ch less t h an "90 days." After a t r e m e n d o us civil war, b ut which, if we consider its vast d i m e n sions, and its broad scope, a nd compare it to t he Old World's 100 years' wars, a nd 30 years' wars, a nd 23 years' wars, can hardly be said to have lasted 90 days, Yours, Sir, has b e c o me the task to uproot by the law what has been felled by the sword, to preside over t he arduous work of political reconstruction a nd social regeneration. A profound sense of your great mission will save you from any c o m p r o m i se with stern duties. Y ou will never forget that, to initiate t he new era of the e m a n c i p a t i on of labour, the American people devolved the responsibilities of leadership u p on two m en of l a b o u r — t he o ne A b r a h am Lincoln, the other Andrew J o h n s o n. Signed, on behalf of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Working M e n 's Association, Lon don, M ay 13th, 1865, by the Central Council—Charles K a u b, Edwin Coulson, F. Lessner, Carl Pfaender, N. P. H a n s e n, Karl Schapper, W i l l i am Dell, George Lochner, George Eccarius, J o hn Osborne, P. Petersen, A J a n k s, H . K l i m o s c h, J o hn Weston, H.Bolleter, B.Lucraft, J.Buckley, Pe ter Fox, N. Salvatella, George Howell, Bordage, A. Valltier, R o b e rt Shaw, J. H. Longmaid, W. Morgan, G. W. Wheeler, J. D. Nieass, W. C. Worley, D.Stainsby, F. de Lassassie, J.Carter, E m i le Holtorp, Secretary for P o l a n d; Carl Marx, Secretary for G e r m a n y; H. J u n g, Secretary for Switzerland; E.Dupont, Secretary for F r a n c e; J.Whitlock, F i n a n c i al Secretary; G.Odger, President; W. R. Cremer, H o n. G e n. Secretary. 137 K a rl M a rx An A n d r ew J o h n s o n, P r ä s i d e nt d er V e r e i n i g t en S t a a t en v on A m e r i ka Ü b e r s e t z u ng a us d em Englischen Oberrheinischer Courier. Nr. 140, 15. Juni 1865 An den Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten Hrn. Andrew Johnson. Herr Präsident! D er D ä m on der Sclaverei, welcher d em S ü d en die Waffen in die H a nd ge drückt hatte, d a m it der „eigenthümlichen E i n r i c h t u n g" („peculiar institu- tion") die Oberherrschaft erkämpft werde, h at seinen A n b e t e rn n i c ht die ehrliche Niederlage in offenem Feld gegönnt. W as er m it Verrath begon n e n, m u ß te er m it Infamie e n d e n. W ie Philipps II. Krieg für die Inquisition e i n en Gerard, so erzeugte des Jefferson Davis Krieg für die Sclaverei e i n en Booth. 5 10 W ir v e r s c h m ä h en es, W o r te der Trauer u nd des A b s c h e us zu drechseln, während das Herz zweier W e l t en im Schmerz z u s a m m e n z u c k t. Selbst die Sykophanten, d e n en J a hr für J a hr u nd Tag für Tag die Sysiphusarbeit oblag, A b r a h am Lincoln u nd die große Republik, der er vorstand, mora lisch zu m e u c h e l n, sie blicken jetzt m it s t a u n e n d em G r a u en auf diesen all- 15 g e m e i n e n, gewaltigen A u s b r u ch des Volksgefühls u nd wetteifern m it ein ander, R e d n e r b l u m en auf sein offenes G r ab zu streuen. Jetzt h a b en sie endlich entdeckt, daß er ein M a nn war, weder zu b e u g en v om Unglück, n o ch zu b l e n d en v om Glück; u n a u f h a l t s am vorwärts d r ä n g e nd auf dem W eg z um großen Ziel; n i e m a ls durch blinde H a st d en Erfolg gefährdend; 20 l a n g s am überlegend vor j e d em Schritt, aber nie e i n en Schritt rückwärts m a c h e n d; d u r ch keine B r a n d u ng der Volksgunst vorangerissen; durch keine Ebbe des Staatsschatzes e n t m u t h i g t; H a n d l u n g en der Strenge durch M i l de des Herzens sänftigend; düstre S c e n en der Leidenschaft d u r ch ein launiges L ä c h e ln erleuchtend; sein Titanenwerk so bescheiden u nd einfach 25 verrichtend wie Herrscher von G o t t e s g n a d en kleinliche Geschäfte m it dem 138 An Andrew Johnson, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika anspruchsvollen P o mp des Staatsceremoniels betreiben - m it E i n em Wort, Einer j e n er seltenen M ä n n e r, d e n en es gelingt groß zu werden, o h ne daß sie aufhören, gut zu sein. Ja, so b e s c h e i d en war dieser M a n n, d aß die Welt ihn erst als H e l d en erkannte, n a c h d em er als Märtyrer gefallen war. 5 N e b en e i n em solchen F ü h r er z um zweiten Opfer für die höllischen Göt ter der Sclaverei auserlesen zu werden, war eine E h r e, die H r n. Seward ge bührte. H a t te er n i c ht zu einer Zeit allgemeiner U n k l a r h e it u nd U n e n t- schlossenheit die Scharfsicht, den „ u n a b w e n d b a r en K a m pf vorherzuse hen, u nd die Mannhaftigkeit, ihn vorherzusagen? Erwies er sich nicht in 10 den schwärzesten S t u n d en j e n es Kampfes treu der Römerpflicht, n i e m a ls zu verzweifeln an der Republik u nd i h r en Sternen? W ir hoffen von ganzer Seele, daß Er u nd sein Sohn b i n n en weniger als „neunzig T a g e n" der G e sundheit, d em öffentlichen L e b en u nd der wohlverdienten E h re zurückge geben werden. 15 20 N a ch e i n em furchtbaren Bürgerkrieg, der aber, w e nn wir s e i ne u n g e heure A u s d e h n u ng u nd seine m ä c h t i g en Ziele ins A u ge fassen, u nd ihn mit den hundertjährigen, d en dreißigjährigen, d en dreiundzwanzigjährigen Kriegen der alten Welt vergleichen, k a um „neunzig T a g e" gedauert zu ha ben scheint - ist es, Hr. Präsident, Ihre Aufgabe geworden, d u r ch das G e- setz zu entwurzeln, was das Schwert gefallt hat, d em schweren Werk des staatlichen U m b a us u nd der gesellschaftlichen N e u g e b u rt vorzustehen. Das Bewußtsein Ihrer großen Mission wird Sie vor j e d em C o m p r o m iß m it der strengen Pflicht bewahren. Sie werden n i e m a ls vergessen, d aß das a m e r i k a n i s c he Volk, um die n e ue 25 Aera der E m a n c i p a t i on der Arbeit einzuweisen, zwei S ö h n en der Arbeit die Verantwortlichkeit der Leitung übertragen h a t: erst A b r a h am Lincoln u nd d a nn Andrew J o h n s o n. Im N a m en u nd Auftrag der „internationalen Arbeiter-Association". Fol gen die Unterschriften. 139 K a rl M a rx D r a ft f or t he f i n al p a s s a ge of „ V a l u e, p r i ce a nd p r o f i t" I 1) A general rise in t he rate of wages will, broadly speaking, p r o d u ce a general fall in the rate of profits, leaving the values of c o m m o d i t i es u n a l tered. 2) U n d er very exceptional circumstances, only a general rise of wages could be realised. If obtained, it could only last u n d er very exceptional cir cumstances. T he general tendency of production, u p on its present basis, is n ot to raise, b ut to lower wages. Even if a general rise in the rate of wages should obtain for any longer period, it would n ot abolish, b ut only mitigate the slavery of the wages' labourer, t h at is, of the m a ss of t he people. 3) Trades' U n i o ns work well as far as they counteract, if even temporar ily, the tendency to a fall in the general rate of wages, a nd as far as they t e nd to shorten a nd regulate the t i me of labour, in other words the || extent of the working day. T h ey work well as far as they are a m e a ns of organising the working class as a class. They fail accidentally, by an injudicious use of their power, a nd they fail generally, by accepting the present relations of capital and labour as p e r m a n e n t, instead of working for their abolition. | 140 Karl M a rx V a l u e, p r i ce a nd p r o f it Value, price and profit | 1| Read to the Central Council on Tuesday, (20th June 1865). Citizens, Before entering into the subject matter, allow me to m a ke a few prelimi- 5 nary remarks. There reigns now on t he C o n t i n e nt a real epidemy of strikes a nd a gen eral clamour for a rise of wages. T he question will t u rn u p, on our Con gress. You, as t he h e ad of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association, ought to have set tled convictions u p on I considered it therefore my duty to enter fully into the matter, even at the peril of putting your patience to a severe test. this p a r a m o u nt question. F or my own part, 10 Another preliminary r e m a rk I have to m a ke in regard to citizen W e s t o n. He has n ot only proposed to you, b ut publicly defended, in t he interest of the working class, as he thinks, opinions he knows to be m o st u n p o p u l ar 15 with the working class. Such an exhibition of m o r al courage, all of us m u st highly h o n o u r. I h o pe that, despite the u n v a r n i s h ed style of my paper, at its conclusion he will find me to agree with what appears to me the j u st idea lying at t he b o t t om of his theses, which, however, in their present form, I cannot b ut consider theoretically false a nd practically dangerous. 20 I shall n ow at o n ce proceed to the business before us. Citizen W e s t o n 's a r g u m e nt rested in fact u p on two premises: 1) 7s t I y) T h at the amount of national production fixed quantity or m a g n i t u d e, as the m a t h e m a t i c i a ns would say; is a thing, a constant 25 2n d l y) T h at the amount of real wages, that is to say of wages as m e a s u r ed by the quantity of t he c o m m o d i t i es they c an buy, is a fixed a m o u n t, a con stant m a g n i t u d e. 143 Karl Marx Now, his first assertion is evidently erroneous. Year after year, you will find, that the value a nd m a ss of p r o d u c t i on increase, t h at the productive powers of the n a t i o n al labour increase, a nd t h at the a m o u nt of m o n e y, nec essary to circulate this increasing production, continuously changes. What is true at the end of the year, and for different years c o m p a r ed with each other, is true for every average day of the year. T he a m o u nt or m a g n i t u de of national p r o d u c t i on changes continuously. It is not a constant, but a va riable m a g n i t u d e, and, apart from changes in population, it m u st be so, be cause of the c o n t i n u o us change in the accumulation of capital a nd the pro ductive powers of labour. It is perfectly true that, if a rise in the general rate of wages should take place to-day, t h at rise, whatever its ulterior effects might be, would, by i t s e l f, n ot immediately change the a m o u nt of production. It would, in the first instance, proceed from the existing state of things. But if before the rise of wages the n a t i o n al p r o d u c t i on was variable a nd n ot fixed, it will c o n t i n ue to be variable, a nd not fixed, after that rise of wages. But suppose the a m o u nt of n a t i o n al p r o d u c t i on to be constant instead of variable. Even t h en what o ur friend W e s t on considers a logical conclusion would still r e m a in a gratuitous assertion. If I have a given n u m b e r, say 8, the absolute limits of this n u m b er do n ot prevent its parts to change their relative limits. If profits were 6 a nd wages 2, wages might increase to 6 and profits decrease to 2, and still the total a m o u nt r e m a in 8. T h us the fixed a m o u nt of production would by no m e a ns prove the fixed a m o u nt of wages. H ow t h en does our friend W e s t on prove this fixity? By asserting it. B ut even conceding h im his assertion, it would cut two sides, while he presses it only in o ne direction. If the a m o u nt of wages is a constant magni t u d e, t h en it can be n e i t h er increased, n or diminished. If t h e n, in enforcing a temporary rise of wages, the working m en act foolishly, the capitalists, in enforcing a temporary fall of wages, would act n ot less foolishly. O ur friend W e s t on does n ot deny that, u n d er certain circumstances, t he workingmen can enforce a rise of wages, but, their a m o u nt being naturally fixed, there 30j m u st follow a reaction. On t he other h a n d, he knows also t h at the capital- ists can enforce a fall of wages, and, indeed, continuously try to enforce it. According to the principle of the constancy of wages, a reaction ought to follow in this case n ot less t h an in the former. T he workingmen, therefore, reacting against the attempt at, or the act of, lowering wages, would act 35¡ rightly. They would, therefore, act rightly in enforcing a rise of wages, be cause every reaction against the lowering of wages is an action for raising wages. According to citizen W e s t o n 's own principle of the constancy of wages, the workingmen ought, therefore, u n d er certain circumstances, to c o m b i ne and struggle for a rise of wages. j \ 4 If he denies this conclusion, he m u st give up the premise from which it 144 Karl Marx: Value, price and profit. Seite 1 Value, price and profit 5 flows. He m u st n ot say that t he a m o u nt of wages is a constant quantity, b ut that, although it can not a nd m u st n ot rise, it can a nd m u st fall, whenever capital pleases to lower it. If the capitalist pleases to feed you u p on pota toes instead of u p on meat, and u p on oat instead of u p on wheat, you m u st accept his will as a law of political economy, a nd s u b m it to it. If in one country t he rate of wages is higher t h an in another, in t he U n i t ed St. f. i. than in E n g l a n d, you m u st explain this difference in the rate of wages by a difference b e t w e en t he will of t he A m e r i c an capitalist a nd t he will of t he English capitalist, a m e t h od which certainly would very m u ch simplify n ot 10 only the study of e c o n o m i c al p h e n o m e n a, b ut of all other p h e n o m e n a. But even t h e n, we m i g ht ask, why the will of t he A m e r i c an capitalist dif fers from t he will of the English capitalist? A nd to answer this question, you m u st go beyond t he d o m a in of will. A parson m ay tell me that god wills one thing in F r a n c e, a nd a n o t h er thing in England. If I s u m m on h im to ex- 15 plain me this duality of will, he m i g ht have t he brass to answer me t h at god wills to have o ne will in F r a n ce a nd a n o t h er will in England. But o ur friend Weston is certainly the last m an to m a ke an a r g u m e nt of such a complete negation of all reasoning. The will of the capitalist is certainly to take as m u ch as possible. W h at 20 we have to do, is n ot to talk about his will, but to inquire into his power, the limits of that power, a nd t he character of those limits. | |2|2) The address citizen Weston read to us, m i g ht have b e en compressed into a nutshell. 25 30 All his reasoning a m o u n t ed to this: If t he working class forces the capi talist class to pay 5sh. instead of 4sh. in t he shape of m o n ey wages, the cap italist will return, in the shape of c o m m o d i t i e s, 4sh. worth instead of 5sh. worth. T he working class would have to pay 5sh. for what, before the rise of wages, they b o u g ht with 4sh. But why is this t he case? W hy does the capi- talist only return 4sh. worth for 5sh.? Because t he a m o u nt of wages is fixed. But why is it fixed at 4sh. worth of c o m m o d i t i e s? W hy n ot at 3, or 2, or any other s u m? If the limit of the a m o u nt of wages is settled by an e c o n o m i c al law, i n d e p e n d e nt alike of the will of the capitalist a nd the will of the work- ingman, the first thing citizen W e s t on h ad to do, was, to state t h at law a nd 35 prove it. He ought then, moreover, to have proved, that the a m o u nt of wages, actually paid at every given m o m e n t, always corresponds exactly to the necessary a m o u nt of wages, and does never deviate from it. If, on t he other h a n d, the given limit of the a m o u nt of wages, is founded on the mere 147 Karl Marx will of the capitalist, or the limits of his avarice, it is an arbitrary limit. There is n o t h i ng necessary in it. It m ay be changed by the will of t he capi talist, a nd m a y, therefore, be changed against his will. Citizen W e s t on illustrated his theory, by telling you t h at w h en a bowl contains a certain quantity of soup, to be e a t en by a certain n u m b er of per sons, an increase in the broadness of t he spoons, would p r o d u ce no in crease in the a m o u nt of soup. He m u st allow me to find this illustration rather spoony. It r e m i n d ed me somewhat of the simile employed by M e n e- nius Agrippa. W h en t he R o m an plebeijans struck against the R o m an patri cians, the patrician Agrippa told t h e m, that the patrician belly fed the ple- beijan m e m b e rs of the body politick. Agrippa failed to show t h at y ou feed the m e m b e rs of one m an by filling the belly of an other. Citizen Weston, on his part, has forgotten, that the bowl from which the w o r k m en eat, is filled with the whole p r o d u ce of the n a t i o n al labour, a nd that what prevents t h em fetching m o re o ut of it, is n e i t h er the narrowness of the bowl, n or the scantiness of its contents, b ut only the smallness of their spoons. By what contrivance is the capitalist enabled to return 4sh. worth for 5sh.? By raising the price of the c o m m o d i ty he sells. Now, does a rise, and m o re generally, a change in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s, do the prices of c o m m o d i t i es themselves, depend on the m e re will of the capitalist? Or are, on the contrary, certain circumstances wanted to give effect to that will? If not, the ups a nd downs, the incessant fluctuations of m a r k et prices would b e c o me an insolvable riddle. As we suppose, that no change whatever has taken place either in the productive powers of labour, or in the a m o u nt of capital and l a b o ur em ployed, or in the value of the money, wherein the values of products are es timated, b ut only a change in the rate of wages, how could that rise of wages affect the prices of commodities ? Only by affecting the actual proportion be tween the d e m a nd for, and the supply of, these c o m m o d i t i e s. It is perfectly true, that considered as a whole, the working class spends, 30 a nd m u st spend, its i n c o me u p on necessaries. A general rise in the rate of wages would therefore produce a rise in the d e m a nd a n d, consequently, in the market prices of necessaries. T he capitalists who p r o d u ce these necessa- ries, would be c o m p e n s a t ed for the risen wages by the rising m a r k et prices of their c o m m o d i t i e s. But how with t he other capitalists who do not pro- 35 d u ce necessaries? A nd you m u st n ot fancy t h em a small body. If you con sider t h at % of the n a t i o n al produce are c o n s u m ed by % of the popula t i o n —a m e m b er of the H. o. C. stated it recently to be b ut % of the p o p u l a t i o n — y ou will u n d e r s t a nd what i m m e n se proportion of the national p r o d u ce m u st be produced in the shape of luxuries, or be exchanged for 40 luxuries, a nd what i m m e n se a m o u nt of the necessaries themselves m u st be : 148 Value, price and profit wasted u p on flunkeys, horses, cats, a nd so forth, a waste we know from ex perience to b e c o me always m u ch limited with the rising prices of necessa ries. 5 Well, what would be the position of those capitalists who do not p r o d u ce necessaries? F or the fall in the rate of profit, c o n s e q u e nt u p on t he general rise of wages, they could n ot c o m p e n s a te themselves by a rise in the prices of their commodities, b e c a u se the d e m a nd for those c o m m o d i t i es would n ot have increased. T h e ir i n c o me would have decreased, a nd from this de creased i n c o me they would have to pay m o re for the s a me a m o u nt of 10 higher priced necessaries. But this would not be all. As their i n c o me h ad diminished, they would have less to spend u p on luxuries, and, therefore, their m u t u al d e m a nd for their respective c o m m o d i t i es would d i m i n i s h. Consequent u p on this d i m i n i s h ed d e m a n d, t he prices of their c o m m o d i t i es would fall. In these b r a n c h es of industry, therefore, the rate of profit would fall, not only in the simple proportion to the general rise in the rate of wages, b ut in the c o m p o u nd ratio of the general rise of wages, the rise in the prices of necessaries, a nd the fall in the prices of luxuries. 15 20 25 30 W h at would be the c o n s e q u e n ce of this difference in the rates of profit for capitals employed in t he different b r a n c h es of industry? Why, the conse- quence that generally obtains, whenever, from whatever reason, the average rate of profit c o m es to differ in different spheres of production. Capital a nd labour would be transferred from the less remunerative to t he m o re r e m u nerative branches, a nd this process of transfer would go on, until the supply in the o ne d e p a r t m e nt of industry would have risen proportionately to the increased d e m a n d, a nd would have sunk, in the other d e p a r t m e n t s, accord ing to the decreased d e m a n d. T h is change was effected, t he general rate of profit would again be equalised in the different branches. As the whole de rangement originally arose from a m e re c h a n ge in the proportion of the de mand for, a nd t he supply of, different c o m m o d i t i e s, the c a u se ceasing, t he effect would cease, a nd prices would r e t u rn to their former level a nd equi librium. I n s t e ad of being limited to s o me b r a n c h es of industry, the fall in the rate of profit, c o n s e q u e nt u p on the rise of wages, would have b e c o me general. According to our supposition, there would have t a k en place no change in the productive powers of labour, n or in the aggregate a m o u nt of 35 production, b ut that given amount of production would have changed its form. A greater part of the produce would exist in the shape of necessaries, a lesser part in the shape of luxuries, or, what comes to the same, a lesser part would be exchanged for Foreign luxuries, a nd be c o n s u m ed in its orig inal form, or, what again c o m es to the same, a greater part of the native 40 produce would be e x c h a n g ed for Foreign necessaries instead of for luxu ries. T he general rise in the rate of wages would, therefore, after a t e m p o- 149 Karl Marx rary disturbance of m a r k et prices, only result in a general fall of t he rate of profit, without any p e r m a n e nt change in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s. If I am told, that in the previous a r g u m e n t, I a s s u me the whole surplus wages to be spent u p on necessaries, I shall answer t h at I have m a de the supposition m o st advantageous to the o p i n i on of citizen W e s t o n. If the sur plus wages were spent u p on articles formerly n ot entering into the con s u m p t i on of the workingmen, the real increase of their p u r c h a s i ng power would n e ed no proof. Being, however, only derived from an advance of wages, that increase of their purchasing power, m u st exactly correspond to the decrease of the purchasing power of the capitalists. 'The aggregate de mand for c o m m o d i t i es would, therefore, n ot increase, b ut the constituent parts of t h at d e m a nd would change. T he increasing d e m a nd on the one side would be c o u n t e r b a l a n c ed by the decreasing d e m a nd on t he other side. T h u s, the aggregate d e m a nd r e m a i n i ng stationary, no change whatever could take place in the m a r k et prices of c o m m o d i t i e s. Y ou arrive, therefore, at this d i l e m m a: Either the surplus wages are equally spent u p on all articles of c o n s u m p t i o n. T h en the e x p a n s i on of de m a nd on the part of the working class m u st be c o m p e n s a t ed by t he contrac tion of d e m a nd on the part of the capitalist class. Or the surplus wages are only spent u p on s o me articles whose m a r k et prices will temporarily rise. T h en the c o n s e q u e nt rise in the rate of profit in some, a nd the consequent fall of the rate of profit in other branches of industry, will p r o d u ce a change in the distribution of capital and labour, going on u n t il the supply is brought up to the increased d e m a nd in the one d e p a r t m e nt of industry, a nd brought down to the d i m i n i s h ed d e m a nd in the other. On the o ne supposition, there will occur no change in t he prices of com t he other supposition, after s o me fluctuations of market modities. On prices, the exchangeable values of c o m m o d i t i es will subside to their former level. On b o th suppositions, the general rise in the rate of wages will ulti mately result in n o t h i ng else b ut a general fall in t he rate of profit. | | 3| To stir up y o ur powers of imagination, citizen W e s t on requested you to think of the difficulties which a general rise of English agricultural wages from 9 to 18sh. would produce. Think, he exclaimed, of the i m m e n se rise in the d e m a nd for necessaries a nd the c o n s e q u e nt fearful rise in their prices! Now, all of you know, that the average wages of the A m e r i c an agri cultural labourer a m o u nt to more t h an d o u b le t h at of t he English agricul tural labourer, although the prices of agricultural p r o d u ce are lower in the U n. States t h an in the U n. Kingdom, although the general relations of capi tal a nd labour o b t a in in the U. St. the s a me as in England, a nd although t he a n n u al a m o u nt of production is m u ch smaller in t he U. St. t h an in England. W hy t h en does our friend ring this a l a r um bell? Simply to shift 150 Value, price and profit the real q u e s t i on before u s. A s u d d en rise of wages from 9 to 18sh. would be a s u d d en rise to t he a m o u nt of 100%. N ow we are n ot at all discussing the question whether t he general rate of wages in E n g l a nd could suddenly be increased by 100%. We have n o t h i ng at all to do with the magnitude of the rise, which in every practical instance m u st d e p e nd on, and be suited to, given circumstances. We have only to e n q u i r e, how a general rise in the rate of wages, even if restricted to o ne per cent, will act. 5 Dismissing friend W e s t o n 's fancy rise of 100 %, I propose calling your at tention to t he real rise of wages t h at took place in G r e at Britain from 1849 to 1859. 10 25 20 You are all aware of the T en H o u r 's Bill or rather T en a nd a half H o u r s' Bill, introduced since 1848. This was o ne of the greatest e c o n o m i c al changes we have witnessed. It was a s u d d en a nd compulsory rise of wages, not in some local trades, but in the leading industrial branches, by which 15 England sways the m a r k e ts of the world. It was a rise of wages u n d er cir cumstances singularly u n p r o p i t i o u s. Dr. Ure, Prof. Senior, a nd all the other official e c o n o m i c al m o u t h p i e c es of the m i d d le class, proved, and I m u st say upon m u ch stronger grounds t h an those of o ur friend W e s t o n, that it would sound the d e a th knell of English industry. They proved, that it n ot only amounted to a simple rise of wages, b ut to a rise of wages, initiated by, and based u p o n, a d i m i n u t i on of the quantity of labour employed. T h ey as serted that t he 1 2th h o ur you wanted to take from the capitalist, was exactly the only h o ur from which he derived his profit. They threatened with a de crease of a c c u m u l a t i o n, rise of prices, loss of markets, stinting of p r o d u c- tion, c o n s e q u e nt reaction u p on wages, u l t i m a te r u i n. In fact, they declared Maximilian Robespierre's M a x i m um laws to be a small affair c o m p a r ed to it, and they were right in a certain sense. Well, what was the result? A rise in the m o n ey wages of the factory operatives despite the curtailing of the working day, a great increase in the n u m b er of factory h a n ds employed, a continuous fall in the prices of their products, a marvellous development in the productive powers of their labour, an u n h e a rd of progressive expansion of the m a r k e ts for their c o m m o d i t i e s. At Manchester, on the m e e t i n g, in 1861, of the Society for t he a d v a n c e m e nt of science, I heard myself Mr. Newman confess, t h at h e, Dr. U r e, Senior, and all other official p r o p o u n d- ers of e c o n o m i c al science h ad b e en wrong, while the instinct of t he people had b e en right. I m e n t i on M r . W . N e w m a n, n ot Professor Francis N e w m a n, because he occupies an e m i n e nt position in e c o n o m i c al science, as the contributor to, a nd editor of, Mr. Thomas Tooke's: "History of Prices", that magnificent work w h i ch traces the history of prices from 1793 to 1856. If 40 our friend W e s t o n 's fixed ideas of a fixed a m o u nt of wages, a fixed a m o u nt of production, a fixed degree of the productive power of labour, a fixed and 30 35 151 Karl Marx p e r m a n e nt will of t he capitalists, and all his other fixedness a nd finality, were correct, Prof. Senior's woeful forebodings would have b e en right, and R o b e rt Owen who, already in 1816, proclaimed a general limitation of the working day the first preparatory step to the e m a n c i p a t i on of t he working class, and, actually, in the teeth of the general prejudice, i n a u g u r a t ed it, on his own hook, in his own cotton factory at N ew Lanark, would have been wrong. In the very s a me period, during which the I n t r o d u c t i on of the Ten H o u r s' Bill, a nd the rise of wages, c o n s e q u e nt u p on it, occurred, there took place in G r e at Britain, for reasons which it would be out of place to enu m e r a te here, a general rise in agricultural wages. A l t h o u gh it is n ot required for my i m m e d i a te purpose, in order to not mislead you, I shall m a ke some preliminary remarks. If a m an got 2sh. wages weekly, a nd if his wages rose to 4sh., the rate of wages would have risen by 100%. This would s e em a very magnificent thing, if expressed as a rise in the rate of wages, although t he actual amount of wages, 4 shillings weekly, would still r e m a in a wretchedly small, a starva tion pittance. Y ou m u st not, therefore, allow yourselves to be carried away by the h i gh sounding per cents of the rate of wages. Y ou m u st always ask, what was their original a m o u n t? Moreover, you will u n d e r s t a n d, that if there were 10 m e n, receiving each l l s h. 2sh. per week, 5 m en receiving each 5sh., a nd 5 m en receiving weekly, these 20 m en together would receive lOOsh. or 5/.weekly. If t h en a rise, say by 20 %, u p on the aggregate s um of their weekly wages took place, there would be an advance from 5/. to 6/.Taking t he average, we m i g ht say that the general rate of wages h ad risen by 25 %, although in fact the wages of the 10 m en h ad r e m a i n ed stationary, the wages of the o ne lot of 5 m en h ad risen from 5 to 6sh. o n l y, and the wages of t he other lot of 5 m e n, from 55sh. to 75sh. O ne half of t he m en would n ot have improved at all their po sitions, Y4 would have improved it in an inperceptible degree, a nd only % would have bettered it really. Still, reckoning by the average, t he total a m o u nt of the wages of those 20 m en would have increased by 25 %, and as far as the aggregate capital that employs t h e m, a nd the prices of the com m o d i t i es they produce, are concerned, it would be exactly the s a me as if all of t h em h ad equally shared in the average rise of wages. In t he case of agri- 35 cultural labour, the standard wages being very different in the different c o u n t i es of E n g l a nd a nd Scotland, the rise affected t h em very unequally. Lastly, during the period when that rise of wages took place, counteract ing influences were at work, such as the n ew taxes, c o n s e q u e nt u p on the R u s s i an war, the extensive demolition of t he dwelling houses of the agri- 40 cultural labourers, a nd so forth. 152 r Value, price and profit Having premissed so m u c h, I proceed to state t h at from 1849 to 1859 there took place a rise of about 40 % in the average rate of the agricultural wages of G r e at Britain. I could give y ou a m p le details in proof of my asser tion, but, for the present purpose, t h i nk it sufficient to refer you to the con- 5 scientious and critical paper, read in 1860, by the late Mt.John C.Morton, at the L o n d on Society of Arts, on "The Forces used in agriculture". Mr. M o r t on gives the returns from bills a nd other a u t h e n t ic d o c u m e n t s, which he h ad collected from a b o ut 100 farmers residing in 12 Scotch a nd 35 English counties. 10 According to our friend W e s t o n 's opinion, a nd t a k en together with t he simultaneous rise in the wages of the factory operatives there ought to have occurred a t r e m e n d o us rise in t he prices of agricultural p r o d u ce d u r i ng t he period of 1 8 4 9 - 1 8 5 9. But what is the fact? Despite the R u s s i an war, a nd the consecutive unfavourable harvests from 1 8 5 4 - 1 8 5 6, t he average price 15 of wheat, which is the leading agricultural produce of England, fell from about 31. per qr for t he years 1838 to 1848 to about 21. lOsh. per qr for the years 1849 to 1859. This constitutes a fall in the price of wheat of m o re than 16 %, simultaneously with an average rise of agricultural wages, of 40%. D u r i ng the s a me period, if we c o m p a re its e nd with its beginning, 1859 with 1849, there was a decrease of official p a u p e r i sm from 9 3 4 4 19 to 860470, t he difference b e i ng ||4| 73 949, a very small decrease, I grant, a nd which in t he following years was again lost, b ut still a decrease. 20 It m i g ht be said that, c o n s e q u e nt u p on the abolition of the cornlaws, the import of Foreign corn was m o re t h an doubled during the period from 25 1849 to 1859, as c o m p a r ed to the period from 1838 to 1848. A nd what of that? F r om citizen W e s t o n 's standpoint, one would have expected that this sudden, i m m e n s e, a nd continuously increasing d e m a nd u p on Foreign m a r kets, m u st there have sent up the prices of agricultural p r o d u ce to a fright ful height, the effect of increased d e m a nd remaining the same, whether it came from w i t h o ut or from within. W h at was t he fact? A p a rt from s o me years of failing harvests, during all that period the r u i n o us fall in the price of corn formed a standing t h e me of d e c l a m a t i on in F r a n c e, the A m e r i c a ns were again a nd again compelled to b u rn their surplusproduce, a nd Russia, if we were to believe M r . U r q u h a r t, p r o m p t ed the civil war in the U. St., be- 35 cause her agricultural exports were crippled by t he Y a n k ee c o m p e t i t i on in 30 the markets of Europe. Reduced to its abstract form, citizen W e s t o n 's a r g u m e nt would c o me to this: Every rise of d e m a nd occurs always on t he basis of a given a m o u nt of 40 production. It can, therefore, never increase the supply of the articles de manded, b ut can only enhance their money prices. N ow the m o st c o m m on o b- 153 Karl Marx servation shows, that an increased d e m a nd will in s o me instances leave the m a r k et prices of c o m m o d i t i es altogether u n c h a n g ed a nd will in other in stances cause a temporary rise of market prices, followed by an increased supply, followed by a reduction of the prices to their original level, and in m a ny cases, below their original level. W h e t h er the rise of d e m a nd spring from surplus wages, or from any other cause, does n ot at all c h a n ge the conditions of the problem. F r om citizen W e s t o n 's s t a n d p o i nt the general p h e n o m e n on was as difficult to explain as the p h e n o m e n on occuring u n d er the exceptional circumstances of a rise of wages. His a r g u m e nt h ad there fore no peculiar bearing whatever u p on the subject we treat. It only ex pressed his perplexity at accounting for the laws, by which an increase of d e m a nd produces an increase of supply, instead of an u l t i m a te rise of mar ket prices. 10 3) On the second day of the debate, our friend W e s t on clothed his old asser- 15 tion into new forms. He said: C o n s e q u e nt u p on a general rise in money wages, m o re currency will be wanted to pay the s a me wages. T he currency being fixed, how can you pay, with this fixed currency, increased m o n ey wages? First the difficulty arose from t he fixed a m o u nt of c o m m o d i t i es ac cruing to the workingman, despite his increase of m o n ey wages; now it 20 arises from t he increased m o n ey wages, despite the fixed a m o u nt of com modities. Of course, if you reject his original dogma, his secondary griev a n ce will disappear. However, I shall show, that this currency q u e s t i on has n o t h i ng at all to do with the subject before u s. 25 ,j In your country, t he m e c h a n i sm of p a y m e n ts is m u ch m o re perfectioned t h an in any other country of Europe. T h a n ks to t he extent a nd concentra t i on of t he b a n k i ng system, m u ch less currency is wanted to circulate the s a me a m o u nt of values, a nd to transact the s a me or a greater a m o u nt of business. F. i., as far as wages are concerned, t he English factory operative, 30| pays his wages weekly to t he shopkeeper, w ho sends t h em weekly to the banker, who returns t h em weekly to the manufacturer, who again pays t h em away to his workingmen, a nd so forth. By this contrivance t he yearly wages of an operative, say of 52/., m ay be paid by o ne single sovereign, turning every week r o u nd in the s a me circle. Even in E n g l a nd this mecha- 35| n i sm is less perfect t h an in Scotland, a nd is n ot everywhere equally perfect, and, therefore, we find f. i., that in s o me agricultural districts, as compared to the m a n u f a c t u r i ng districts, m u ch m o re currency is wanted to circulate a m u ch smaller a m o u nt of values. 154 Value, price and profit 5 If you cross the Channel, you will find that the money wages are m u ch lower t h an in England, b ut t h at they are circulated in G e r m a n y, Italy, Swit zerland a nd F r a n c e, by a much larger amount of currency. T he s a me sover eign will n ot be so quickly intercepted by the banker, or return to t he in- dustrial capitalist, and, therefore, instead of o ne sovereign circulating 521. yearly, you want perhaps 3 sovereigns to circulate yearly wages to the a m o u nt of 251. T h us by c o m p a r i ng c o n t i n e n t al countries to England, y ou will see at once, that low m o n ey wages m ay require a m u ch larger currency for their circulation t h an h i gh m o n ey wages, and that this is in fact a 10 merely t e c h n i c al point, quite foreign to o ur subject. According to the best calculations I know, the yearly i n c o me of the working class of this country m ay be estimated at 250 Millions of I. This i m m e n se s um is circulated by a b o ut 3 Mill. I. Suppose a rise of wages of 50% to take place. T h en instead of 3 millions of currency 4½ millions 15 would be wanted. As a very considerable part of the workingman's daily ex penses is laid out in silver a nd copper, that is to say in m e re tokens, whose relative value to gold is arbitrarily fixed by law, like t h at of inconvertible money paper, a rise of m o n ey wages by 50 %, would, in t he extreme case, require an additional circulation of sovereigns, say to the a m o u nt of o ne 20 million. O ne million, now d o r m a n t, in t he shape of bullion or coin, in t he cellars of t he B a nk of E., or of private b a n k e r s, would circulate. B ut e v en the trifling expense, resulting from the additional m i n t i ng or the a d d i t i o n al wear a nd tear of that million, m i g ht be spared, a nd would actually be spared, if any friction should arise from the want of t he additional cur- rency. All of you know, that the currency of this country is divided into two great d e p a r t m e n t s. O ne sort, supplied by b a n k n o t es of different descrip tions, is used in the transactions between dealers a nd dealers, a nd t he larger p a y m e n ts from c o n s u m e rs to dealers, while a n o t h er sort of currency, metallic coin, circulates in the retail trade. A l t h o u gh distinct, these two sorts of currency i n t e r m ix with e a ch other. T h us gold coin, to a very great extent, circulates even in larger p a y m e n ts for all the o dd s u ms u n d er 5/. If to-morrow 41. notes, or 3/. notes, or 21. notes were issued, the gold coin fill ing these c h a n n e ls of circulation, would at once be driven o ut of t h em a nd flow into those channels, where they would be n e e d ed from t he increase of 35 money wages. T h us the additional million required by an advance of wages by 50 %, would be supplied without the a d d i t i on of o ne single sovereign. The same effect might be produced, without o ne additional b a n k n o t e, by an additional Bill circulation, as was t he case in Lancashire for a very con siderable t i m e. 30 25 » 40 If a general rise in the rate of wages f.i., of 100 %, as citizen W e s t on s u p posed it to take place in agricultural wages, would produce a great rise in 155 Karl Marx the prices of necessaries, a nd according to his views, require an additional a m o u nt of currency n ot to be procured, a general fall in wages m u st produce the same effect, on t he same scale, in an opposite direction. Well! All of you know t h at the years 1858 to 1860 were the m o st prosperous years for the cotton industry, a nd t h at peculiarly the year 1860 stands in t h at respect unrivalled in t he annals of c o m m e r c e, while at the s a me t i me all other branches of industry were most flourishing. T he wages of t he cotton opera tives, a nd of all the other workingmen connected with their trade, stood in 1860 higher t h an ever before. T he A m e r i c an crisis c a m e, a nd those aggre gate wages were suddenly reduced to a b o ut % of their former a m o u n t. This would have b e en in the opposite direction a rise of 300 %. If wages rise from 5 to 20, we say t h at they rise by 300 %; if they fall from 20 to 5, we say that they fall by 75 %, but the a m o u nt of rise in the o n e, a nd the a m o u nt of fall in the other case would be the same, viz. 15sh. This t h en was a sudden change in t he rate of wages unprecedented, a nd at the s a me t i me extending over a n u m b er of operatives which, if we c o u nt all the operatives, not only directly engaged in, b ut indirectly d e p e n d e nt u p o n, the cotton trade, was larger by o ne half t h an the n u m b er of agricultural labourers. D id the price of wheat fall? It rose from the a n n u al average of 47sh. 8d. per qr during the three years of 1858 to 1860 to the a n n u al average of 55sh. lOd. per qr. dur ing the three years 1 8 6 1 - 6 3. As to the currency, there were coined in the m i nt in 1861 /.8 673 232 against /.3 3 7 8 1 02 in 1860. ||5| T h at is to say, there were coined /.5 295 130 m o re in 1861 t h an in 1860. It is true, the b a n k n o te circulation was in 1861 by /. 1 3 1 9 0 00 less t h an in 1860. Take this off. T h e re r e m a i ns still an overplus of currency for t he year 1861, as compared to the prosperity year 1860, to t he a m o u nt of / .3 976130, or about 4 Mill. /., b ut the bullion reserve in the B a nk of E n g l a nd h ad simul taneously decreased not quite in the same, b ut in an approaching propor tion. C o m p a re t he year 1862 to 1842. Apart from the i m m e n se increase in the value a nd a m o u nt of commodities circulated, in 1862 t he capital paid in regular terms, for shares, loans, etc, for the railways in E n g l a nd a nd Wales, a m o u n t ed alone to /. 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0, a s um that would have appeared fabulous in 1842. Still t he aggregate a m o u n ts of currency in 1862 a nd 1842, were pretty nearly equal, a nd generally you will find a t e n d e n cy to a progressive d i m i n u t i on of currency in the face of an e n o r m o u s ly increasing value not only of c o m m o d i t i e s, b ut of m o n e t a ry transactions generally. F r om our friend W e s t o n 's standpoint, this is an unsolvable riddle. Looking s o m e w h at deeper into this matter, he would have found, that quite apart from wages, and supposing t h em to be fixed, the value and mass of the c o m m o d i t i es to be circulated, a nd generally, t he a m o u nt of 156 Value, price and profit monetary t r a n s a c t i o ns to be settled, vary daily; t h at the a m o u nt of bank­ notes issued, varies daily; t h at t he a m o u nt of p a y m e n ts realised w i t h o ut t he intervention of a ny m o n e y, by t he i n s t r u m e n t a l i ty of bills, c h e q u e s, b o ok credits, clearing h o u s e s, varies daily; that, as far as a c t u al metallic currency 5 is required, the p r o p o r t i on between the coin in circulation a nd the coin and b u l l i on in reserve, or sleeping in t he cellars of b a n ks varies daily; t h at the a m o u nt of b u l l i on absorbed by t he n a t i o n al circulation, a nd t he amount being sent abroad, for i n t e r n a t i o n al circulation, vary daily. He would have found, t h at his d o g ma of a fixed currency is a m o n s t r o us error, 10 incompatible with the every day's m o v e m e n t. He would have e n q u i r ed i n to the laws, which e n a b le the currency to a d a pt itself to c i r c u m s t a n c es so con­ tinually changing, instead of t u r n i ng his m i s c o n c e p t i on of t he laws of cur­ rency i n to an a r g u m e nt against a rise of wages. 4) 15 Our friend W e s t on accepts t he L a t in proverb, t h at "repetitio est m a t er stu- diorum", t h at is to say, t h at r e p e t i t i on is t he m o t h er of study, a nd conse­ quently, he repeated his original d o g ma again u n d er the n ew form, t h at t he contraction of currency, resulting from an e n h a n c e m e nt of wages, would produce a d i m i n u t i on of capital a nd so forth. Having already discarded his 20 currency crotchet, I consider it q u i te useless to e n t er u p on the i m a g i n a ry ί' consequences he fancies to flow from h is imaginary currency m i s h a p. I , shall proceed at o n ce to r e d u ce his one and the same dogma, r e p e a t ed in so many different shapes, to its simplest theoretical expression. The u n c r i t i c al way, in which he has treated his subject, will b e c o me evi- 25 dent from o ne single r e m a r k. He pleads against a rise of wages or against high wages as the result of s u ch a rise. Now, I ask h i m, what is h i gh wages, and what is low wages? W hy constitute f.i. 5sh. weekly low, a nd 20sh. weekly, high wages? If 5 is low as c o m p a r ed to 20, 20 is still lower as com­ pared to 200. If a m an was to lecture on t he t h e r m o m e t e r, a nd c o m m e n c ed •X by declaiming on high a nd low degrees, he would impart no knowledge whatever. He m u st first tell me how t he freezing point is found out, a nd how the boiling p o i n t, a nd how these s t a n d a rd points are settled by n a t u r al laws, not by t he fancy of the sellers or m a k e rs of t h e r m o m e t e r s. N o w, in re­ gard to wages a nd profits, citizen W e s t on h as n ot only failed to d e d u ct s u ch 35 standard p o i n ts from e c o n o m i c al laws, b ut he has n ot even felt t he neces- :: Ψ γ sity to look after t h e m. He satisfied himself by the a c c e p t a n ce of t he popu- lar slang t e r ms of low a nd h i gh as s o m e t h i ng having a fixed m e a n i n g, al- though it is self-evident t h at wages can only be said to be h i gh or low as --, compared to a s t a n d a rd by which to m e a s u re t h e ir m a g n i t u d e s. 157 Karl Marx He will be u n a b le to tell m e, why a certain a m o u nt of m o n ey is given for a certain a m o u nt of labour? If he should answer m e, this was settled by the law of supply a nd d e m a n d, I should ask h i m, in the first instance, by what law supply a nd d e m a nd themselves are regulated? Aye, s u ch an answer would at o n ce p ut h im out of court. T he relations between t he supply and d e m a nd of labour u n d e r go perpetual changes, a nd with t h em the m a r k et prices of labour. If t he d e m a nd overshoots t he supply, wages rise; if the supply overshoots t he d e m a n d, wages sink although it might, in s u ch cir c u m s t a n c e s, be necessary to test the real state of d e m a nd a nd supply by a strike f.i., or any other m e t h o d. But if you accept supply a nd d e m a nd as the law regulating wages, it would be as childish as useless to d e c l a im against a rise of wages, because, according to the s u p r e me law you appeal to,, a peri odical rise of wages is quite as necessary a nd legitimate as a periodical fall of wages. If you do not accept supply a nd d e m a nd as t he law regulating wages, I again repeat t he question, why a certain a m o u nt of m o n ey is given for a certain a m o u nt of labour? But to consider matters m o re broadly: you would be altogether mistaken in fancying, that the value of labour or of any other c o m m o d i ty whatever, is ultimately fixed by supply a nd d e m a n d. Supply a nd d e m a nd regulate noth ing but the temporary fluctuations of m a r k et prices. They will explain you why the m a r k et price of a c o m m o d i ty rises above, or sinks below its value, b ut they can never a c c o u nt for that value itself. Suppose supply a nd de m a nd to equilibrate, or as t he Economists call it, to cover e a ch other. Why, the very m o m e nt these opposite forces b e c o me equal, they paralyse each other, and cease to work in the o ne or the other direction. At the m o m e nt 25 when supply a nd d e m a nd equilibrate e a ch other, a nd therefore cease to act, the market price of a c o m m o d i ty coincides with its real value, with the standard price, r o u nd which its m a r k et prices oscillate. In i n q u i r i ng into the n a t u re of that value, we have therefore n o t h i ng at all to do with the tem porary affections of m a r k et prices by supply a nd d e m a n d. T he s a me holds 30 true with wages as with the prices of all other c o m m o d i t i e s. R e d u c ed to their simplest theoretical expression, all o ur friend's argu m e n ts dissolve themselves into this one single d o g m a: "The prices of com modities are determined or regulated by wages. " I might appeal to practical observation to b e ar witness against this anti- 35 q u a t ed a nd exploded fallacy. I might tell you, t h at the English factory op eratives, m i n e r s, shipbuilders a nd so forth, whose labour is relatively high- priced, undersell, by the cheapness of their p r o d u c e, all other nations, while the English agricultural labourer f.i., whose labour is relatively low- priced, is u n d e r s o ld by almost every other n a t i o n, because of the dearness 40- of his p r o d u c e. By comparing article with article in the s a me country, and 158 Value, price and profit the c o m m o d i t i es of different countries, I m i g ht show, apart from s o me ex ceptions m o re a p p a r e nt t h an real that, on an average, the highpriced labour produces t he lowpriced, a nd the lowpriced l a b o ur p r o d u c es t he high-priced commodities. This, of course, would n ot prove, that the h i gh price of la- bour in the one, a nd its low price in the other instance are the respective causes of those diametrically opposed effects, b ut at all events it would prove t h at the prices of c o m m o d i t i es are n ot ruled by the prices of labour. However, it is q u i te superfluous for us to employ this empirical m e t h o d. | 5 |6| It might, perhaps, be denied t h at citizen W e s t on has put forward this dogma: "The prices of commodities are determined or regulated by wages." In 10 point of fact he h as never formulated it. He said on t he contrary, that profit and rent form also constituent parts of t he prices of c o m m o d i t i e s, because it is out of the prices of c o m m o d i t i es that n ot only the workingman's wages, b ut also the capitalist's profits, and t he landlord's rents m u st be 20 15 paid. But how, in his idea, are prices formed? First by wages. T h en an addi tional percentage is j o i n ed to the price on behalf of the capitalist, a nd an other additional percentage on behalf of t he landlord. Suppose the wages of the labour employed in the p r o d u c t i on of a c o m m o d i t y, to be 10. If the rate of profit was 100 % u p on t he wages advanced, t he capitalist would add ten, and if the rate of rent was also 100 % u p on the wages, there would be a d d ed 10 more, a nd the aggregate price of the c o m m o d i ty would a m o u nt to 30. But such a d e t e r m i n a t i on of prices would be simply their d e t e r m i n a t i on by wages. If wages, in the above case, rose to 20, the price of t he c o m m o d i ty would rise to 60, a nd so forth. Consequently, all the s u p e r a n n u a t ed writers 25 on Political E c o n o m y, who p r o p o u n d ed the d o g ma that wages regulate prices, have tried to prove it by treating profit a nd rent as mere additional percentages upon wages. N o ne of t h em was of course able to r e d u ce the lim its of those percentages to any e c o n o m ic law. T h ey s e em on the contrary to think profits settled by tradition, custom, the will of the capitalist, or s o me 30 other equally arbitrary a nd inexplicable m e t h o d. If they assert, that they are settled by t he c o m p e t i t i on between the capitalists, they say n o t h i n g. That c o m p e t i t i on is sure to equalise the different rates of profit in different trades, or r e d u ce t h em to o ne average level, b ut it can never d e t e r m i ne t h at level itself, or t he general rate of profit. 35 40 W h at do we m e an in saying that the prices of c o m m o d i t i es are deter mined by wages? Wages being b ut a n a me for t he price of labour, we m e an that the prices of c o m m o d i t i es are regulated by the price of labour. As "price" is exchangeable v a l u e - a nd in speaking of value, I speak always of exchangeable value,—is exchangeable value expressed in money, the propo- sition c o m es to this, t h at "the value of commodities is determined by the value of labour", or t h at "the value of labour is the general measure of value". 159 Karl Marx But how t h en is the "value of labour" itself d e t e r m i n e d? H e re we c o me to a standstill. Of course, to a standstill, if we try reasoning logically. Yet, the p r o p o u n d e rs of t h at doctrine m a ke short work of logical scruples. Take our friend W e s t on f.i. First he told us that wages regulate the prices of com modities, a nd that, consequently, when wages rise, prices m u st rise. T h en he turned r o u nd to show us that a rise of wages will be no good, because the prices of c o m m o d i t i es h ad risen, and b e c a u se wages were i n d e ed meas ured by t he prices of the c o m m o d i t i es u p on which they are spent. T h us we begin by saying that the value of labour d e t e r m i n es the value of c o m m o d ities, and we wind up by saying that the value of c o m m o d i t i es determines the value of labour. T h us we move to and fro in the m o st vicious circle, and arrive at no conclusion at all. On the whole, it is evident, that by m a k i ng t he value of o ne commodity, say labour, corn, or any other commodity, the general m e a s u re a nd regula tor of value, we only shift t he difficulty, since we d e t e r m i ne o ne value by a n o t h er value which on its side wants to be d e t e r m i n e d. T he d o g ma t h at "wages d e t e r m i ne the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s ", expressed in its m o st abstract terms, comes to this, that "value is d e t e r m i n ed by val u e ", and this tautology m e a ns that, in fact, we know n o t h i ng at all about value. Accepting this premise, all reasoning a b o ut the general laws of Polit ical E c o n o my turns into m e re twaddle. It was, therefore, the great merit of Ricardo that, in his work "On the Principles of Pol. Econ.", published in 1817, he fundamentally destroyed the old, popular, a nd worn out fallacy that "wages d e t e r m i ne prices", a fallacy which A. S m i th a nd his F r e n ch prede cessors h ad spurned in the really scientific parts of their researches, but which, nevertheless, they reproduced in their m o re exoterical and vulgaris ing chapters. 6) Citizens, I have now arrived at a point, where I m u st enter u p on t he real development of the question. I c a n n ot p r o m i se to do this in a very satisfac tory way, because, to do so, I should be obliged to walk over the whole field of Political E c o n o m y. I can, as the F r e n ch would say, b ut "effleurer la ques tion", t o u ch u p on the m a in points. T he first question we have to p ut is, W h at is the value of a commodity? H ow is it d e t e r m i n e d? On first sight, it would seem, that the value of a c o m m o d i ty is a thing quite relative, a nd n ot to be settled without considering o ne c o m m o d i ty in its relations to all other commodities. In fact, in speaking of the value, the 160 Value, price and profit value in e x c h a n ge of a c o m m o d i t y, we m e an the proportional quantities in which it exchanges with all other c o m m o d i t i e s. But t h en arises t he q u e s tion, how are the proportions in which c o m m o d i t i es exchange with e a ch other, regulated? We know from experience that these proportions vary infinitely. Taking one single c o m m o d i t y, wheat f.L, we shall find t h at a qr of wheat exchanges in almost countless variations of proportion with different c o m m o d i t i e s. Yet, its value remaining always the same, whether expressed in silk, gold, or any other c o m m o d i t y, it m u st be s o m e t h i ng distinct from, a nd i n d e p e n dent of, these different rates of exchange with different articles. It m u st be possible to express it in a very different form these various e q u a t i o ns with various c o m m o d i t i e s. Besides: If I say, a qr of wheat exchanges with iron in a certain propor tion, or the value of a qr of wheat is expressed in a certain a m o u nt of iron, I say that t he value of wheat a nd its equivalent in iron are equal to some third thing, which is n e i t h er wheat nor iron, b e c a u se I suppose t h em to express the same m a g n i t u de in two different shapes. Either of t h e m, the wheat a nd the iron, m u st therefore, independently of the other, be reducible to this third thing which is their c o m m on m e a s u r e. To elucidate this point, I shall recur to a very simple geometrical illustra tion. In c o m p a r i ng the areas of triangles of all possible forms a nd m a g n i tudes, or c o m p a r i ng triangles with rectangles, or any other rectilinear fig ure, how do we proceed? We reduce the area of any triangle whatever to an expression quite different from its visible form. Having found from the n a ture of the triangle, that its area is equal to half the p r o d u ct of its base by its height, we can t h en c o m p a re the different values of all sorts of triangles, and of all rectilinear figures whatever, because all of t h em m ay be dis solved into a certain n u m b er of triangles. The s a me m o de of p r o c e d u re m u st obtain with the values of c o m m o d ities. We m u st be able to reduce all of t h em to an expression c o m m on to all and distinguishing t h em only by the proportions in w h i ch they c o n t a in that same a nd identical m e a s u r e. | |7| As the exchangeable values of c o m m o d i t i es are only social functions of those things, a nd have n o t h i ng at all to do with their natural qualities, we must first ask: W h at is t he c o m m on social substance of all c o m m o d i t i e s? It is Labour. To p r o d u ce a c o m m o d i t y, a certain a m o u nt of l a b o ur m u st be bestowed u p on it, or worked up in it. A nd I say n ot only Labour, b ut Social Labour. A m an who p r o d u c es an article for his own i m m e d i a te use, to con sume it himself, creates a product, but n ot a commodity. As a selfsustaining producer, he has n o t h i ng to do with society. But to p r o d u ce a commodity, a m an m u st n ot only p r o d u ce an article satisfying s o me social want, b ut his 161 Karl Marx labour itself m u st form part a nd parcel of the total s um of labour, expended by society. It m u st be subordinate to the Division of Labour within Society. It is n o t h i ng without the other divisions of labour, and, on its part, is required to integrate t h e m. If we consider commodities as values, we consider t h em exclusively u n d er the single aspect of realised, fixed, or if you like, crystallised social labour. In this respect they can differ only by representing greater or smaller quanti ties of labour, as f. i. a greater a m o u nt of labour m ay be worked up in a silken h a n d k e r c h i ef t h an in a brick. But how do we m e a s u re quantities of la bour? By the Time the labour lasts, in m e a s u r i ng the l a b o ur by t he hour, the day etc. Of course, to apply this m e a s u r e, all sorts of labour are reduced to average or simple labour as their unity. We arrive, therefore, at this conclusion: A c o m m o d i ty has a value, be cause it is a crystallisation of social labour. T he greatness of its value, or its relative value, d e p e n ds u p on the greater or less a m o u nt of t h at social sub stance c o n t a i n ed in it; that is to say, on the relative m a ss of labour neces sary for its production. T he relative values of commodities are, therefore, de t e r m i n ed by t he respective quantities or amounts of labour, worked up, realised, fixed in them. T he correlative quantities of c o m m o d i t i e s, which c an be pro d u c ed in t he same time of labour, are equal. Or the value of o ne commodity is to the value of an other c o m m o d i t y, as the quantity of labour fixed in the one, is to the quantity of labour, fixed in the other. I suspect t h at m a ny of y ou will ask: D o es t h e n, indeed, there exist such a vast or any difference whatever between determining the values of com modities by wages, a nd determining t h em by t he relative quantities of labour necessary for their production? Y ou m u s t, however, be aware t h at reward for labour, a nd quantity of labour, are quite disparate things. Suppose f.i. equal quantities of labour to be fixed in o ne quarter of wheat a nd o ne ounce of gold. I resort to this example because it was used by Benjamin Franklin in his first essay published in 1731, a nd entitled: "A modest Inquiry into the nature and necessity of a Paper Currency", where h e, o ne of the first, hit upon t he true n a t u re of value. Well! We suppose, t h e n, that o ne quarter of wheat a nd one o u n ce of gold are equal values, or equivalents, because they are crys tallisations of equal amounts of average labour, of so m a ny days', or so many weeks' labour, respectively fixed in t h e m. In t h us d e t e r m i n i ng t he relative values of gold a nd corn, do we refer in any way whatever to the wages of the agricultural labourer and the miner? N ot a bit. We leave it quite indetermi nate how their day's or their week's labour was paid, or even whether wages labour was employed at all. If it was, wages m ay have b e en very unequal. T he labourer whose labour is realised in the quarter of wheat, m ay receive 2 bushels only, and the labourer employed in mining, m ay receive one half 162 Value, price and profit 5 of the o u n ce of gold. Or supposing their wages to be equal, they m ay devi ate in all possible proportions from the values of the c o m m o d i t i es pro duced by t h e m. They m ay a m o u nt to l/2, %, %, %, or any other proportional part of t he o ne q u a r t er of corn or t he o ne o u n ce of gold. T h e ir wages can, of course, n ot exceed, n ot be more t h an the values of the c o m m o d i t i es they produced, b ut they can be less in every possible degree. Their wages will be limited by t he values of their products, b ut the values of their products will not be limited by their wages. A nd above all, values, the relative values of corn and gold f.i., will have b e en settled without any regard whatever to the 10 value of the labour employed, that is to say, to wages. To d e t e r m i ne the val ues of c o m m o d i t i es by the relative quantities of labour fixed in them, is, there fore, a thing quite different from the tautological m e t h od of d e t e r m i n i ng the values of c o m m o d i t i es by the value of labour, or by wages. This point, however, will be further elucidated, in the progress of our inquiry. | 15 20 25 30 |8| In calculating t he exchangeable value of a c o m m o d i t y, we m u st add to the quantity of labour last employed, the quantity of labour previously worked up in the raw m a t e r i al of the c o m m o d i t y, a nd "the labour bestowed on the i m p l e m e n t s, tools, machinery, a nd buildings with which s u ch labour is assisted". F.i. t he value of a certain a m o u nt of cotton yarn is t he crystal- lisation of t he quantity of labour added to the cotton during t he spinning process, t he quantity of labour previously realised in t he c o t t on itself, t he quantity of labour realised in the coal, oil, a nd other auxiliary m a t t er used, the quantity of l a b o ur fixed in the s t e am engine, the spindles, t he factory building, a nd so forth. I n s t r u m e n ts of production, properly so called, such as tools, m a c h i n e r y, buildings, serve again a nd again, for a longer or short er period, during repeated processes of production. If they were used up at once like t he raw material, their whole value would at o n ce be transferred to the c o m m o d i t i es they assist in producing. But as a spindle f.i. is b ut gradually u s ed u p, an average calculation is m a d e, based u p on t he average time it lasts, and its average waste or wear a nd tear during a certain period, say a day. In this way, we calculate how m u ch of the value of the spindle is transferred to the y a rn daily spun, and h ow m u c h, therefore, of t he total amount of labour, realised in a lb of yarn, f.i., is d ue to the quantity of la bour, previously realised in the spindle. F or o ur present purpose, it is n ot 35 necessary to dwell any longer u p on this point. It m i g ht s e em t h at if the value of a c o m m o d i ty be d e t e r m i n ed by the quantity of labour bestowed upon its production, t he lazier a m a n, or the c l u m sier a m a n, t he m o re valuable his c o m m o d i t y, b e c a u se t he greater t he t i me of labour required for finishing the c o m m o d i t y. This, however, would be a sad mistake. Y ou will recollect that I u s ed t he word "Social Labour", a nd many points are involved in this qualification of "Social". In saying that the ) 163 Karl Marx value of a c o m m o d i ty is d e t e r m i n ed by the quantity of labour worked up or crystallised in it, we m e an the quantity of labour necessary for its production in a given state of society, u n d er certain social average c o n d i t i o ns of pro duction, with a given social average intensity a nd average skill of the la b o ur employed. W h e n, in England, the powerloom c a me to c o m p e te with t he h a n d l o o m, only half t he former t i me of labour was w a n t ed to convert a given a m o u nt of yarn into a yard of cotton, or cloth. T he poor h a n d l o om weaver now worked 17 and 18 hours daily, instead of t he 9 or 10 hours he h ad worked before. Still the product of 20 h o u rs of his labour represented now only 10 social h o u rs of labour, or 10 h o u rs of l a b o ur socially necessary for t he conversion of a certain a m o u nt of yarn into textile stuffs. His prod u ct of 20 h o u rs h a d, therefore, no m o re value t h an his former product of 10 h o u r s. If, t h e n, t he quantity of socially necessary labour, realised in c o m m o d i ties, regulates their exchangeable values, every increase of t he quantity of labour wanted for the production of a c o m m o d i t y, m u st a u g m e nt its value, as every d i m i n u t i on m u st lower it. If t he respective quantities of labour, necessary for the p r o d u c t i on of the their relative values also r e m a i n ed constant, respective c o m m o d i t i e s, would be constant. B ut such is not the case. T he quantity of labour neces sary for t he p r o d u c t i on of a c o m m o d i ty c h a n g es continuously with the changes in the productive powers of t he l a b o ur employed. T he greater the productive powers of labour, the m o re p r o d u ce is finished in a given time of labour, a nd the smaller the productive powers of labour, t he less produce is finished in the s a me time. If f.i. in the progress of population, it should b e c o me necessary to cultivate less fertile soils, the s a me a m o u nt of pro d u ce would be only attainable by a greater a m o u nt of l a b o ur spent, a nd the value of agricultural produce would, consequently, rise. On t he other hand, if, with the m o d e rn m e a ns of production, a single spinner converts into yarn, during o ne working day, m a ny t h o u s a nd t i m es t he a m o u nt of cotton which he could have s p un during the s a me t i me with t he spinning wheel, it is evident that every single p o u nd of cotton will absorb m a ny thousand times less of spinning labour t h an it did before, a n d, consequently, the val ue a d d ed by spinning to every single lb of cotton, will be t h o u s a nd times less t h an before. T he value of yarn will sink accordingly. Apart from the different n a t u r al energies a nd acquired working abilities of different peoples, the Productive Powers of L a b o ur m u st principally de p e n d: I |9| is t l y) U p on t he natural conditions of labour, s u ch as fertility of soil, m i n e s, a nd so forth; 2n d l y) U p on t he progressive i m p r o v e m e nt of the Social Powers of Labour, 164 Value, price and profit such as are derived from P r o d u c t i on on a grand scale, C o n c e n t r a t i on of Capital a nd C o m b i n a t i on of Labour, Subdivision of labour, m a c h i n e r y, im proved m e t h o d s, appliance of c h e m i c al a nd other n a t u r al agencies, short ening of t i me a nd space by m e a ns of c o m m u n i c a t i on a nd transport, a nd every other contrivance by which science presses n a t u r al agencies into the service of labour, a nd by which the Social, or Cooperative Character of La bour is developed. T he greater t he productive powers of labour, the less l a b o ur is bestowed upon a given a m o u nt of produce. H e n ce the smaller the value of this pro duce. T he smaller the productive powers of labour, the m o re l a b o ur is be stowed u p on t he s a me a m o u nt of p r o d u c e. H e n ce the greater its value. As a general law we m a y, therefore, set it down that: The values of commodities are directly as the times of labour employed in their the productive powers of the Labour employed. production, and are inversely as Having till n ow only spoken of Value, I shall add a few words a b o ut Price, which is a peculiar form a s s u m ed by value. Price, t a k en by itself, is n o t h i ng b ut t he monetary expression of value. T he values of all c o m m o d i t i es of this country f.i. are expressed in gold prices, while, on t he continent, they are m a i n ly expressed in silver-prices. T he val ue of gold or silver, like t h at of all other commodities, is regulated by the quantity of labour necessary for getting t h e m. Y ou exchange a certain a m o u nt of your n a t i o n al products, in which a certain a m o u nt of your na tional labour is crystallised, for the produce of the gold a nd silver p r o d u c ing countries, in which a certain quantity of their labour is crystallised. It is in this way, in fact by barter, that you learn to express in gold a nd silver the values of all c o m m o d i t i e s, that is, the respective quantities of labour b e stowed u p on t h e m. Looking somewhat closer into the monetary expression of value, or what c o m es to the same, t he conversion of value into price, you will find that it is a process by which you give to the values of all c o m m o d i t i es t h em as an quantities of equal, social labour. So far as it is b ut the m o n e t a ry expression of value, price h as b e en called natural price by A. Smith, "prix nécessaire" by the F r e n ch physiocrats. independent a nd homogeneous form, or by which you express W h at t h en is the relation between value and market prices, or between natural prices a nd market prices? You all know that the market price is the same for all c o m m o d i t i es of the same kind, however the conditions of p r o d u c t i on m ay differ for the i n d i vidual producers. T he m a r k et prices express only the average amount of so cial labour, necessary u n d er the average conditions of production, to supply the m a r k et with a certain m a ss of a certain article. It is calculated u p on the whole lot of a c o m m o d i ty of a certain description. 165 Karl Marx So far the market price of a c o m m o d i ty coincides with its value. On the other h a n d, the oscillations of m a r k et prices, rising now over, sinking now u n d er the value or n a t u r al price, depend u p on the fluctuations of supply a nd d e m a n d. T he deviations of m a r k et prices from values are c o n t i n u o u s, b ut as A.Smith says: 5 "The n a t u r al price is the central price to which the prices of c o m m o d i ties are continually gravitating. Different accidents m ay s o m e t i m es keep t h em suspended a good deal above it, a nd s o m e t i m es force t h em down even somewhat below it. B ut whatever m ay be the obstacles w h i ch h i n d er t h em from settling in this centre of repose a nd c o n t i n u a n c e, they are con- 10 stantly tending towards it." I c a n n ot now sift this matter. It suffices to say, t h at if supply a nd de m a nd equilibrate each other, the m a r k et prices of c o m m o d i t i es will corre spond to their n a t u r al prices, that is to say to their values, as d e t e r m i n ed by t he respective quantities of labour required for their p r o d u c t i o n. But supply 15 ; a nd d e m a nd must constantly tend to equilibrate each other, a l t h o u gh they do so only by c o m p e n s a t i ng o ne fluctuation by another, a rise by a fall, and vice versa. If, instead of considering only t he daily fluctuations, you ana lyse the m o v e m e nt of m a r k et prices for longer periods, as Mr. T o o ke f.i. has d o ne in his "History of Prices", you will find t h at the fluctuations of market 20 - prices, their deviations from values, their u ps and downs, paralyse and c o m p e n s a te each other, so that, apart from the effect of m o n o p o l i e s, and s o me other modifications I m u st now pass by, all descriptions of c o m m o d i ties are, on the average, sold at their respective values or n a t u r al prices. The average periods during which the fluctuations of m a r k et prices compensate 25 ' each other, are different for different kinds of c o m m o d i t i e s, because with o ne kind it is easier to adapt supply to d e m a nd t h an with t he other. If then, speaking broadly, and embracing somewhat longer periods, all descriptions of c o m m o d i t i es sell at their respective values, it is n o n s e n se to suppose that profit, n ot in individual cases, b ut that the constant a nd usual 307 profits of different trades, spring from surcharging the prices of c o m m o d i ties, or selling t h em at a price over a nd above their value. T he absurdity of this n o t i on b e c o m es evident, if it be generalised. W h at a m an would con stantly win as a seller, he would as constantly lose as a purchaser. It would not do to say, that there are m en who are buyers without being sellers, or 35|| c o n s u m e rs without being producers. W h at these people pay to the produc ers, they m u st first get from t h em for n o t h i n g. If a m an first takes your m o n ey and, afterwards returns that m o n ey in buying your commodities, y ou will never enrich yourselves, by selling your c o m m o d i t i es too dear to that s a me m a n. This sort of transaction m i g ht d i m i n i sh a loss, b ut would 40J never help in realising a profit. 166 Value, price and profit To explain, therefore, t he general nature of profits, y ou m u st start from t he t h e o r em t h a t, on an average, c o m m o d i t i es are sold at their real values, a nd that profits are derived from selling them at their values, t h at is, in p r o p o r t i on to the q u a n t i ty of l a b o ur realised in t h e m. If y ou c a n n ot explain profit 5 u p on this supposition, y ou c a n n ot explain it at all. This seems p a r a d ox a nd contrary to t he everyday's observation. It is also p a r a d ox t h at t he e a r th moves r o u nd t he sun, a nd t h at water consists of two highly i n f l a m m a b le gases. Scientific t r u th is always paradox, if j u d g ed by everyday's experi­ ence, which catches only t he delusive a p p e a r a n c es of things. | κι |10| 7) (The Labouring Power.) Having now, as far as it c o u ld be d o ne in s u ch a cursory m a n n e r, analysed the n a t u re of Value, of t he Value of any commodity whatever, we m u st t u rn our a t t e n t i on to t he specific Value of Labour. A nd h e re again I m u st startle you by a s e e m i ng p a r a d o x. All of you feel sure t h at what they daily sell, is 15 their L a b o u r; t h a t, therefore, L a b o ur h as a Price, a nd that, t he price of a commodity being only t he m o n e t a ry expression of its value, there m u st cer­ tainly exist s u ch a t h i ng as t he Value of Labour. However, there exists no such thing as t he Value of Labour in t he c o m m on a c c e p t a n ce of t he word. We have seen t h at t he a m o u nt of necessary l a b o ur crystallised in a c o m- 20 modify constitutes its value. Now, applying this n o t i on of value, h ow could we define, say t he value of a 10 h o u r s' working day? H ow m u ch l a b o ur is contained in t h at day? T en h o u r s' labour. To say t h at t he value of a 10 h o u r s' working day is e q u al to 10 h o u r s' labour, or t he q u a n t i ty of la­ bour c o n t a i n ed in it, would be a tautological a n d, moreover, a n o n s e n s i c al 25 expression. Of course, having o n ce found o ut t he true b ut h i d d en sense of the expression: ΎαΙαε of Labour", we will be able to interprete this irra­ tional a nd seemingly impossible application of value, in t he same way, t h at having o n ce m a de sure of t he real m o v e m e nt of t he celestial bodies, we shall be able to explain t h e ir a p p a r e nt or merely p h e n o m e n al m o v e m e n t s. 30 W h at t he working m an sells is n ot directly his Labour, b ut his Labouring Power, t he t e m p o r a ry disposal of which he m a k es over to t he capitalist. T h is is so m u ch t he case that, I do n ot know w h e t h er by t he English Law, b ut certainly by s o me C o n t i n e n t al Laws, t he Maximum time is fixed, for which a m an is allowed to sell his labouring power. If allowed to do so for any pe- 35 riod whatever, slavery would be i m m e d i a t e ly restored. S u ch a sale, if it comprised his lifetime f.i., would m a ke h im at o n ce t he lifelong slave of his employer. One of t he oldest e c o n o m i s ts a nd m o st original philosophers of E n g l a n d, 167 Karl Marx this in his Leviathan Thomas Hobbes, has already point, overlooked by all his successors. He says: "The value, or worth of a man, is, as in all other things, his price: t h at is, so m u ch as would be given for t he Use of his Power." instinctively hit u p on Proceeding from this basis, we shall be able to d e t e r m i ne the value of la bour, as t h at of all other c o m m o d i t i e s. But before doing so, we might ask, how does this strange p h e n o m e n on arise, that we find on the m a r k et a set of buyers, possessed of land, machin ery, raw materials, and the m e a ns of life, all of t h e m, save l a nd in its crude state, the products of labour, and, on t he other h a n d, a set of sellers, who have n o t h i ng to sell except their labouring power, their working arms and brains? T h at t he o ne set buys continually, in order to m a ke a profit and en rich themselves, while the other set continuously sells, in order to gain their lives? T he inquiry into this question would be an inquiry into what t he economists call: The Previous or Original Accumulation, but which ought to be called t he Original Expropriation. We would find that this so-called Original Accumulation m e a ns nothing b ut a series of historical processes re sulting in a Decomposition of the Original Union existing between the La bouring M an a nd his M e a ns of Labour. S u ch an inquiry, however, lies be yond t he pale of my present subject. T he Separation between t he M an of L a b o ur a nd t he M e a ns of Labour o n ce established, s u ch a state of things will m a i n t a in itself a nd reproduce itself u p on a constantly increasing scale, u n t il a new a nd fundamental revolution in the m o de of p r o d u c t i on should again overturn it, and restore the original u n i on in a new historical form. W h at t h en is the Value of the Labouring Power? Like t h at of every other commodity, its value is d e t e r m i n ed by the quan tity of labour necessary to produce it. T he labouring power of a m an exists only in his living individuality. A certain m a ss of necessaries m u st be con s u m ed by a m an to grow up a nd m a i n t a in his life. B ut the m a n, like the m a c h i n e, will wear out, a nd m u st be replaced by a n o t h er m a n. Besides the m a ss of necessaries required for his own m a i n t e n a n c e, he wants another a m o u nt of necessaries to bring up a certain q u o ta of children t h at are to re place h im on the labour market a nd to p e r p e t u a te the r a ce of labourers. Moreover, to develop his labouring power, a nd acquire a given skill, an other a m o u nt of values m u st be spent. For o ur purpose it suffices to con sider only average labour, the costs of whose e d u c a t i on a nd development are vanishing m a g n i t u d e s. Still, I m u st seize this occasion to state that, as the costs of producing labouring powers of different qualities do differ, so m u st differ t he values of the labouring powers employed in different trade; T he cry for an equality of wages rests, therefore, u p on a mistake, is an in sane wish never to be fulfilled. It is an offspring of that false a nd superficial 168 Value, price and profit radicalism t h at accepts premises a nd tries to evade conclusions. U p on the basis of t he wages system, t he value of the labouring power is settled like that of every other c o m m o d i t y, and as different k i n ds of labouring power have different values, or require different quantities of labour for their pro duction, they must fetch different prices in the labour market. To c l a m o ur for equal or even equitable retribution on t he basis of t he wages system, is the same as to c l a m o ur for freedom, on the basis of the slavery system. W h at you t h i nk j u st or equitable, is out of t he question. T he question is, w h at is necessary a nd u n a v o i d a b le with a given system of production. After what has b e en said, the value of the labouring power is d e t e r m i n ed by the value of the necessaries required to produce, develop, m a i n t a i n, a nd perpetuate the labouring power. 8) (Production of Surplus Value.) Now suppose that the average a m o u nt of the daily necessaries of a labour ing m an require 6 hours of average labour for their p r o d u c t i o n. Suppose, moreover, 6 h o u rs of average labour to be also realised in a q u a n t i ty of gold, equal to 3sh. T h en 3sh. would be the Price, or the m o n e t a ry expres sion of t he Daily Value of t h at m a n 's Labouring Power. If he worked daily 6 hours, he would daily p r o d u ce a value sufficient to buy t he average amount of his daily necessaries, or to m a i n t a in himself as a labouring m a n. But our m an is a wages' labourer. He m u s t, therefore, sell his labouring power to a capitalist. If he sells it at 3sh. daily, or 18sh. weekly, he sells it at its value. Suppose h im to be a spinner. If he works 6 h o u rs daily, he will add to the cotton a value of 3sh. daily. This value, daily a d d ed by h i m, would be an exact equivalent for the wages, or t he price of his labouring power, received daily. B ut in t h at case no surplusvalue or surplus produce whatever would go to the capitalist. H e r e, then, we c o me to the r u b. In buying the labouring power of the w o r k m an a nd paying its value, the capitalist, like every other purchaser, has acquired t he right to c o n s u me or use the c o m m o d i ty bought. You c o n s u me or u se the labouring power of a man, by m a k i ng h im work, as you c o n s u me or u se a m a c h i ne by m a k i ng it ran. By paying the daily or weekly value of the labouring power of the workman, t he capitalist h a s, therefore, acquired the right to u se or m a ke that labouring power work during the whole day or week. T he working day or the working week h as of course certain limits, b ut those we shall afterwards look more closely u p o n. F or the present, I want to t u rn your a t t e n t i on to one decisive point. The value of t he labouring power is d e t e r m i n ed by the quantity of labour 169 Karl Marx 5 necessary to m a i n t a in or reproduce it, b ut the use of that labouring power is only limited by the acting energies a nd physical strength of t he labourer. T he daily or weekly value of the labouring power is quite distinct from the daily ox weekly exercise of that s a me power, the s a me as the food a horse wants a nd t he t i me it can carry the h o r s e m a n, are quite distinct. T he quan- tity of labour, by which the value of the w o r k m a n 's labouring power is lim ited, forms by no m e a ns a limit to the quantity of l a b o ur which his labour ing power is apt to perform. Take the e x a m p le of our spinner. We have seen that, to | | 1 1| daily reproduce his labouring power, he m u st daily reproduce a value of 3sh., which he will do by working 6 h o u rs daily. But this does not 10 disable h im from working 10 or 12 or m o re h o u rs a day. B ut by paying the daily or weekly value of t he spinner's labouring power, the capitalist has acquired the right of using that labouring power during the whole day or week. He will, therefore, m a ke h im work daily, say 12 h o u r s. Over and above the 6 hours, required to replace his wages, or the value of his labouring 15 power, he will, therefore, have to work 6 other hours, which I shall call hours of surpluslabour, which surplus labour will realise itself in a surplusvalue and a surplus produce. If o ur spinner f.i., by his daily labour of 6 h o u r s, added 3sh. Value to the cotton, a value forming an exact equivalent for his wages, he will, in 12 hours, add 6sh.'s worth to the cotton, a nd p r o d u ce a propor- 20' tional surplus of yarn. As he has sold his labouring power to the capitalist, t he whole value or produce, created by h i m, belongs to t he capitalist, the owner pro tern, of his labouring power. By advancing 3sh., the capitalist will, therefore, realise a value of 6sh., because, advancing a value, in which 6 hours of labour are crystallised, he will receive in return a value, in which 25* 12 h o u rs of l a b o ur are crystallised. By repeating this s a me process daily, t he capitalist will daily advance 3sh. a nd daily pocket 6sh., o ne half of which will go to pay wages anew, a nd the other half of which will form sur plus value, for which the capitalist pays no equivalent. It is this sort of ex change between capital and labour, u p on which capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n, or the wages system, is founded, a nd which m u st constantly result in reproducing the working m an as a working m a n, a nd the capitalist as a capitalist. 30. T he Rate of Surplus value will, all other circumstances r e m a i n i ng the same, d e p e nd on the proportion between that part of the working day, nec essary to reproduce the value of the labouring power, a nd t he surplustime or surplus labour, performed for the capitalist. It will, therefore, d e p e nd on the ratio in which the working day is prolonged over and above that extent, by work ing which the working m an would only reproduce the value of his labour ing power, or replace his wages. ' 170 Value, price and profit 9) (Value of Labour.) We must now return to the expression: 'Value or Price of Labour". We have seen t h at it is in fact only t he value of t he L a b o u r i ng Power, measured by t he values of the c o m m o d i t i es necessary for its m a i n t e n a n c e. 5 But since the w o r k m an receives his wages after his l a b o ur is performed, and knows, moreover, that what he actually gives to the capitalist, is his la bour, the value or price of his labouring power necessarily appears to h i m, as the price or value of his labour itself. If the price of his labouring power is 3sh., in which 6 h o u rs of labour are realised, and if he works 12 hours, he 10 necessarily considers these 3sh. as the value or price of 12 h o u rs of labour, although t h e se 12 h o u rs of labour realise themselves in a value of 6sh. A double c o n s e q u e n ce flows from this. Firstly, the value or price of the labouring power takes the s e m b l a n ce of t he Price or Value of Labour itself, although, strictly speaking, value a nd price of labour are senseless terms. 15 Secondly: A l t h o u gh o ne part only of the w o r k m a n 's daily labour is paid, while the other part is unpaid, and while t h at u n p a id or surplus labour con stitutes exactly the fund o ut of which surplusvalue or profit is formed, it seems as if the aggregate labour was paid labour. ' 20 This false a p p e a r a n ce distinguishes wages' labour from other historical forms of labour. On the basis of the wages' system, even t he unpaid labour seems to be p a id labour. W i th the slave, on the contrary, even t h at part of his labour, which is paid, appears to be u n p a i d. Of course, in order to work, the slave m u st live, a nd o ne part of his working day goes to replace the val- 25 ue of his own m a i n t e n a n c e. But since no bargain is struck between h im and his master, a nd no acts of selling a nd buying are going on between the two parties, all his labour seems to be given away for n o t h i n g. .. Take on the other h a nd the peasant serf, such, as he, I m i g ht say, still yesterday, existed in the whole East of Europe. This p e a s a nt worked f.i. 30 3 days for himself on his own field, or the field allotted to h i m, a nd t he three s u b s e q u e nt days he performed compulsory a nd gratuitous l a b o ur on the estate of his lord. Here, t h e n, t he paid a nd u n p a id parts of labour were visibly separated, separated in t i me and space, a nd o ur liberals overflowed with moral i n d i g n a t i on at the preposterous n o t i on of m a k i ng a m an work '. 35 for nothing. In point of fact, however, whether a m an works 3 days of the week for himself on his own field, and three days for n o t h i ng on the estate of his lord, or whether he works in the factory or the workshop 6 h o u rs daily for himself, a nd 6 for his employer, comes to the same, although in the latter 171 Karl Marx case the paid a nd u n p a id portions of labour are inseparably m i x ed up with e a ch other, a nd t he n a t u re of the whole transaction is completely masked by the intervention of a contract, a nd the pay received at t he e nd of t he week. T he gratuitous labour appears to be voluntarily given in t he o ne instance, and to be compulsory in the other. T h at m a k es all the difference. In using the word "value of labour", I shall only use it as a p o p u l ar slang t e rm for "value of the labouring power". 10) (Profit is made by selling a commodity at its value.) total value of the product would, Suppose an average h o ur of labour to be realised in a value, equal to 6d., or 10"« 12 average h o u rs of labour to be realised in 6sh. Suppose further the value of labour to be 3sh., or the produce of 6 h o u r s' labour. If, t h e n, in the raw material, machinery, and so forth, used up in a c o m m o d i t y, 24 average h o u rs of labour were realised, its value would a m o u nt to 12sh. If, moreover, the w o r k m an employed by the capitalist, a d d ed 12 h o u rs of l a b o ur to those 15¾ m e a ns of production, these 12 h o u rs would be realised in an additional val ue of 6sh. T he 36 h o u rs of realised labour, a nd be equal to 18sh. But as the value of la bour, or the wages paid to the workman, would be 3sh. only, no equivalent would have b e en p a id by the capitalist for the 6 h o u rs of surplus labour, 20 \ worked by the workman, a nd realised in t he value of t he c o m m o d i t y. By selling this c o m m o d i ty at its value, for 18sh., t he capitalist would, there fore, realise a value of 3sh., for which he h ad p a id no equivalent. These 3sh. would constitute the surplus value or profit, pocketed by h i m. T he cap italist would, consequently, realise the profit of 3sh., n ot by selling his 25Ì c o m m o d i ty at a price over and above its value, b ut by selling it at its real value. therefore, a m o u nt to T he value of a c o m m o d i ty is d e t e r m i n ed by the total quantity of labour c o n t a i n ed in it. But part of that quantity of l a b o ur is realised in a value, for which an equivalent has b e en paid in the form of wages; part of it is real ised in a value, for which no equivalent has b e en paid. Part of the labour; c o n t a i n ed in the c o m m o d i t y, is paid labour; part is unpaid labour. By sell ing, therefore, the c o m m o d i ty at its value, t h at is as the crystallisation of the total quantity of labour bestowed u p on it, the capitalist m u st necessarily sell it at a profit. He sells n ot only, what has cost h im an equivalent, b ut he sells also what has cost h im nothing, although it has cost the labour of his workman. T he cost of the c o m m o d i ty to the capitalist, a nd its real cost, are 172 Value, price and profit different things. I repeat, therefore, that n o r m al a nd average profits are made by selling c o m m o d i t i es n ot above, b ut at their real values. \ 1121 11) (Different parts into which Surplusvalue is decomposed.) is realised, I call The surplusvalue, or that part of t he total value of t he c o m m o d i t y, in w h i ch the surplus labour or unpaid labour of the workingman Profit. T he whole of t h at profit is n ot pocketed by the employing capitalist. The monopoly of land enables the landlord to vindicate o ne part of t h at surplusvalue, u n d er the n a me of rent, whether the land be used for agricul ture, or buildings, or railways, or for any other productive purpose. On the other h a n d, the very fact, that the possession of the means of labour, enables the employing capitalist to p r o d u ce a surplus value, or what c o m es to the same, to appropriate to himself a certain amount of unpaid labour, enables the owner of the m e a ns of labour, which he lends wholly or partly to the e m ploying capitalist, enables in o ne word the money lending capitalist to claim for himself, u n d er the n a me of interest, another part of t h at surplus value, so that there r e m a i ns to the employing capitalist as such only what is called industrial or commercial profit. By what laws this division of the total a m o u nt of surplusvalue a m o n g st these three categories of people is regulated, is a question quite foreign from our subject. This m u c h, however, results from what has b e en stated. Rent, Interest, and Industrial Profit are only different names for different parts of the surplus value of t he c o m m o d i t y, or the unpaid labour, realised in it, and they are equally derived from this source, and from this source alone. They are n ot derived from land as such, n or from capital as such, b ut land and capital enable their owners to get their respective shares out of the sur plus value, extracted by the employing capitalist from the labourer. F or the labourer himself, it is a m a t t er of subordinate i m p o r t a n c e, whether t h at surplus value, the result of his surplus labour or u n p a id labour, be alto gether pocketed by latter be obliged to pay portions of it, u n d er the n a m es of r e nt a nd interest, away to third parties. Suppose the employing capitalist to use only h is own capital, and to be his own landlord, a nd the whole surplusvalue would go into his pocket. t he employing capitalist, or whether the It is the employing capitalist, who immediately extracts from the la bourer this surplusvalue, whatever part of it he m ay ultimately be able to keep for himself. U p on this relation, therefore, between the employing cap- 173 Karl Marx italist and t he wages' labourer, the whole wages system a nd t he whole pres ent system of p r o d u c t i on hinge. S o me of the citizens, who took part in our debate, were, therefore, wrong in trying to m i n ce matters, a nd to treat this fundamental relation between the employing capitalist a nd t he working m an as a secondary question, although they were right in stating, that, un der given circumstances, a rise of prices m i g ht affect in very u n e q u al de grees the employing capitalist, the landlord, the m o n i ed capitalist, and, if you please, the taxgatherer. A n o t h er c o n s e q u e n ce follows from what h as b e en stated. T h at part of t he value of the c o m m o d i t y, which presents only the value 10.. of the raw materials, the machinery, in o ne word, the value of the m e a ns of production used u p, forms no revenue at all, b ut replaces only capital. But apart from this, it is false that the other part of the value of the commodity, which forms revenue, or m ay be spent in t he form of wages, profits, rents, in terest, is constituted by the value of wages, the value of rent, the value of profit, a nd so forth. We shall, in the first instance, discard wages, and only treat industrial profit, interest, a nd rent. We have j u st seen, t h at the surplus- value c o n t a i n ed in the commodity, or t h at part of its value, in which unpaid labour is realised, dissolves itself into different fractions, bearing three dif ferent n a m e s. But it would be quite the reverse of the t r u th to say, thai its 20-,f value is composed of, or formed by, the addition of t he independent values of these three constituents. If one h o ur of labour realises itself in a value of 6d., if the working day of the labourer comprises 12 hours, if half of this t i me is u n p a id labour, that surplus labour will a dd to the c o m m o d i ty a surplus value of 3sh., that is of 25| value for w h i ch no equivalent has b e en paid. This surplusvalue of 3sh. con stitutes the whole fund which the employing capitalist m ay divide, in what ever proportions, with the landlord a nd the m o n ey lender. T he value of these 3sh. constitutes the limit of the value they have to divide amongst each other. B ut it is n ot t he employing capitalist who a d ds to the value of 30j the c o m m o d i ty an arbitrary value for his profit, to which a n o t h er value is a d d ed for the landlord, and so forth, so that the a d d i t i on of those arbi trarily fixed values would constitute the total value. Y ou see, therefore, the fallacy of the popular notion, which confounds t he decomposition of a giv en value into three different parts, with the formation of t h at value by the addition of three independent values, t h us converting t he aggregate value, from which rent, profit, a nd interest are derived, into an arbitrary magni t u d e. If the total profit, realised by a capitalist, be equal to 100/., we call this s u m, considered as an absolute m a g n i t u d e, the amount of profit. But if we calculate the ratio which those 100/. b e ar to t he capital advanced, we call 40| 174 Value, price and profit this relative m a g n i t u d e, the rate of profit. It is evident, that this rate of profit may be expressed in a d o u b le way. Suppose 100/. to be the capital, advanced in wages. If the surplus value created is also /. 1 0 0 — a nd this would show us, that half the working day of the labourer consists of unpaid l a b o u r — a nd if we m e a s u r ed this profit by the value of the capital advanced in wages, we should say, that t he rate of profit a m o u n t ed to 100 %, b e c a u se t he value a d v a n c ed would be 100, a nd the value realised would be 200. If, on the other h a n d, we should n ot only consider the capital advanced in wages, b ut the total capital advanced, say f.i. 500/., of which 400/. repre sented the value of raw materials, machinery, a nd so forth, we should say that the rate of profit a m o u n t ed only to 20%, because the profit of 100 would be b ut the fifth part of the total capital advanced. The first m o de of expressing the rate of profit is the only o ne which shows you the real ratio between paid a nd u n p a id labour, the real degree of the exploitation (you m u st allow me this F r e n ch word) of labour. T he other mode of expression is that in c o m m on use, a nd is i n d e ed appropriate for certain purposes. At all events, it is very useful for concealing the degree, in which the capitalist extracts gratuitous l a b o ur from the workman. In the remarks I have still to m a k e, I shall u se t he word Profit for t he whole a m o u nt of surplusvalue, extracted from the capitalist without any re gard to the division of that surplusvalue between different parties, a nd in using the words Rate of Profit, I shall always m e a s u re profits by the value of the capital advanced in wages. | |13| 12) (General relation of Profits, Wages, and Prices.) last employed. If that workingman works 12 hours daily, Deduct from the value of a c o m m o d i ty t he value replacing the value of the raw materials a nd other m e a ns of p r o d u c t i on u s ed u p on it, that is to say de duct the value representing the past labour c o n t a i n ed in it, a nd t he remain der of its value will dissolve into the quantity of labour a d d ed by the work if ing m an 12 hours of average labour crystallise themselves in an a m o u nt of gold equal to 6sh., this additional value of 6sh. is the only value his l a b o ur will have created. This given value, d e t e r m i n ed by the t i me of his labour, is the only fund, from which, b o th he a nd the capitalist, have to draw their re spective shares or dividends, the only value to be divided into wages a nd profits. It is evident that this value itself will n ot be altered by the variable 175 Karl Marx proportions, in which it m ay be divided a m o n g st the two parties. There will also be n o t h i ng changed, if in the place of o ne workingman, you p ut the whole working population, 12 millions of working days f.i., instead of one. Since t he capitalist a nd the w o r k m an have only to divide this limited value, t h at is the value m e a s u r ed by t he total labour of the workingman, the m o re t he o ne gets, the less will the other get, a nd vice versa. Whenever a quantity is given, o ne part of it will increase inversely as t he other de creases. If the wages change, profits will c h a n ge in an opposite direction. If wages fall, profits will rise, and if wages rise, profits will fall. If the working m a n, on our former supposition, gets 3sh., e q u al to one half of the value he has created, or if his whole working day consists half of paid, a nd half of u n p a id labour, the rate of profit will be 100%, b e c a u se t he capitalist would also get 3sh. If the workingman receives only 2sh., or works only % of the whole day for himself, the capitalist will get 4sh., a nd the rate of profit will be 200 %. If the working m an receives 4sh., t he capitalist will only receive two, and t he rate of profit would sink to 50 %, b ut all these variations will n ot affect the value of the c o m m o d i t y. A general rise of wages would, there fore, result in a fall of the general rate of profit, b ut n ot affect values. But although the values of commodities, which m u st ultimately regulate their marketprices, are exclusively d e t e r m i n ed by the total quantities of la b o ur fixed in t h e m, a nd n ot by the division of that quantity into paid and u n p a id labour, it does by no m e a ns follow, that the values of the single c o m m o d i t i es or lots of c o m m o d i t i es p r o d u c ed during 12 h o u rs f.i. will re m a in constant. T he number or m a ss of c o m m o d i t i e s, p r o d u c ed in a given t i me of labour, or by a given quantity of labour, d e p e n ds u p on the produc tive power of the labour employed, a nd n ot u p on its extent, or length. With o ne degree of t he productive power of s p i n n i ng labour f.i. a working day of 12 h o u rs m ay produce 121bs of yarn, with a lesser degree of productive power only 21bs. If t h en 12 h o u r s' average l a b o ur were realised in the value of 6sh., in the o ne case t he 121bs of yarn would cost 6sh., in the other case the 21bs of yarn would also cost 6sh. O ne lb of yarn would, therefore, cost 6d. in t he one case, a nd 3sh. in the other. T he difference of price would re sult from the difference in the productive powers of the l a b o ur employed. O ne h o ur of labour would be realised in o ne lb of yarn, with the greater productive power, while with the smaller productive power, 6 h o u rs of la b o ur would be realised in l ib of yarn. T he price of a lb of yarn would, in the o ne instance, be only 6d, although wages were relatively high and the rate of profit low; it would be 3sh. in the other instance, although wages were low and the rate of profit high. This would be so, b e c a u se t he price of the lb of yarn is regulated by the total amount of labour worked up in it, and n ot by the proportional division of that total amount into paid and unpaid la- r 10 15 30 176 Value, price and profit bour. T he fact, I have before m e n t i o n e d, that high priced l a b o ur m ay pro duce cheap, a nd low priced labour m ay p r o d u ce dear c o m m o d i t i e s, loses, therefore, its paradoxical appearance. It is b ut t he expression of t he general law, that t he value of a c o m m o d i ty is regulated by t he q u a n t i ty of l a b o ur worked up in it, b ut t h at the quantity of labour worked up in it, d e p e n ds al together u p on therefore, vary with every variation in t he productivity of labour. the productive power of the l a b o ur employed, a nd will, 13) (Main cases of attempts at rising wages or resisting their fall.) 1) Let us n ow seriously consider t he m a in cases in which a rise of wages is attempted or a r e d u c t i on of wages resisted. We have seen: that the value of the labouring power, or in m o re popular parlance, t he value of labour, is d e t e r m i n ed by the value of necessaries, or the quantity of labour required to p r o d u ce t h e m. If t h e n, in a given c o u n try, the value of the daily average necessaries of the labourer represented 6 hours of labour, expressed in 3sh., labourer would have to work 6 h o u rs daily to p r o d u ce an equivalent for his daily m a i n t e n a n c e. If t he whole working day was 12 h o u r s, the capitalist would pay h im the value of his la bour by paying h im 3sh. Half the working day would be u n p a id labour, a nd the rate of profit would m o u nt to 100 %. But now suppose that, c o n s e q u e nt upon a decrease of productivity, m o re labour should be wanted to p r o d u ce say the s a me a m o u nt of agricultural p r o d u c e, so that the price of the aver age daily necessaries should rise from 3 to 4sh. In that case the value of la bour would rise by ]/3 or 33¾ %. Eight h o u rs of t he working day would be re quired to p r o d u ce an equivalent for the daily m a i n t e n a n ce of the labourer, according to his old standard of living. T he surplus labour would therefore sink from 6 h o u rs to 4, a nd the rate of profit from 100 to 50 %. But in insist ing upon a rise of wages, the labourer would only insist u p on getting the in creased value of his labour, like every other seller of a c o m m o d i t y, who, the costs of his c o m m o d i t i es having increased, tries to get its increased value paid. If wages did n ot rise, or not sufficiently rise, to c o m p e n s a te for the in creased values of necessaries, the price of labour would sink below the value of labour, a nd t he labourer's standard of life would deteriorate. But a change m i g ht also take place in an opposite direction. By virtue of the increased productivity of labourer, the s a me a m o u nt of the average daily necessaries, m i g ht sink from 3sh. to 2, or only 4 h o u rs o ut of t he working day, instead of 6, be wanted to r e p r o d u ce an equivalent for the val- 177 Karl Marx ue of t he daily necessaries. T he w o r k i n g m an would now be able to b uy with 2sh. as m a ny necessaries as he did before with 3sh. I n d e e d, t he value of la­ bour w o u ld h a ve sunk, b ut t h at d i m i n i s h ed value w o u ld c o m m a nd the s a me a m o u nt of c o m m o d i t i es as before. T h en profits w o u ld rise from 3sh. to 4, a nd t he r a te of profit, from 100 to 200 %. A l t h o u gh t he labourer's abso­ lute s t a n d a rd of life would have r e m a i n ed t he s a m e, his relative wages, and, therewith, his relative social position, as c o m p a r ed to t h at of t he capitalist, would have b e en lowered. If t he working m an should resist t h at reduction of relative wages, he w o u ld only try to get s o me s h a re in t he i n c r e a s ed pro­ ductive powers of his own labour, a nd to m a i n t a in his former relative posi- % t i on in t he social scale. T h u s, after t he abolition of t he ||14| Cornlaws, and ί in flagrant violation of t he m o st s o l e mn pledges given d u r i ng t he Anti- C o rn Law Agitation, t he English factory lords generally r e d u c ed wages by Í 10 %. T he resistance of t he workmen was at first baffled, but, consequent u| u p on c i r c u m s t a n c es I c a n n ot now enter u p o n, t he 10 % lost were afterwards 15 regained. 2) T he values of necessaries, a nd c o n s e q u e n t ly the value of labour, might r e m a in t he s a m e, b ut a change m i g ht occur in their money prices, conse q u e nt u p on a previous change in the value of money. | Λ By t he discovery of m o re fertile m i n es a nd so forth, two o u n c es of gold, 2t| m i g ht f.i. cost no m o re l a b o ur to p r o d u ce t h an o ne o u n ce did before. The value of gold would t h en be depreciated by o ne half or by 50 %. As t he val­ ues of all o t h er c o m m o d i t i es would t h en be expressed in twice their former moneyprices, t h us t he s a me value of labour. Twelve h o u rs of labour, formerly expressed in 6sh., would now be expressed in 12sh. If t he workingman's 2"¾ wages would r e m a in 3sh., instead of rising to 6sh., t he moneyprice of hü la bour w o u ld only be e q u al to half the value of his labour, a nd h is standard of life would fearfully deteriorate. This would also h a p p en in a greater or ; lesser degree, if his wages should rise, but n ot proportionately to t he fall in t he value of gold. In such a case n o t h i ng would have b e en changed, neither ; in t he productive powers of labour, nor in supply and d e m a n d, n or in val-; u e s. N o t h i ng would have changed except t he m o n ey names of those values. ? To say, t h at in s u ch a case, t he w o r k m an o u g ht n ot to insist u p on a propor t i o n a te rise of wages, is to say, that he m u st be c o n t e nt to be paid with n a m e s, instead of with things. All past history proves, that whenever such a M depreciation of m o n ey occurs, t he capitalists are on t he alert to seize this 3 opportunity for defrauding the w o r k m e n. A very large school of Pol. Econ- M omists asserts, that, c o n s e q u e nt u p on t he new discoveries of goldlands, the m better working of silver mines, a nd t he c h e a p er supply of quicksilver, the m value of precious m e t a ls h as b e en again depreciated. This would explain t he general a nd s i m u l t a n e o us attempts, on the c o n t i n e n t, at a rise of wages. ;| 178 Value, price and profit 5 3) We have till now supposed t h at t he working day has given limits. T he working day, however, has, by itself, no constant limits. It is t he constant tendency of capital to stretch it to its u t m o st physically possible length, be cause in t he s a me degree surpluslabour, a nd consequently the profit result- ing therefrom, will be increased. T he m o re capital succeeds in prolonging the working day, the greater the a m o u nt of other peoples' labour it will ap propriate. D u r i ng the 1 7t h, a nd even the two first thirds of the 1 8th century, a 10 h o u r s' working day was t he n o r m al working day all over England. D u r ing the A n ti J a c o b in war, which was in fact a war waged by the British Bar io ons against the British working masses, capital celebrated its bacchanalia, and prolonged the working day from 10 to 12, 14, 18 h o u r s. Malthus, by no means a m a n, w h om you would suspect of a m a u d l in s e n t i m e n t a l i s m, de clared in a pamphlet, published a b o ut 1815, t h at if this sort of thing was to go on, the life of the n a t i on would be attacked in its very source. A few 15 years before the general i n t r o d u c t i on of the newly invented m a c h i n e r y, about 1765, a p a m p h l et appeared in England u n d er the title: "An Essay on Trade". T he a n o n y m o us author, an avowed e n e my of the working classes, declaims on the necessity of expanding the limits of the working day. Amongst other m e a ns to this end, he proposes working houses, which, he ) says, ought to be "Houses of Terror". A nd what is the length of t he working day he prescribes for these "Houses of Terror"? Twelve hours, the very s a me time which, in 1832, was declared by capitalists, political economists, a nd ministers, to be n ot only the existing, b ut t he necessary t i me of l a b o ur for a child u n d er 12 years. 5 D By selling his labouring power, a nd he m u st do so u n d er the present sys tem, the working m an m a k es over to the capitalist t he c o n s u m p t i on of that power, b ut within certain rational limits. He sells his labouring power, in order to m a i n t a in it, apart from its n a t u r al tear a nd wear, b ut not to destroy it. In selling his labouring power at its daily or weekly value, it is u n d e r- stood that in o ne day or o ne week, that labouring power shall n ot be s u b mitted to 2 days or 2 weeks waste, or wear and tear. Take a m a c h i n e, worth 1000/. If it is used up in 10 years, it will a dd to the value of the c o m m o d i ties, in whose p r o d u c t i on it assists, 100/. yearly. If it be used up in 5 years, it would add 200/. yearly, or the value of its a n n u al wear a nd tear is in in- 5 verse ratio to t he quickness with which it is c o n s u m e d. But this distin guishes the working m an from the m a c h i n e. M a c h i n e ry does n ot wear out exactly in t he s a me ratio in which it is u s e d. M a n, on the contrary, decays in a greater ratio t h an would be visible from t he m e re n u m e r i c al addition of work. 0 In their attempts at reducing the working day to its former rational di mensions, or, w h en they c a n n ot enforce a legal fixation of a n o r m al work- 179 Karl Marx ing day, at c h e c k i ng overwork by a rise of wages, a rise n ot only in propor­ t i on to t he surplus t i me exacted, b ut in a greater proportion, w o r k i n g m en fulfil only a d u ty against themselves, a nd their race. T h ey set only limits to t he t y r a n n i c al u s u r p a t i o ns of capital. T i me is t he r o om of h u m an develop­ m e n t. A m an w ho h as to dispose of no free t i m e, whose whole lifetime, apart from t he m e re physical i n t e r r u p t i o ns by sleep, meals, a nd so forth, is absorbed by his l a b o ur for t he capitalist, is less t h an a beast of b u r t h e n. He is a m e re m a c h i ne for p r o d u c i ng F o r e i gn Wealth, b r o k en in-body, a nd bru- talised in m i n d. Yet, t he whole history of m o d e rn industry shows, t h at capi­ tal, if n ot checked, will recklessly a nd restlessly work to cast down the whole working class to this u t m o st state of d e g r a d a t i o n. In prolonging t he working day, t he capitalist m ay p ay higher wages, and still lower t he value of labour, if t he rise of wages do n ot c o r r e s p o nd to the greater a m o u nt of l a b o ur extracted, a nd t he quicker decay of t he labouring power t h us caused. T h is m ay be d o ne in a n o t h er way. Y o ur middleclass statisticians will tell you f. inst. t h at t he average wages of factory families in L a n c a s h i re h a ve risen. T h ey forget t h at i n s t e ad of t he l a b o ur of t he m a n, t he h e ad of t he family, his wife, a nd p e r h a ps 3 or 4 children are n ow thrown u n d er t he J u g g e r n a ut wheels of capital, a nd t h at t he rise of t he aggregate wages does n ot correspond to t he aggregate surplus labour extracted from t he family. Even with given limits of t he working day, such as they n ow exist in all b r a n c h es of industry subjected to t he factory laws, a rise of wages m ay be­ c o me necessary, if only to keep up t he old s t a n d a rd value of labour. By in­ creasing t he intensity of labour, a m an m ay be m a de to e x p e nd as m u ch vi­ tal force in o ne hour, as he formerly did in two. T h is h a s, to a certain degree, b e en effected in t he trades, placed u n d er t he factory acts, by the ac­ celeration of m a c h i n e r y, a nd t he greater n u m b er of working machines which a single individual h as now to s u p e r i n t e n d. If t he increase in the in­ tensity of labour, or t he m a ss of l a b o ur s p e nt | | 1 5| in an h o u r, keeps some fair p r o p o r t i on to t he decrease in t he extent of t he working day, t he work­ ing m an will still be t he winner. If t h is limit is overshot, he loses in one form what he has gained in another, a nd 10 h o u rs of l a b o ur m ay t h en ber c o me as r u i n o us as 12 h o u rs were before. In c h e c k i ng this t e n d e n cy of capital, by struggling for a rise of wages, corresponding to t he rising inten- 3 sity of labour, t he working m an only resists t he d e p r e c i a t i on of his labour, a nd t he d e t e r i o r a t i on of his race. 4) All of y ou know that, from reasons I have n ot now to explain, capital­ istic p r o d u c t i on moves t h r o u gh certain periodical cycles. It m o v es through ν a state of quiescence, growing a n i m a t i o n, prosperity, overtrade, crisis, and : stagnation. T he marketprices of c o m m o d i t i e s, a nd t he m a r k et rates of 180 Value, price and profit is sure to have his wages profit, follow these phases, now sinking below their averages, n ow rising above t h e m. C o n s i d e r i ng the whole cycle, you will find t h at o ne deviation of t he m a r k e t p r i ce is being c o m p e n s a t ed by t he other, a nd that, taking t he average of the cycle, t he marketprices of c o m m o d i t i es are regulated by their values. Well! D u r i ng t he phasis of sinking marketprices, a nd the phases of crisis a nd stagnation, the working m a n, if n ot thrown o ut of e m­ ployment altogether, lowered. To n ot be de­ frauded, he must, even with such a fall of marketprices, d e b a te with the capitalist in w h at degree a proportional fall of wages h as b e c o me necessary. If, during t he phases of prosperity, w h en extra profits are m a d e, he battled not for a rise of wages, he would, taking t he average of o ne industrial cycle, not even receive his average wages, or t he value of his labour. It is t he ut­ most height of foolery to d e m a n d, t h at while his wages are necessarily af­ fected by t he adverse phases of t he cycle, he should exclude himself from a compensation d u r i ng the prosperous phases of t he cycle. Generally, t he val­ ues of all c o m m o d i t i es are only realised by t he c o m p e n s a t i on of t he contin­ uously changing marketprices, springing from t he c o n t i n u o us fluctuations of d e m a nd a nd supply. On t he basis of t he present system, labour is only a commodity like others. It m u s t, therefore, pass t h r o u gh t he s a me fluctua- tions to fetch an average price corresponding to its value. It would be ab­ surd to treat it on t he o ne h a nd as a c o m m o d i t y, a nd to w a nt on t he o t h er hand to e x e m pt it from t he laws which regulate the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s. The slave receives a p e r m a n e nt a nd fixed a m o u nt of m a i n t e n a n c e; the wages labourer does n o t. He m u st try to get a rise of wages in t he o ne in- stance, if only to c o m p e n s a te for a fall of wages, in t he other. If he resigned himself to accept the will, t he dictates of t he capitalist as a p a r a m o u nt economical law, he would share in all the miseries of the slave, without the security of t he slave. 5 10 .15 20 . 25 30 5) In all the cases I have considered, a nd they form 99 o ut of 100, you have seen t h at a struggle for a rise of wages follows only in t he track of pre­ vious changes, a nd as their necessary offspring, of previous changes in the amount of p r o d u c t i o n, the productive power of labour, t he value of labour, the value of m o n e y, t he extent or the intensity of t he l a b o ur extracted, the fluctuations of m a r k et prices, d e p e n d e nt u p on t he fluctuations of d e m a nd and supply, a nd coexistent with the different phases of the industrial cycle; Τ in one word, as reactions of labour against t he previous a c t i on of capital. èri By treating the struggles for a rise of wages i n d e p e n d e n t ly of all these cir- cumstances, by looking only u p on the change of wages, a nd overlooking all I the other changes from w h i c h , t h ey e m a n a t e, you proceed from a false y premise in order to arrive at false conclusions. ¿0 35 181 Karl Marx 14) (The struggle between capital and labour, and its results.) 1) Having shown, that the periodical resistance on the part of t he working- m en against a r e d u c t i on of wages, a nd their periodical attempts at getting a rise of wages, are inseparable from the wages system, a nd dictated by the very fact of l a b o ur being assimilated to c o m m o d i t i e s, a nd therefore subject to t he laws regulating the general m o v e m e nt of prices; having, furthermore, shown that a general rise of wages would result in a fall of the general rate of profit, b ut n ot affect the average prices of c o m m o d i t i e s, or their values; the question now, ultimately, arises, how far, in this incessant struggle be tween capital a nd labour, the latter is likely to prove successful? I might answer by a generalisation, and say that, as with all other com modities, so with labour, its market price will, in the long run, adapt itself to its value; that, therefore, despite all the ups a nd downs, a nd do what he may, the working m an will, on an average, only receive t he value of his la bour, which dissolves into the value of his labouring power, which is deter m i n ed by the value of the necessaries required for its m a i n t e n a n ce a nd re production, which value of necessaries, finally, is regulated by t he quantity of labour wanted to produce t h e m. But there are some peculiar features which distinguish the value of the la bouring power, or the value of labour, from the values of all other c o m m o d i ties. T he value of the labouring power is formed by two elements, the one m a i n ly physical, the other historical or social. Its ultimate limit is deter m i n ed by the physical element, that is to say, to m a i n t a in a nd r e p r o d u ce it self, to p e r p e t u a te its physical existence, the working class m u st receive the necessaries absolutely indispensable for living a nd multiplying. T he value of those indispensable necessaries forms, therefore, the u l t i m a te limit of the value of labour. On the other h a n d, the length of the working day is also limited by u l t i m a t e, although very elastic b o u n d a r i e s. Its u l t i m a te limit is given by t he physical force of the labouring m a n. If the daily exhaustion of his vital forces exceeds a certain degree, it can n ot be exerted anew, day by day. However, as I said, this limit is very elastic. A quick succession of un healthy a nd shortlived generations will keep t he labour m a r k et as well sup plied as a series of vigorous a nd longlived generations. Besides this mere physical element, the value of labour is in every coun try d e t e r m i n ed by a traditional standard of life. It is n ot m e re physical life, b ut it is the satisfaction of certain wants springing from the social condi tions in which people are placed and reared u p. T he English standard of life m ay be r e d u c ed to the Irish standard, the standard of life of a G e r m an 182 Value, price and profit peasant to t h at of a Livonian peasant. T he important part which historical tradition a nd social h a b i t u de play in this respect, y ou m ay learn from M r. Thornton's work o n: "Overpopulation", where he shows t he average wages in different agricultural districts of E n g l a nd still n ow a days differ 5 more or less according to the m o re or less favourable circumstances, u n d er t h at which they h ad emerged from the state of serfdom. 10 This historical or social element, entering into the value of labour, m ay be expanded, or contracted, or altogether extinguished, so that n o t h i ng re mains b ut t he physical limit. D u r i ng the t i me of the Anti Jacobin War, u n d e r- taken, as the incorrigible taxeater a nd synecurist, Old George Rose, used to say, to save the comforts of O ur Holy Religion from t he inroads of the French infidels, the h o n e st English farmers, so tenderly h a n d l ed in a for mer sitting of ours, depressed the wages of the agricultural labourers, even beneath that mere physical minimum, b ut m a de up by poortaxes t he r e m a i n- 15 der necessary for the physical p e r p e t u a t i on of t he race. This was a glorious way to convert the wages labourer into a slave and Shakespeare's p r o ud yeoman into a pauper. 20 By c o m p a r i ng the standard wages or values of labour in different coun tries, and by comparing t h em in different historical epochs of the s a me country, you will find that the value of labour itself is n ot a fixed, b ut a vari able m a g n i t u d e, even supposing t he values of all other c o m m o d i t i es to re main constant. A similar comparison would prove that not only the marketrates of profit change, b ut its average rates. 25 But as to profits, there exists no law which determines their minimum. We cannot say which is the ultimate limit of their decrease. A nd why can we not fix that limit? Because, a l t h o u gh we c an fix the minimum of wages, we cannot fix their maximum. We can only say, that the limits of the working day being given, the maximum of profit corresponds to the physical minimum 30 of wages; a nd that wages being given, the maximum of profit corresponds to such a prolongation of the working day, as is compatible with the physical forces of the labourer. T he m a x i m um of profit is therefore limited by the physical m i n i m um of wages a nd the physical m a x i m um of the working day. It is evident that between the two limits of this maximum rate of profit, 35 an i m m e n se scale of variations is possible. T he fixation of its actual degree is only settled by the c o n t i n u o us struggle between capital a nd labour; t he capitalist constantly tending to r e d u ce wages to their physical m i n i m u m, and to extend the working day to its physical m a x i m u m, while the working- man constantly presses in the opposite direction. 40 The question resolves itself into a question of the respective powers of the c o m b a t a n t s. | 183 Karl Marx 1161 2) As to t he limitation of the working day, in England, as in all other countries, it has never b e en settled except by legislative interference. With out the workingmen's c o n t i n u o us pressure from without, t h at interference would never have t a k en place. But, at all events, the result was n ot to be at tained by private settlement between the workingmen a nd the capitalists. This very necessity of general political action affords the proof that, in its merely e c o n o m i c al action, capital was the stronger side. As to t he limits of the value of labour, its actual settlement always de p e n ds u p on supply a nd d e m a n d, I m e an the d e m a nd for labpur on the part of capital, a nd the supply of labour by t he working m e n. In colonial coun tries, the law of supply and d e m a nd favours the workingmen. H e n ce the relatively h i gh s t a n d a rd of wages in the U n. States. Capital m ay there try its u t m o s t. It c a n n ot prevent the labour m a r k et from being continuously emp tied by the c o n t i n u o us conversion of wages labourers into independent, self-sustaining peasants. T he function of a wages' labourer is, for a very large part of the A m e r i c an people, b ut a probational state, w h i ch they are sure to leave within a longer or shorter term. To m e nd this colonial state of things, the paternal British government accepted for s o me t i me what is called the m o d e rn Colonisation Theory, a nd which consists in putting an artificial high price u p on colonial land, in order to prevent t he too quick conversion of the w a g e s ' l a b o u r er into t he i n d e p e n d e nt peasant. B ut let us now c o me to old civilised countries, in which capital domi neers over t he whole process of production. T a ke f.i. the rise in England of agricultural wages from 1849 to 1859. W h at was its c o n s e q u e n c e? The farmers could not, as our friend W e s t on would have advised t h e m, raise the value of wheat, n or even its marketprices. T h ey h a d, on the contrary, to s u b m it [to] their fall. But during these 11 years, they i n t r o d u c ed machinery of all sorts, adopted m o re scientifick m e t h o d s, converted part of arable land into pasture, increased the size of farms, and, with it, t he scale of pro duction, a nd by these and other processes, d i m i n i s h i ng the d e m a nd for la bour by increasing its productive power, m a de t he agricultural population again relatively r e d u n d a n t. This is the general m e t h od in which a reaction, quicker or slower, of capital against a rise of wages takes place in old set tled countries. Ricardo has justly remarked that m a c h i n e ry is in constant c o m p e t i t i on with labour a nd can often be only introduced, w h en the price of l a b o ur has reached a certain height, b ut the appliance of machinery is b ut o ne of the m a ny m e t h o ds for increasing the productive powers of la bour. This very s a me development, which m a k es c o m m on l a b o ur relatively r e d u n d a n t, simplifies, on the other h a n d, skilled labour, a nd t h us depre ciates it. T he s a me law obtains in an other form. W i th the d e v e l o p m e nt of the pro- 184 Value, price and profit ductive powers of labour, t he a c c u m u l a t i on of capital will be accelerated, even despite a relatively high rate of wages. H e n ce o ne m i g ht infer, as A. Smith, in whose days m o d e rn industry was still in its infancy, d id infer, that this accelerated a c c u m u l a t i on of capital m u st t u rn the b a l a n ce in fa- 5 vour of the workingman, by securing a growing d e m a nd for h is labour. From this s a me standpoint, m a ny contemporary writers have wondered that, English capital having grown in these last 20 years so m u ch quicker than English population, wages should n ot have b e en m o re e n h a n c e d. But simultaneously with t he progress of a c c u m u l a t i o n, t h e re t a k es p l a ce a pro- gressive change in the composition of capital. T h at part of the aggregate capi tal, which consists of fixed capital, machinery, raw materials, m e a ns of pro duction in all possible forms, progressively increases as c o m p a r ed to t h at other part of capital which is laid out in wages, or in the p u r c h a se of la bour. This law h as b e en stated in a m o re or less accurate m a n n er by Mr. 15 Barton, R i c a r d o, Sismondi, Prof. R i c h a rd Jones, Prof. R a m s a y, Cherbuliez, 10 and others. If the proportion of those two elements of capital was originally o ne to one, it will, in the progress of industry, b e c o me 5 to 1, a nd so forth. If of a total capital of 600, 300 is laid o ut in i n s t r u m e n t s, raw materials, a nd so forth, a nd 300 in wages, the total capital wants only to be d o u b l ed to create a d e m a nd for 600 w o r k i n g m en instead of for 300. B ut if of a capital of 600, 500 is laid out in m a c h i n e r y, materials, a nd so forth, a nd 100 only in wages, the same capital m u st increase from 600 to 3600, in order to create a d e m a nd for 600 w o r k m en instead of for 100. In the progress of industry, the d e m a nd for l a b o ur keeps, therefore, no pace with the a c c u m u l a t i on of capital. It will still increase, b ut increase in a constantly d i m i n i s h i ng ratio as compared to t he increase of capital. These few h i n ts will suffice to show, t h at t he very d e v e l o p m e nt of m o d ern industry m u st progressively t u rn the scales in favour of the capitalist against t he workingman, a nd that, consequently the general t e n d e n cy of capitalistic p r o d u c t i on is n ot to raise, b ut sink the average s t a n d a rd of wages, or to p u sh the value of labour m o re or less to its minimum limit. S u ch being the t e n d e n cy of things in this system, is this to say t h at t he working class ought to r e n o u n ce their resistance against the e n c r o a c h m e n ts of capi- tal, and a b a n d on their attempts at m a k i ng the best of the occasional chances for their temporary i m p r o v e m e n t? If they did, they would be de graded to o ne level m a ss of b r o k e n d o wn wretches past salvation. I think, I have shown, that their struggles for the standard of wages are incidents in separable from the whole wages system, t h at in 99 cases o ut of 100, their ef- forts at rising wages are only efforts at m a i n t a i n i ng the given value of la bour, a nd t h at the necessity of debating their price with the capitalist is 20 25 30 35 40 185 Karl Marx i n h e r e nt to their condition of having to sell themselves as c o m m o d i t i e s. By cowardly giving way in their every days' conflicts with capital, they would certainly disqualify themselves for the initiative of any larger m o v e m e n t. At the s a me t i m e, a nd quite apart from the general servitude involved in the wages system, the working class ought n ot to exaggerate to themselves the u l t i m a te working of those every days' struggles. They o u g ht n ot to for get, t h at they are fighting with effects, b ut n ot with the causes of those ef fects; that they are retarding the downward m o v e m e n t, b ut n ot changing its direction; t h at they are applying palliatives, n ot curing the m a l a d y. They ought, therefore, n ot to be exclusively absorbed in those u n a v o i d a b le gue rilla fights, incessantly springing up from the never ceasing e n c r o a c h m e n ts of capital or changes of the market. They ought to u n d e r s t a nd that, with all the miseries it imposes u p on them, the present system s i m u l t a n e o u s ly en genders the material conditions a nd the social forms necessary for an eco n o m i c al reconstruction of society. I n s t e ad of the conservative m o t t o: "A fair day's wages for a fair day's work!", they ought to inscribe on their b a n n er the revolutionary watchword: "Abolition of the wages' System!" After this very long, and I fear t e d i o us exposition, which I was obliged to enter into to do some justice to the subject matter, I shall c o n c l u de by pro posing the following resolutions: /s i l0 A general rise in the rate of wages would result in a fall of the gen eral rate of profit, but, broadly speaking, n ot affect the prices of commodi ties; 2n d l y) T he general tendency of capitalistic p r o d u c t i on is n ot to raise, but to sink the average standard of wages; jjrdiy) Tr ade s' U n i o ns work well as centres of resistance against the en c r o a c h m e n ts of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious u se of their power. T h ey fail generally from to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing System, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organised forces as a lever for the final e m a n c i p a t i on of the working class, t h at is to say, the u l t i m a te abolition of the wages' system. | themselves limiting 186 K a rl M a rx P r o g r a m me du C o n g r ès de G e n è ve a d o p té à la C o n f é r e n ce de L o n d r es ( 1 8 6 5) I The following are the q u e s t i o n s: I) Questions relating to the Association. 1) Questions relating to its organisation. 2) Établissement des secours m u t u e ls pour les m e m b r es de l'Associa tion. - A p p ui m o r al et matériel accordé a ux orphelins de l'associa tion. II) Social Questions. 1) Du Travail coopératif. 2) De la R é d u c t i on des heures du travail. 3) Du travail des femmes et des enfants. 4) Des Trades Unions. L e ur passé, leur état actuel, leur avenir. 5) De l'action c o m b i n é e, par le m o y en de l'Association I n t e r n a t i o n a l e, dans les luttes entre le capital et le travail. | |6) Du Crédit International: F o n d a t i on des institutions internationales de crédit, leur forme, et leur m o de d'action. 7) Impôts directs et indirects. 8) Des a r m é es p e r m a n e n t es d a ns leurs rapports avec la p r o d u c t i o n. III) International Politics. De la nécessité d'anéantir l'influence moscovite en E u r o pe p ar l'applica tion du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m e s, et la reconstitution de la Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u es et sociales. 187 Karl Marx IV) Question Philosophique. De l'idée religieuse d a ns ses rapports avec le d é v e l o p p e m e nt social, politi q ue et intellectuel. | 188 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1 6, 1 8 6 6. K a rl M a rx M i n u t es I J a n u a ry 16, 1866. Eccarius in t he chair. 5 Minutes read and confirmed. Citizens L o n g u et et Crespelle were n o m i n a t ed m e m b e rs of t he Council. Marx c o m m u n i c a t ed to the C o u n c il the receipt by F ox of a letter of thanks by M rs O ' D o n o v an for his articles in t he W o r k m a n 's Advocate on Fenianism, a nd the reprint, in the s a me paper, of the appeal for t he support of the convicted F e n i a n s. Marx proposed Cit Longuet's n o m i n a t i on in his place as Correspondent 10 for Belgium. S e c o n d ed by Jung. Accepted. Jung read a letter of Dujoncquoy (Hotel de N ew York) requesting the pay ment of 11. 17s. owed to h im from the t i m es of the Conference. A discussion followed in which Le Lubez, J u n g, D u p o n t, Wheeler, Less- ner, - a nd others took part. 15 Cremer: T he m e m b e rs of the Council a nd the Association ought pay their cards immediately. Jung: proposes that D u p o nt should tell Dujoncquoy, t h at t he Council, having n ot b e en largely attended, part of the bill be paid on W e d n e s d ay next, and a definite answer given. Seconded by Lessner. 20 Jung read: Talbot, of Caen, letter, a nd o ne p o u nd (for 20 cards) (to D u pont) Propaganda in different towns of t he d e p a r t m e n ts of Calvados, Orne, La Manche. Mr. Wheeler moves: that notice be given that every o ne who does n ot (re- 25 new) pay his card u n t il 1 5th February, will cease to be m e m b er of the Asso ciation. (To be advertised in the Advocate) Seconded by Citizen Jung. Car ried. Werecki (as delegate of the Poles) : explains t h e ir absence on t he standing Committee. On M o n d ay they had a m e e t i ng a nd got the necessary m o n ey together. After s o me discussion—as to the place of m e e t i n g, St. Martin's 30 Hall, next Monday (22 Jan.) 8 o'clock in the evening. 189 Karl Marx Cremer read the Appeal to the Brit. Members. Accepted Address. Diffi culty as to the signature of the n a m e s. Moved Subscriptionsheets to be printed for. Carried on the m o t i on of Wheeler. | 190 Karl Marx: Meeting of the Central Council January 16, 1866. Minutes W h at h a ve t he w o r k i ng c l a s s es to do w i th P o l a n d? F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls The Commonwealth. Nr. 159, 24. März 1866 What have the working classes to do with Poland? I. To the Editor of the Commonwealth. 5 Sir,—Wherever the working classes have t a k en a part of their own in politi cal m o v e m e n t s, there, from the very beginning, their foreign policy was ex pressed in the few words—Restoration of Poland. This was t he case with t he Chartist m o v e m e nt so long as it existed; this was the case with t he F r e n ch working m en long before 1848, as well as during that m e m o r a b le year, 10 when on t he 15th of M ay they m a r c h ed on to the N a t i o n al Assembly to t he cry of 'Vive la Pologne!"—Poland for ever! This was the case in G e r m a n y, when, in 1848 a nd '49, the organs of the working class d e m a n d ed war with Russia for the restoration of Poland. It is the case even now;—with o ne ex ception—of which m o re a n o n — t he working m en of E u r o pe u n a n i m o u s ly 15 proclaim the restoration of Poland as a part a nd parcel of their political programme, as t he most comprehensive expression of their foreign policy. The middle-class, too, have had, a nd have still, "sympathies" with the Poles; which sympathies have not prevented t h em from leaving the Poles in the lurch in 1831, in 1846, in 1863, nay, have not even prevented t h em 20 from leaving the worst e n e m i es of Poland, s u ch as Lord Palmerston, to manage m a t t e rs so as to actually assist R u s s ia while they talked in favour of Poland. But with the working classes it is different. They m e an interven tion, not n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n; they m e an war with Russia while Russia m e d dles with P o l a n d; a nd they have proved it every t i me the Poles rose against their oppressors. A nd recently, the I n t e r n a t i o n al Working M e n 's Associa tion has given a fuller expression to this universal instinctive feeling of t he body it claims to represent, by inscribing on its b a n n e r, "Resistance to R u s sian e n c r o a c h m e n ts u p on E u r o p e — R e s t o r a t i on of Poland." 25 193 Friedrich Engels find This p r o g r a m me of the foreign policy of the working m en of W e s t e rn and Central E u r o pe h as found a u n a n i m o us c o n s e nt a m o ng the class to whom it was addressed, with one exception, as we said before. There are among the working m en of F r a n ce a small minority who belong to the school of t he late P. J. P r o u d h o n. This school differs in toto from the generality of the advanced a nd thinking working m e n; it declares t h em to be ignorant fools, a nd m a i n t a i n s, on most points, opinions q u i te contrary to theirs. This holds good in their foreign policy also. T he P r o u d h o n i s t s, sitting in judg m e nt on oppressed Poland, the verdict of the Staleybridge jury, "Serves her right." They a d m i re R u s s ia as the great land of the future, as the m o st progressive nation u p on the face of t he earth, at t he side of which s u ch a paltry country as the U n i t ed States is n ot worthy of b e i ng n a m e d. They have charged t he Council of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association with set ting up the Bonapartist principle of nationalities, a nd with declaring that m a g n a n i m o us R u s s i an people without the pale of civilised E u r o p e; such being a grievous sin against the principles of universal d e m o c r a cy and the fraternity of all n a t i o n s. These are the charges. Barring t he democratic phraseology at t he wind-up, they coincide, it will be seen at o n c e, verbally a nd literally with what the extreme Tories of all countries have to say about Poland a nd Russia. S u ch charges are n ot worth refuting; but, as they come from a fraction of the working classes, be it ever so small a one, they may r e n d er it desirable to state again the case of Poland a nd Russia, a nd to vindicate what we m ay henceforth call the foreign policy of the united working m en of Europe. B ut why do we always n a me Russia alone in c o n n e c t i on with Poland? Have n ot two G e r m an Powers, Austria and Prussia, shared in the plunder? Do n ot they, too, hold parts of Poland in b o n d a g e, and, in c o n n e c t i on with Russia, do they n ot work to keep down every n a t i o n al Polish m o v e m e n t? It is well known how h a rd Austria has struggled to keep o ut of the Polish business; how long she resisted the plans of Russia a nd Prussia for the par tition. Poland was a n a t u r al ally of Austria against Russia. W h en Russia o n ce b e c a me formidable, n o t h i ng could be m o re in the interest of Austria t h an to k e ep Poland alive between herself a nd t he newly-rising Empire. It was only w h en Austria saw that Poland's fate was settled, that with or with o ut her, t he other two Powers were d e t e r m i n ed to a n n i h i l a te her, it was only t h en t h at in self-protection she went in for a share of the territory. But as early as 1815 she held out for the restoration of an i n d e p e n d e nt Poland; in 1831 a nd in 1863 she was ready to go to war for that object, a nd give up her own share of Poland, provided England a nd F r a n ce were prepared to j o in her. T he s a me during the C r i m e an war. This is n ot said in justification of the general policy of the Austrian G o v e r n m e n t. A u s t r ia has shown often 194 The Commonwealth. London. Nr. 159, 24. März 1866. Titelkopf und Seite 5 mit dem ersten Teil des Artikels „What have the working classes to do with Poland?" von Engels What have the working classes to do with Poland? • II 5 10 15 20 enough that to oppress a weaker n a t i on is congenial work to her rulers. B ut in the case of Poland t he instinct of self-preservation was stronger t h an t he desire for new territory or the habits of G o v e r n m e n t. A nd this puts A u s t r ia out of court for the present. As to Prussia, h er share of Poland is too trifling to weigh m u ch in t he scale. H er friend a nd ally, Russia, h as m a n a g ed to ease h er of n i n e - t e n t hs of what she got during the three partitions. B ut what little is left to her weighs as an i n c u b us u p on her. It has chained h er to the t r i u m p h al car of Russia, it h as b e en t he m e a ns of enabling her G o v e r n m e n t, even in 1863 and '64, to practise u n c h a l l e n g e d, in Prussian-Poland, those b r e a c h es of the law, those infractions of individual liberty, of the right of m e e t i n g, of the liberty of the press, which were so soon afterwards to be applied to the rest of t he country; it h as falsified the whole middle-class Liberal m o v e ment which, from fear of risking the loss of a few square miles of land on the eastern frontier, allowed the G o v e r n m e nt to set all law aside with re gard to the Poles. T he working m e n, n ot only of Prussia, b ut of all Ger many, have a greater interest t h an those of any other country in t he restora tion of Poland, a nd they have shown in every revolutionary m o v e m e nt t h at they know it. R e s t o r a t i on of Poland, to t h e m, is e m a n c i p a t i on of t h e ir own country from R u s s i an vassalage. A nd this, we think, puts Prussia out of court, too. W h e n e v er the working classes of R u s s ia (if there is s u ch a thing in that country, in the sense it is u n d e r s t o od in W e s t e rn Europe) form a political p r o g r a m m e, a nd t h at p r o g r a m me c o n t a i ns the liberation of P o land—then, b ut n ot till t h e n, Russia as a n a t i on will be o ut of court too, 25 and the G o v e r n m e nt of the Czar will r e m a in alone u n d er i n d i c t m e n t. The Commonwealth. Nr. 160, 31. März 1866 II. To the Editor of the Commonwealth. Sir,—It is said that to claim i n d e p e n d e n ce for P o l a nd is to acknowledge the "principle of nationalities," a nd that the principle of nationalities is a Bon- 30 apartist invention concocted to prop up the N a p o l e o n ic d e s p o t i sm in France. N ow what is this "principle of nationalities"? By the treaties of 1815 the b o u n d a r i es of t he various States of E u r o pe were drawn merely to suit diplomatic convenience, a nd especially to suit « the convenience of t he t h en strongest c o n t i n e n t al Power—Russia. No ac- 35 count was t a k en either of t he wishes, the interests, or the n a t i o n al diversi- 197 Friedrich Engels 5 ties of the populations. T h u s, Poland was divided, G e r m a ny was divided, Italy was divided, n ot to speak of the m a ny smaller nationalities inhabiting south-eastern Europe, a nd of which few people at that t i me knew anything. T he c o n s e q u e n ce was that for Poland, G e r m a n y, a nd Italy, t he very first step in every political m o v e m e nt was to attempt the restoration of that na- tional unity without which n a t i o n al life was b ut a shadow. A nd when, after the suppression of the revolutionary attempts in Italy a nd Spain, 1 8 2 1 - 2 3, a nd again, after the revolution of July, 1830, in F r a n c e, the e x t r e me politi cians of the greater part of civilised E u r o pe c a me into contact with each other, and attempted to work out a kind of c o m m on p r o g r a m m e, t he libera- 10 tion a nd unification of the oppressed a nd subdivided n a t i o ns b e c a me a watchword c o m m on to all of them. So it was again in 1848, when the n u m ber of oppressed n a t i o ns was increased by a fresh one, viz., Hungary. There could, indeed, be no two opinions as to the right of every o ne of the great n a t i o n al subdivisions of E u r o pe to dispose of itself, i n d e p e n d e n t ly of its 15= neighbours, in all internal matters, so long as it did not e n c r o a ch u p on the liberty of the others. This right was, in fact, o ne of t he f u n d a m e n t al condi tions of t he internal liberty of all. How could, for instance, G e r m a ny aspire to liberty and unity, if at the s a me t i me she assisted Austria to keep Italy in b o n d a g e, either directly or by her vassals? W h y, the total breaking-up 20- of the A u s t r i an m o n a r c hy is the very first c o n d i t i on of the unification of G e r m a n y! < This right of the great national subdivisions of E u r o pe to political inde p e n d e n c e, acknowledged as it was by the E u r o p e an democracy, could not b ut find the s a me acknowledgment with the working classes especially. It 25. was, in fact, n o t h i ng m o re t h an to recognise in other large n a t i o n al bodies of u n d o u b t ed vitality the s a me right of individual n a t i o n al existence which the working m en of each separate country claimed for themselves. But this recognition, a nd the sympathy with these n a t i o n al aspirations, were re stricted to the large a nd well-defined historical n a t i o ns of E u r o p e; there was 30? Italy, Poland, G e r m a n y, Hungary. F r a n c e, Spain, England, Scandinavia, were n e i t h er subdivided n or u n d er foreign control, a nd therefore but indi rectly interested in the matter; and as to Russia, she could only be men tioned as the detainer of an i m m e n se a m o u nt of stolen property, which would have to be disgorged in the day of reckoning. 35j After the coup d'état of 1851, Louis N a p o l e o n, the E m p e r or "by the grace of G od a nd the n a t i o n al will," h ad to find a democraticised a nd popular- s o u n d i ng n a me for his foreign policy. W h at could be better t h an to inscribe u p on his b a n n e rs the "principle of nationalities"? Every nationality to be t he arbiter of its own fate—every detached fraction of any nationality to be 40 ' allowed to a n n ex itself to its great m o t h e r - c o u n t r y — w h at could be more i 198 What have the working classes to do with Poland? • II liberal? Only, m a r k, there was not, now, any m o re q u e s t i on of nations, b ut of nationalities. 5 t h an to the Celtic i n h a b i t a n ts of Brittany There is no country in E u r o pe where there are n ot different nationalities under the s a me government. T he Highland Gaels a nd the W e l sh are u n- doubtedly of different nationalities to what t he English are, although n o body will give to these r e m n a n ts of peoples long gone by the title of na tions, any m o re in F r a n c e. Moreover, no state b o u n d a ry coincides with the n a t u r al b o u n d a ry of n a tionality, t h at of language. There are plenty of people out of F r a n ce whose 10 mother t o n g ue is F r e n c h, s a me as t h e re are plenty of people of G e r m an language o ut of G e r m a n y; a nd in all probability it will ever r e m a in so. It is a natural c o n s e q u e n ce of t he confused a nd slow-working historical devel opment t h r o u gh which E u r o pe h as passed during the last t h o u s a nd years, that almost every great n a t i on has parted with s o me outlying portions of its 15 own body, w h i ch have b e c o me separated from the n a t i o n al life, and in most cases participated in t he n a t i o n al life of some other people; so m u ch so, that they do n ot wish to rejoin their own m a in stock. T he G e r m a ns in Switzerland a nd Alsace do not desire to be reunited to G e r m a n y, any m o re than the F r e n ch in Belgium a nd Switzerland wish to b e c o me attached p o- litically to F r a n c e. A nd after all, it is no slight advantage that t he various nations, as politically constituted, have most of t h em s o me foreign ele ments within themselves, which form connecting links with their neigh bours, and vary the otherwise too m o n o t o n o us uniformity of the n a t i o n al character. ' 20 ' 30 25 Here, t h e n, we perceive t he difference between the "principle of national ities" and the old democratic and working-class tenet as to the right of the great E u r o p e an nations to separate a nd i n d e p e n d e nt existence. T he "princi ple of n a t i o n a l i t i e s" leaves entirely u n t o u c h ed the great question of the right of n a t i o n al existence for the historic peoples of E u r o p e; nay, if it touches it, it is merely to disturb it. T he principle of nationalities raises two sorts of q u e s t i o n s; first of all, questions of b o u n d a ry between these great historic peoples; a nd secondly, questions as to the right to i n d e p e n d e nt n a tional existence of those n u m e r o us small relics of peoples which, after hav ing figured for a longer or shorter period on t he stage of history, were fi- ¡35 nally absorbed as integral portions into one or t he other of those m o re powerful n a t i o ns whose greater vitality enabled t h em to overcome greater obstacles. T he E u r o p e an i m p o r t a n c e, t he vitality of a people is as n o t h i ng in the eyes of t he principle of nationalities; before it, the R o u m a ns of W a l- < lachia, who never h ad a history, nor t he energy required to have one, are of 10 equal i m p o r t a n ce to the Italians who have a history of 2,000 years, and an unimpaired n a t i o n al vitality; the W e l sh a nd M a n x m e n, if they desired it, 199 IT" Friedrich Engels to would have an equal right i n d e p e n d e nt political existence, absurd t h o u gh it would b e, with the English. T he whole thing is an absurdity, got up in a popular dress in order to throw dust in shallow people's eyes, a nd to be used as a convenient phrase, or to be laid aside if t he occasion requires it. 5 10. travelling a m o ng Shallow as the thing is, it required cleverer brains t h an Louis N a p o l e o n 's to invent it. T he principle of nationalities, so far from being a Bonapartist invention to favour a resurrection of Poland, is n o t h i ng b ut a Russian inven tion concocted to destroy Poland. Russia has absorbed t he greater part of an cient P o l a nd on the plea of the principle of nationalities, as we shall see hereafter. T he idea is m o re t h an a h u n d r ed years old, a nd R u s s ia uses it now every day. W h at is Panslavism but the application, by Russia, a nd in R u s s i an interest, of the principle of nationalities to the Serbians, Croats, R u t h e n e s, Slovaks, Czechs, a nd other r e m n a n ts of bygone Slavonian peo ples in Turkey, Hungary, a nd G e r m a n y? Even at this present m o m e n t, the 15 R u s s i an G o v e r n m e nt have agents N o r t h e rn Norway a nd Sweden, trying to agitate a m o ng these n o m a d ic sav ages the idea of a "great F i n n ic nationality," which is to be restored in the extreme N o r th of Europe, u n d er R u s s i an protection, of course. T he "cry of anguish" of the oppressed Laplanders is raised very loud in the R u s s i an pa- 20.· pers—not by those same oppressed n o m a d s, b ut by the R u s s i an agents— a nd i n d e ed it is a frightful oppression, to i n d u ce these poor Laplanders to learn the civilised Norwegian or Swedish language, instead of confining themselves to their own barbaric, half E s q u i m a ux idiom! T he principle of nationalities, indeed, could be invented in Eastern E u r o pe alone, where the tide of Asiatic invasion, for a t h o u s a nd years, recurred again a nd again, a nd left on the shore those heaps of intermingled ruins of n a t i o ns which even now t he ethnologist can scarcely disentangle, a nd where the Turk, the F i n n ic Magyar, the R o u m a n, the Jew, a nd a b o ut a d o z en Slavonic tribes, live intermixed in i n t e r m i n a b le confusion. T h at was the g r o u nd to work the principle of nationalities, a nd how Russia has worked it there, we shall see by-and-bye in the e x a m p le of Poland. the L a p p o n i a ns in 30?! 25^ III. The doctrine of nationality applied to Poland. The Commonwealth. Nr. 165, 5. Mai 1866 Poland, like almost all other E u r o p e an countries, is i n h a b i t ed by people of 35- different nationalities. T he mass of the population, the n u c l e us of its strength, is no d o u bt formed by the Poles proper, who speak t he Polish lan- 200 What have the working classes to do with Poland? • III guage. B ut ever since 1390 P o l a nd proper has b e en u n i t ed to t he G r a nd Duchy of L i t h u a n i a, which h as formed, up to the last partition in 1794, an integral portion of t he Polish R e p u b l i c. T h is G r a nd D u c hy of L i t h u a n ia was i n h a b i t ed by a great variety of races. T he n o r t h e rn provinces, on t he 5 Baltic, were in possession of Lithuanians proper, people speaking a lan­ guage distinct from t h at of t h e ir Slavonic n e i g h b o u r s; t h e se L i t h u a n i a ns had been, to a great extent, c o n q u e r ed by G e r m an i m m i g r a n t s, who, again, j found it h a rd to h o ld t h e ir own against t he L i t h u a n i an G r a nd D u k e s. F u r­ ther south, a nd east of t he present k i n g d om of Poland, were the White Rus- 10 sians, speaking a language betwixt Polish a nd Russian, b ut n e a r er the lat­ L f l f ! ' ter; a nd finally t he s o u t h e rn provinces were i n h a b i t ed by t he so-called Little Russians, whose language is now by m o st a u t h o r i t i es considered as per­ fectly distinct from t he G r e at R u s s i an (the language we c o m m o n ly call Russian). Therefore, if people say that, to d e m a nd t he restoration of P o l a nd 15 is to appeal to t he principle of nationalities, they merely prove t h at they do not know what they are talking about, for the restoration of P o l a nd m e a ns the re-establishment of a State c o m p o s ed of at least four different n a t i o n a l- ities. W h en t he old Polish State was t h us being formed by the u n i on with Lith- 20 uania, where was t h en Russia? U n d er the h e el of t he M o n g o l i an c o n q u e r o r, whom t he Poles a nd G e r m a ns c o m b i n e d, 150 years before, h ad driven back east of t he D n i e p e r. It took a long struggle u n t il the G r a nd D u k es of M o s­ cow finally shook off t he M o n g ol yoke, a nd set a b o ut c o m b i n i ng t he m a ny different principalities of G r e at Russia i n to o ne State. B ut this success -25 seems only to have increased their a m b i t i o n. No sooner h ad C o n s t a n t i n o­ ple fallen to t he Turk, t h an t he Moscovite G r a nd D u ke placed in his coat of-arms t he d o u b l e - h e a d ed eagle of the B y z a n t i ne E m p e r o r s, thereby set- ' " ting up his c l a im as t h e ir successor and future avenger; a nd ever since, it is well known, have the R u s s i a ns worked to c o n q u er Czaregrad, the town of 30 the Czar, as they call C o n s t a n t i n o p le in their language. T h e n, the r i ch plains of Little Russia excited their lust of a n n e x a t i o n; b ut the Poles were then a strong, a nd always a brave people, a nd n ot only knew how to fight for their own, b ut also how to retaliate: in t he b e g i n n i ng of t he s e v e n t e e n th century they even held Moscow for a few years. ' 35 T he g r a d u al d e m o r a l i s a t i on of t he ruling aristocracy, t he w a nt of power to develop a m i d d le class, a nd t he c o n s t a nt wars devastating t he country, at last broke t he strength of Poland. A country which persisted in m a i n t a i n i ng [ unimpaired t he feudal state of society, while all its n e i g h b o u rs progressed, formed a m i d d le class, developed c o m m e r ce a nd industry, a nd created ψ 40 large t o w n s — s u ch a country was d o o m ed to r u i n. No d o u bt the aristocracy did ruin P o l a n d, a nd r u in h er thoroughly; a nd after r u i n i ng her, they u p- Friedrich Engels braided e a ch other for having d o ne so, a nd sold themselves a nd their coun try to the foreigner. Polish history, from 1700 to 1772, is n o t h i ng b ut a rec ord of R u s s i an u s u r p a t i on of d o m i n i on in Poland, rendered possible by the corruptibility of the nobles. Russian soldiers were almost constantly occu pying the country, a nd the Kings of Poland, if not willing traitors them selves, were placed m o re a nd more u n d er the t h u mb of the R u s s i an Ambas sador. So well h ad this g a me succeeded, a nd so long h ad it b e en played, that, when P o l a nd at last was annihilated, there was no outcry at all in Eu rope, and, indeed, people were astonished at this only, t h at R u s s ia should have the generosity of giving such a large slice of the territory to Austria a nd Prussia. T he way in which this partition was brought about, is particularly inter esting. T h e re was, at t h at time, already an enlightened "public o p i n i o n" in Europe. A l t h o u gh the Times newspaper h ad n ot yet b e g un to manufacture that article, there was that kind of public o p i n i on which h ad b e en created by the i m m e n se influence of Diderot, Voltaire, R o u s s e a u, a nd the other F r e n ch writers of the eighteenth century. Russia always knew that it is im portant to have public opinion on one's side, if possible; a nd Russia took care to have it, too. T he Court of C a t h e r i ne II was m a de the head-quarters of the enlightened m en of the day, especially F r e n c h m e n; the m o st enlight ened principle was professed by the Empress a nd her Court, a nd so well did she succeed in deceiving t h em that Voltaire a nd m a ny others sang the praise of the " S e m i r a m is of the N o r t h ," a nd proclaimed Russia the most progressive country in the world, t he h o me of liberal principles, the cham pion of religious toleration. Religious t o l e r a t i o n — t h at was the word wanted to p ut down Poland. Po land h ad always b e en extremely liberal in religious m a t t e r s; witness the asylum t he Jews found there while they were persecuted in all other parts of Europe. T he greater portion of the people in t he Eastern provinces be longed to the G r e ek faith, while the Poles proper were R o m an Catholics. A considerable portion of these G r e ek Catholics h ad b e en i n d u c e d, during the sixteenth century, to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope, and were called U n i t ed Greeks; but a great m a ny c o n t i n u ed true to their old Greek religion in all respects. They were principally the serfs, their noble masters being almost all R o m an Catholics, they were Little Russians by nationality. Now, this R u s s i an G o v e r n m e n t, which did n ot tolerate at h o me any other religion b ut t he Greek, a nd p u n i s h ed apostasy as a c r i m e; which was conquering foreign nations and a n n e x i ng foreign provinces right and left; a nd which was at that t i me engaged in riveting still firmer the fetters of the Russian serf—this s a me Russian G o v e r n m e nt c a me soon u p on Poland in the n a me of religious toleration, because Poland was said to oppress the 202 What have the working classes to do with Poland? • III Greek Catholics; in the n a me of t he principle of nationalities, because the inhabitants of these Eastern provinces were Little Russians, a nd ought, therefore, to be a n n e x ed to Great Russia; and in the n a me of the right of revolution a r m i ng the serfs against their masters. Russia is not at all scru pulous in the selection of her m e a n s. Talk a b o ut a war of class against class as something extremely revolutionary;—why, Russia set such a war on foot in Poland nearly 100 years ago, a nd a fine specimen of a class-war it was, when R u s s i an soldiers a nd Little Russian serfs went in c o m p a ny to b u rn down the castles of the Polish lords, merely to prepare R u s s i an a n n e x a t i o n, which being o n ce accomplished, the s a me R u s s i an soldiers p ut the serfs back again u n d er the yoke of their lords. (Samodergetz vseckh Rossyiskikh), All this was d o ne in the cause of religious toleration, because the princi ple of nationalities was not t h en fashionable in W e s t e rn Europe. B ut it was held up before t he eyes of t he Little R u s s i an p e a s a n ts at t he t i m e, a nd h as played an i m p o r t a nt part since in Polish affairs. T he first a nd foremost a m bition of R u s s ia is the u n i on of all R u s s i an tribes u n d er the Czar, who calls himself the Autocrat of all the R u s s i a ns and a m o ng these she includes W h i te a nd Little Russia. A nd in order to prove that h er a m b i t i on went no further, she took very good care, during the three partitions, to a n n ex n o ne b ut W h i te a nd Little R u s s i an provinces; leaving the country i n h a b i t ed by Poles, a nd even a portion of Little Russia (Eastern Galicia) to h er accomplices. But how do matters stand now? T he greater portion of the provinces a n n e x ed in 1793 a nd 1794 by Austria a nd Prussia are now u n d er R u s s i an d o m i n i o n, u n d er the n a me of the K i n g d om of Poland, a nd from t i me to t i me hopes are raised a m o ng the Poles, that if they will only s u b m it to R u s s i an supremacy, a nd r e n o u n ce all claims to the ancient L i t h u a n i an provinces,- they m ay expect a r e u n i on of all other Pol ish provinces a nd a restoration of Poland, with the R u s s i an E m p e r or for a King. A nd if at t he present j u n c t u re Prussia a nd Austria c a me to blows, it is more t h an probable that t he war will n ot be, ultimately, for the a n n e x a tion of Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia, or of V e n i ce to Italy, b ut rather of Austrian, a nd at least a portion of Prussian, Poland to Russia. So m u ch for the principle of nationalities in Polish affairs. 203 K a rl M a rx W a r n u ng I Warnung. Vor einiger Zeit bildeten die L o n d o n er Schneidergesellen eine allgemeine Association zur G e l t e n d m a c h u ng ihrer A n s p r ü c he gegen die Londoner Schneidermeister, die großentheils große Kapitalisten sind. Es galt nicht n ur die L ö h ne in Gleichgewicht m it d en gestiegnen Preisen der Lebensmit tel zu setzen, sondern a u ch der ausnahmsweise b r u t a l en B e h a n d l u ng der Arbeiter in diesem Gewerbszweig ein E n de zu m a c h e n. D ie Meister such t en diese C o m b i n a t i on d u r ch W e r b u ng von Schneidergesellen n a m e n t l i ch in Belgien, F r a n k r e i ch u nd der Schweiz zu b r e c h e n. D ie Sekretäre des Centrairaths der „Internationalen Arbeiterassociation" veröffentlichten darauf in d en belgischen, französischen u nd Schweizer Z e i t u n g en eine W a r n u n g, deren Erfolg vollständig war. Das M a n ö v er der L o n d o n er Mei ster wurde vereitelt, sie m u ß t en die Waffen strecken u nd die gerechten An sprüche ihrer Arbeiter befriedigen. In England geschlagen, versuchen die Meister jetzt von Schottland aus eine R e a k t i on herbeizuführen. In Folge der L o n d o n er Ereignisse waren sie n ä m l i ch genöthigt a u ch in E d i n b u r gh z u n ä c h st eine L o h n e r h ö h u ng von 1 5% zu bewilligen. U n t er der H a nd j e d o ch s a n d t en sie A g e n t en nach D e u t s c h l a n d, um n a m e n t l i ch im H a n n o v e r s c h en u nd Mecklenburgischen Schneidergesellen zur || I m p o r t a t i on n a ch E d i n b u r gh zu werben. Die erste Verschiffung dieser A rt h at bereits stattgefunden. D er Zweck dieser Impor tation ist derselbe wie der der I m p o r t a t i on von i n d i s c h en Coolies n a ch Ja m a i k a, - Verewigung der Sklaverei. Gelänge es d en M e i s t e rn von Edinburgh vermittelst deutscher Einfuhr ihre bereits g e m a c h t en Zugeständnisse zu brechen, so wäre ein Rückschlag auf E n g l a nd unvermeidlich. Niemand würde schwerer d a r u n t er b ü ß en als die d e u t s c h en Arbeiter selbst, die zahl reicher in G r o ß b r i t a n n i en vertreten sind als die Arbeiter aller a n d e rn conti n e n t a l en N a t i o n e n. Die N e u i m p o r t i r t en aber, völlig hülflos im fremden L a n d e, w ü r d en bald zu einer Pariastellung h e r a b s i n k e n. 204 Warnung Es ist a u ß e r d em ein E h r e n p u n kt für die d e u t s c h en Arbeiter d em A u s land zu beweisen, d aß sie, gleich i h r en B r ü d e rn in Frankreich, Belgien u nd der Schweiz, das g e m e i n s a me Interesse ihrer Klasse zu vertreten wissen und sich n i c ht zu willenlosen L a n z k n e c h t en des Kapitals in s e i n em Kampfe gegen die Arbeit hergeben. Im Auftrag des „Centrairaths der I n t e r n a t i o n a l en Arbeiterassociation". Karl M a rx London 4. M ai 1866. Die d e u t s c h en Schneidergesellen, die n ä h e r en Aufschluß ü b er die briti schen Verhältnisse w ü n s c h e n, sind ersucht ihre Briefe an das deutsche Zweigcomitee der L o n d o n er Schneiderassociation zu richten u n t er der Adresse: Albert F. Haufe, Crown Public H o u s e, H e d d on Court, Regent Street, London. \ 205 F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls N o t es on t he W ar ( 1 8 6 6) The Manchester Guardian. Nr. 6190, 20. Juni 1866 Notes on the war in Germany. No. I. T he following n o t es are i n t e n d ed to c o m m e nt impartially, a nd from a strictly military point of view, u p on the current events of the war, and, as far as possible, to point out their probable influence u p on i m p e n d i ng op erations. T he locality where the first decisive blows m u st be struck is the frontier of Saxony a nd B o h e m i a. T he war in Italy can scarcely lead to any decisive results so long as the Quadrilateral r e m a i ns u n t a k e n, and to take that will be rather a lengthy operation. There may be a good deal of warlike action in W e s t e rn G e r m a n y, b ut from the strength of t he forces engaged, it will be altogether s u b o r d i n a te in its results to the events on t he B o h e m i an frontier. To this n e i g h b o u r h o o d, therefore, we shall, for the present, exclusively di rect our attention. In order to j u d ge of the strength of the c o n t e n d i ng armies it will suffice, for all practical purposes, if we take into account the infantry only, keeping in m i n d, however, t h at the strength of the Austrian cavalry will be to the Prussian as three to two. T he artillery will be, in b o th armies, in about the same proportion as the infantry, say three g u ns per 1,000 m e n. T he Prussian infantry consists of 253 battalions of the line, 8 3½ depot battalions, a nd 116 battalions of the landwehr (first levy, containing the m en from 27 to 32 years of age). Of these, t he depot battalions a nd land wehr form the garrisons of the fortresses, a nd are i n t e n d e d, besides, to act against the smaller G e r m an states, while the line is m a s s ed in a nd around Saxony to oppose the Austrian army of the north. D e d u c t i ng a b o ut 15 bat talions occupying Schleswig-Holstein, a nd a n o t h er 15 b a t t a l i o n s — t he late garrisons of Rastadt, M a i n z, a nd Frankfort, now concentrated at Wetzlar— there r e m a in about 220 battalions for the m a in army. W i th cavalry and ar- 206 Notes on the War (1866) • I tillery, a nd such landwehr as m ay be drawn from the n e i g h b o u r i ng for tresses, this army will c o n t a in a b o ut 300,000 m e n, in n i ne army corps. T he A u s t r i an army of t he n o r th counts seven army corps, each of which is considerably stronger t h an a Prussian o n e. We know very little at present of their composition and organisation, b ut there is every reason to believe that they form an army of from 320,000 to 350,000 m e n. N u m e r i c al superi ority, therefore, seems assured to the Austrians. ,5 in chief of t he c o m m a nd The Prussian army will be u n d er t he King,—that is to say, of a p a r a de soldier of at best very m e d i o c re capaci ties, a nd of weak, but often obstinate, character. He will be s u r r o u n d e d, firstly, by the general staff of the army, u n d er G e n e r al M o l t k e, an excellent officer; secondly, by his "private military cabinet," c o m p o s ed of personal favourites; and, thirdly, by s u ch other u n a t t a c h ed general officers as he may call to his suite. It is impossible to invent a more efficient system for ensuring defeat at the very head-quarters of an army. H e re is, at t he very beginning, the n a t u r al jealousy between t he staff of the army a nd t he C a b inet of the King, e a ch of w h i ch sections will struggle for s u p r e me influence and will concoct and advocate its own pet p l an of operations. This alone would render almost impossible all singleness of purpose, all consistent ac tion. But t h en c o me t he i n t e r m i n a b le councils of war, which are u n a v o i d able u n d er s u ch circumstances, a nd which, in n i ne cases o ut of ten, e nd in the adoption of some half m e a s u r e — t he very worst course in war. T he or ders of to-day, in s u ch cases, generally contradict those of yesterday, a nd when matters b e c o me complicated or t h r e a t en to go wrong, no orders at all are given out, a nd things take their own course. "Ordre, contre-ordre, désor dre, " as N a p o l e on used to say. N o b o dy is responsible, because the irrespon sible K i ng takes all responsibility u p on himself, and, therefore, n o b o dy does anything u n t il distinctly ordered to do so. T he c a m p a i gn of 1806 was commanded in a similar way by the father of t he present King; t he defeats 30 of J e na a nd Auerstädt, a nd the destruction of the whole Prussian army within three weeks, was the c o n s e q u e n c e. There is no reason to suppose that the present King is superior in m e t t le to his father; a nd if he h as found in C o u nt Bismarck a m an whose political direction he can implicitly fol low, there is no m an of sufficient standing in the army to take exclusive charge, in a similar way, of military matters. The A u s t r i an army is u n d er t he u n c o n d i t i o n al c o m m a nd of G e n e r al Benedek, who is an experienced officer a nd who, at least, knows his m i n d. The superiority of s u p r e me c o m m a nd is decidedly on the side of t he A u s trians. w The Prussian troops are subdivided into two "armies;" the first, u n d er Prince Frederick Charles, composed of t he 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 7th, a nd 8th 207 Friedrich Engels corps; t he second, u n d er t he Crown Prince, of t he 5th a nd 6th corps. The G u a r d s, forming the general reserve, will probably j o in the first army. Now this subdivision n ot only breaks the u n i ty of c o m m a n d, b ut it also induces, very often, the two armies to m o ve on two different lines of operation, to m a ke c o m b i n ed m o v e m e n t s, to lay their m u t u al point of j u n c t i on within t he reach of t he e n e m y; in other words, it t e n ds to keep t h em separated whereas they ought, as m u ch as possible, to keep together. T he Prussians in 1806, a nd the Austrians in 1859, u n d er very similar circumstances, fol lowed the s a me course, a nd were b e a t e n. As to the two c o m m a n d e r s, the Crown P r i n ce is an u n k n o wn m a g n i t u de as a soldier; a nd Prince Frederick Charles certainly did n ot show himself to be a great c o m m a n d er in the D a n i sh war. T he A u s t r i an army has no s u ch subdivision; the c o m m a n d e rs of the army corps are placed directly u n d er G e n e r al Benedek. T h ey are, therefore, again superior to their o p p o n e n ts as far as the organisation of the army goes. T he Prussian soldiers, especially t he m en of the reserve a nd s u ch land- wehr m en as h ad to be t a k en to fill up vacancies in the line (and there are m a n y) go to war against their will; t he Austrians, on the contrary, have long wished for a war with Prussia, a nd await with i m p a t i e n ce the order to move. They have, therefore, also the advantage in the morale of the troops. Prussia has h ad no great war for fifty years; her army is, on t he whole, a peace army, with t he pedantry a nd m a r t i n e t i sm i n h e r e nt to all peace ar m i e s. No d o u bt a great deal has b e en d o ne latterly, especially since 1859, to get rid of this; b ut the habits of forty years are n ot so easily eradicated, a nd a great n u m b er of incapable a nd p e d a n t ic m en m u st still be found, particularly in the most important places—those of the field officers. Now the Austrians have b e en fundamentally cured of this c o m p l a i nt by the war of 1859, a nd have t u r n ed their dearly-bought experience to the very best use. No d o u b t, in organisation of detail, in adaptation for, a nd experience in, warfare, the Austrians again are superior to the Prussians. W i th the exception of the Russians the Prussians are the only troops whose n o r m al formation for fighting is the d e ep close c o l u m n. Imagine the eight c o m p a n i es of an English battalion in a quarter-distance c o l u m n, but two c o m p a n i es instead of one forming t he front, so that four rows of two c o m p a n i es e a ch form the column, a nd y ou have the "Prussian column of attack." A better target for rifled fire-arms t h an this could not be imagined, and, since rifled c a n n on can throw a shell i n to it at 2,000 yards range, such a formation m u st r e n d er it almost impossible to r e a ch the e n e my at all. Let o ne single shell explode in the m i d st of this mass, a nd see whether that bat talion is fit for anything afterwards on that day. 208 55 ( \ "'"> \\._ ") Ac.J"-& P r e u ß i s c h - Ö s t e r r e i c h i s c h er K r i eg 1 8 66 All -- gemeiner Kriegsverlauf - --- ). ......... , •'\ \ t..) ! .) .............. 1 t \ k 4; München0 'I' ..... ~~ .r·f"" \ .,... ....... ~ ~Salzbu"fl \) .,. 8 c I" 'i)CI!\S.Il " ~ir>.schberg Bf'esla Neiße_ 15 0 15 30km !=:=J Preußen CJ r=' Preußens Verbündetr. Aufstellung und preußischen u dßewegungen der n verbündeten Tru c=J Österre 1ch CJ Osterreichs V b-· er undete t= • 2~VJ -..Aufstellung und B de -- ew r osterretchlsch egungen en Truppen 10 75 75 150\<.m 15 . . Orte und Daten d er wichtigsten Treffen Notes on the War (1866) · I T he Austrians h a ve a d o p t ed the loose o p en c o l u mn of the F r e n c h, which is scarcely to be called a c o l u m n; it is m o re like two or three lines following each other at 20 or 30 yards distance, a nd is scarcely, if anything m o re ex posed to losses by artillery t h an a deployed line. T he advantage of tactical formation is, again, on the side of the A u s t r i a n s. 5 Against all these advantages the Prussians have b ut two points to set off. Their commissariat is decidedly better, a nd the troops will therefore be bet ter fed. T he A u s t r i an commissariat, like all Austrian administration, is o ne den of bribery a nd p e c u l a t i on scarcely better t h an in Russia. E v en now we 10 hear of the troops being badly a nd irregularly fed; in the field a nd in t he fortresses it will be worse still, a nd the A u s t r i an A d m i n i s t r a t i on m ay h a p pen to be a m o re dangerous e n e my to t he fortresses in the Quadrilateral than the Italian artillery. 15 20 25 30 T he second set-off t he Prussians have is their superior a r m a m e n t. Al- though their rifled artillery is decidedly better t h an t h at of the A u s t r i a n s, this will m a ke very little difference in the o p en field. T he range, trajectory, and accuracy of the Prussian a nd A u s t r i an rifles will be about on a par; b ut the Prussians have breech-loaders, a nd can deliver a steady well-aimed fire in the ranks at least four t i m es in a m i n u t e. T he i m m e n se superiority of this a rm has b e en proved in t he D a n i sh war, a nd there is no d o u bt t he A u s trians will experience it in a far higher degree. If they, as it is said B e n e d ek has instructed t h em to do, will n ot lose m u ch t i me with firing, b ut go at t he enemy at o n ce with the bayonet, they will have e n o r m o us losses. In t he Danish war, the loss of the Prussians was never m o re t h an o ne fourth, sometimes only o ne t e n t h, of that of the D a n e s; and, as a military corre spondent of the Times a short t i me ago very correctly p o i n t ed out, t he Danes were almost everywhere b e a t en by a minority of troops actually en gaged. Still, in spite of the n e e d le gun, the odds are against the Prussians; a nd if they refuse to be b e a t en in t he first great battle by the superior leadership, organisation, tactical formation, a nd morale of t he Austrians, a nd last, n ot least, by their own c o m m a n d e r s, t h en they m u st certainly be of a different mettle from t h at of which a peace army of 50 years' standing m ay be ex pected to b e. 209 Friedrich Engels No. II. The Manchester Guardian. Nr. 6194, 25. Juni 1866 People begin to grow i m p a t i e nt at the apparent inactivity of the two great armies on the B o h e m i an frontier. But there are plenty of reasons for this delay. Both the Austrians a nd the Prussians are perfectly aware of the im p o r t a n ce of the i m p e n d i ng collision, which m ay decide the result of the whole campaign. B o th are hurrying up to the front whatever m en they can lay their h a n ds o n; t he A u s t r i a ns from their new formations (the fourth and fifth battalions of the infantry regiments), the Prussians from t he landwehr, which at first was i n t e n d ed for garrison duty only. 5 At the s a me time, there appears to be on either side an a t t e m pt to out- 10 manoeuvre the opposing army, a nd to enter u p on the c a m p a i gn u n d er the m o st favourable strategical conditions. To u n d e r s t a nd this, we shall have to look at t he m ap a nd e x a m i ne the country in which these armies are placed. Taking it for granted t h at Berlin and V i e n na are the n o r m al points of re treat of the two armies, a nd that therefore t he A u s t r i a ns will a im at the 15 conquest of Berlin a nd the Prussians at t h at of V i e n n a, there are three routes by which they m i g ht operate. A large a r my requires a certain extent of country from the resources of which it h as to live on t he m a r c h, and is compelled, in order to m o ve quickly, to m a r ch in several c o l u m ns on as m a ny parallel roads; its front will, therefore, be extended on a line which 20 m ay vary between, say sixty a nd sixteen miles, according to the proximity of t he e n e my and t he distance of the roads from each other. This will have to be kept in m i n d. T he first route would be on the left b a nk of the Elbe a nd M o l d a u, by Leipsic a nd Prague. It is evident that on this r o u te e a ch of t he belligerents 25 : would have to cross t he river twice, the second t i me in t he face of the en- emy. Supposing either army to attempt to turn, by this r o u t e, t he flank of its opponent, the latter, having t he shorter, b e c a u se straighter road, could still anticipate t he turning force on the line of the river, a nd if successful in repelling it, could m a r ch straight u p on the e n e m y 's capital. This route, 30 equally disadvantageous to b o th parties, m ay therefore be dismissed from consideration. T he second r o u te is on the right b a nk of the Elbe, between it and the Su- detic m o u n t a in c h a in which divides Silesia from B o h e m ia a nd Moravia. T h is is almost on t he straight line from Berlin to V i e n n a; t he portion now 35 lying between the two armies is m a r k ed o ut by the railway from L o b au to P a r d u b i t z. This railway passes through that portion of B o h e m ia which is 210 Notes on the War (1866) • II b o u n d ed by the Elbe to the s o u th a nd west, a nd the m o u n t a i ns to the north-east. It has plenty of good roads, and if the two armies were to m a r ch straight at e a ch other, here would be the point of collision. T he third r o u te is t h at by Breslau, a nd t h e n ce across the Sudetic chain. This chain, of no considerable elevation, on the M o r a v i an frontier, where it is crossed by several good roads, rises to greater elevation a nd abruptness in the Riesengebirge, which forms the b o u n d a ry of B o h e m i a. H e re there are b ut few roads across; in fact, between T r a u t e n au a nd Reichenberg, a distance of forty miles, t he whole n o r t h - e a s t e rn p o r t i on of t he range is n ot traversed by a single military road. T he only road in existence there, t h at from Hirschberg to the valley of t he Iser, stops short at the Austrian fron tier. It follows, then, t h at this whole barrier of forty miles in length, is i m passable, at least for a large army, with its i n n u m e r a b le i m p e d i m e n t a, a nd that an advance u p on or by Breslau m u st pass the m o u n t a i ns to the south west of t he Riesengebirge. Now, what are the relative positions of the two armies, with regard to their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s, if engaged on this route? T he Prussians, by advancing due s o u th from Breslau, lay o p en their com munications with Berlin. T he Austrians might, if strong e n o u gh to com mand the almost absolute certainty of victory, leave t h em to advance as far as t he i n t r e n c h ed c a mp of O l m u t z, w h i ch would stop t h e m, while they themselves could m a r ch u p on Berlin, trusting to re-open any temporarily- interrupted c o m m u n i c a t i o ns by a decisive victory; or they might m e et t he Prussian c o l u m ns singly as they d e b o u ch from the m o u n t a i n s, and, if suc cessful, drive t h em back u p on Glogau a nd Posen, whereby Berlin a nd the greater portion of the Prussian states would be at their mercy. T h us an ad vance by Breslau would be advisable for t he Prussians in case of a great n u merical superiority only. T he A u s t r i a ns are in a far different position. They have the advantage that the bulk of the m o n a r c hy lies south-east of Breslau;, that is, in the di rect prolongation of a line drawn from Berlin to Breslau. Having fortified t he northern b a nk of the D a n u be n e ar V i e n n a, so as to shelter t he capital from a surprise, they, m a y, temporarily a nd even for a length of t i m e, sacrifice their direct c o m m u n i c a t i on with V i e n n a, and draw their supplies of m en and stores from Hungary. They can, therefore, with e q u al safety operate by way of L o b au a nd by way of Breslau, to the n o r th or to the s o u th of t he hills; they h a ve far greater freedom in manoeuvring t h an their o p p o n e n t s. T he Prussians, moreover, have further reasons to be cautious. F r om t he northern frontier of B o h e m i a, the distance to Berlin is n ot m u ch m o re t h an half of that to V i e n n a; Berlin is so m u ch m o re exposed. V i e n na is sheltered by the D a n u b e, b e h i nd which a b e a t en a r my c an find protection; by t he 211 Friedrich Engels fortifications erected to the north of that river; a nd by t he i n t r e n c h ed c a mp of O l m u t z, which t he Prussians could n ot pass u n n o t i c ed with i m p u n i t y, if the m a ss of the A u s t r i an army, after a defeat, were to take up a position there. Berlin has no protection of any kind, except the a r my in t he field. U n d er these circumstances, and those detailed in our first n u m b e r, t he part destined for the Prussians appears to be clearly m a r k ed out as a defensive o n e. 5 T he s a me series of circumstances, and strong political necessity besides, almost compels Austria to act on the offensive. A single victory m ay ensure to her great results, while her defeat would n ot break h er power of resis- 10 tance. T he strategical plan of the c a m p a i gn in its f u n d a m e n t al features is nec essarily very simple. Whichever of the two attacks first, he has only this al ternative: either a false attack north-west of the Riesengebirge, a nd the true attack south-east of it, or vice versa. T he forty-mile barrier is the decisive 15 feature of the seat of war, and round it the armies m u st gravitate. We shall hear of fighting at b o th its extremities, a nd a very few days afterwards will clear up t he direction of the true attack, a nd probably the fate of the first campaign. Yet, with two s u ch unwieldy armies opposed to e a ch other, we feel inclined to think that t he most direct route is the safest, a nd that the 20 · difficulty a nd danger of m o v i ng s u ch large b o d i es of troops in separate co l u m ns on different roads through a difficult m o u n t a in country, will almost naturally draw b o th opposing armies on the route L o b a u - P a r d u b i t z. T he actual m o v e m e n ts which have t a k en place are as follows:—The Prussians, in the first week of J u n e, m a s s ed their army of Saxony along the 25 j Saxon frontier, from Zeitz to Görlitz, a nd their Silesian a r my from Hirsch berg to N e i s s e. By t he 10th J u ne they drew n e a r er together, having their right wing on the Elbe n e ar Torgau, a nd their extreme left n e ar W a l d e n burg. F r om the 12th to the 16th, the army of Silesia, now consisting of the 1st, 5th, a nd 6th corps a nd the G u a r d s, were again e x t e n d ed to the east, this t i me as far as Ratibor, that is to say, into the extreme south-eastern corner of Silesia. This looks like a feint, especially t he parading of the G u a r d s, which are supposed to be always with the m a in army. If it be more t h an a feint, or if m e a s u r es have not b e en t a k en to m o ve these four corps back towards Görlitz at the shortest n o t i ce a nd in the shortest time, then this massing of m o re t h an 120,000 m en in a r e m o te corner is a palpable m i s t a k e; they m ay be cut off from all possibility of retreat a nd certainly from all c o n n e c t i on with the r e m a i n d er of t he army. 1 Of the Austrians we know little more t h an t h at they were concentrated a r o u nd O l m u t z. T he Times correspondent in their c a mp states t h at their sixth corps, 40,000 strong, arrived on the 19th from Weisskirchen at 01- 212 Notes on the War (1866) · II 5 m u tz indicating a m o v e m e nt to the westward. He adds t h at on t he 21st head-quarters were to be shifted to T r u b a u, on the frontier between Mora via a nd B o h e m i a. This m o ve would p o i nt in t he same direction, if it did not look exceedingly like a canard sent on to L o n d on with t he i n t e n t i on of being t h e n ce telegraphed to t he Prussian head-quarters in order to mislead them. A general who acts with such secrecy as Benedek, a nd who has s u ch objections to newspaper correspondents, is n ot likely to inform t h em on t he 19th where his head-quarters will be on t he 21st, unless he has his reasons for it. 20 15 10 Before concluding, we m ay be allowed to cast a glance at the operations in North-western G e r m a n y. T he Prussians h ad m o re troops here t h an was at first known. T h ey h ad 15 battalions disposable in Holstein, 12 in M i n d e n, a nd 18 in Wetzlar. By rapid concentric moves, during which t he troops showed a q u i te u n e x p e c t ed capability of supporting forced m a r c h e s, they took possession in two days of all t he country n o r th of a line from Co- blentz to Eisenach, a nd of every line of c o m m u n i c a t i on between the east ern a nd western provinces of the kingdom. T he Hessian troops, a b o ut 7,000 strong, m a n a g ed to escape, b ut the H a n o v e r i a n s, 10,000 or 12,000, had their direct line of retreat towards Frankfort cut off, a nd already on the 17th the rest of the 7th Prussian army corps, 12 battalions, together with the two Coburg battalions, arrived in E i s e n a ch from t he E l b e. T h us t he Hanoverians appear to be h e m m ed in on all sides, a nd could escape only by a miracle of stupidity on the part of the Prussians. As soon as their fate will be settled, a force of 50 Prussian battalions will be available against t he 25 Federal a r my which Prince A l e x a n d er of D a r m s t a dt is forming at Frank fort, and which will consist of a b o ut 23,000 Wurtembergers, 10,000 D a r m- stadters, 6,000 N a s s a u e r s, 13,000 B a d e n e rs (only mobilising now), 7,000 Hessians, a nd 12,000 Austrians, now on t he r o ad from Salzburg; in all about 65,000 m e n, who m ay be possibly reinforced by from 10,000 to 30 20,000 Bavarians. A b o ut 60,000 m en of these are now reported as already concentrated at Frankfort, a nd Prince A l e x a n d er has ventured u p on a for ward move by re-occupying Glessen on t he 22d. This, however, is of no consequence. T he Prussians will n ot advance against h im u n t il they are well concentrated, a nd t h e n, with 70,000 m en of all arms, a nd their supe- 35 rior a r m a m e n t, they ought to m a ke short work of this m o t l ey army. 213 Friedrich Engels No. III. The Manchester Guardian. Nr. 6197, 28. Juni 1866 T he first great battle has b e en fought, not in B o h e m i a, b ut in Italy, a nd the Quadrilateral has again given the Italians a lesson in strategy. T he strength of this famous position, as indeed of all fortified positions of any value, consists, n ot so m u ch in the high defensive capabilities of its four for tresses, b ut in their being so grouped in a country with strongly-marked military features that the attacking force is almost always i n d u c e d, a nd of t en compelled, to divide itself and attack on two different points, while the defending force can send its whole c o m b i n ed strength against o ne of these attacks, crush it by superior n u m b e r s, a nd t h en t u rn against t he other. The Italian a r my has been i n d u c ed to c o m m it this fault. T he King stood with eleven divisions on t he M i n c i o, while Cialdini with five divisions faced the Lower Po, n e ar P o n te Lagoscuro a nd Polesella. An Italian division counts 17 battalions of 700 m en each; consequently, Victor E m m a n u el would have, with cavalry a nd artillery, at least 120,000 or 125,000 m e n, a nd Cial d i ni about half that n u m b e r. While the King crossed the M i n c io on the 23d, Cialdini was to cross the Lower Po a nd act u p on the rear of the Austri a n s; b ut up to t he m o m e nt we write, no certain news have arrived of this latter m o v e m e nt having b e en effected. At all events, the 60,000 m en whose presence might, and probably would, have t u r n ed the scale on Sunday last at Custozza, cannot, so far, have o b t a i n ed any advantage at all c o m m e n s u rate to the loss of a great battle. T he Lake of G a r da lies encased between two spurs of the Alps, forming, to the south of it, two clusters of hills, between which the M i n c io forces its way towards the lagoons of M a n t u a. B o th of these groups form strong mili tary positions; their slopes towards the s o u th overlook the L o m b a rd plain, a nd c o m m a nd it within gun-range. T h ey are well k n o wn in military history. T he western group, between Peschiera a nd L o n a t o, was the scene of the battles of Castiglione a nd L o n a to in 1797, a nd of Solferino in 1859; the eastern group, between Peschiera a nd Verona, was contested during three 30| days in 1848, a nd again in the battle of last Sunday. This eastern group of hills slopes down on o ne side towards the Mincio, where it e n ds in the p l a in at Valleggio; on t he other side, in a long arc, fac ing south-east, towards the Adige, which it reaches at Bussolengo. It is di vided, from n o r th to south, in two a b o ut e q u al portions by a deep ravine, 4 t h r o u gh which flows the rivulet T i o n e; so t h at a force advancing from the M i n c io will have first to force the passage of t he river, a nd i m m e d i a t e ly af- 214 Γ Notes on the War (1866) • III terwards find itself again arrested by this ravine. On t he edge of t he slope, facing t he plain, a nd east of t he ravine, are t he following villages:—Cus- tozza, on t he s o u t h e rn extremity; further north, in succession, S o m ma C a m p a g n a, Sona, a nd S a n ta G i u s t i n a. T he railway from P e s c h i e ra to Ver- 5 o na crosses the hills at S o m ma C a m p a g n a, t he high road at Sona. In 1848, after t he P i e d m o n t e se h ad t a k en Peschiera, they b l o c k a d ed M a n t ua a nd e x t e n d ed their army from b e y o nd t h at place to Rivoli, on the Lake of G a r d a, their centre occupying t he hills in q u e s t i o n. On the 23d July R a d e t z ky a d v a n c ed with seven brigades from Verona, broke t h r o u gh 10 the centre of this over-extended line, a nd o c c u p i ed t he hills himself. On the 2 4 th a nd 2 5 th t he P i e d m o n t e se tried to re-take t he position, b ut were decisively b e a t en on t he 25th, a nd retreated at o n ce t h r o u gh M i l an b e y o nd the Ticino. This first battle of Custozza decided the c a m p a i gn of 1848. T he telegrams from t he I t a l i an head-quarters a b o ut last S u n d a y 's battle 15 are rather contradictory; but, with t he assistance of t h o se from t he o t h er side, we get a pretty clear insight i n to t he c i r c u m s t a n c es u n d er w h i ch it was fought. Victor E m m a n u el i n t e n d ed his 1st corps ( G e n e r al D u r a n d o, four divisions or 68 battalions), to take up a position between Peschiera a nd Verona, so as to be able to cover a siege of t he former place. This p o s i t i on 20 must, of course, be S o na a nd S o m ma C a m p a g n a. T he 2d corps ( G e n e r al Cucchiari, three divisions or 51 battalions) a nd 3d corps ( G e n e r al Delia Rocca, of t he s a me strength as t he second) were to cross t he M i n c io at t he same t i m e, to cover t he o p e r a t i o ns of t he 1st. T he 1st corps m u st have crossed n e ar or s o u th of Salionce, a nd t a k en t he road of t he hills at o n c e; 25 the 2d seems to have crossed at Valleggio, a nd t he 3d at G o i t o, a nd ad­ vanced in t he plain. T h is took place on Saturday the 23d. T he A u s t r i an bri­ gade Pulz, which h e ld t he outposts on t he M i n c i o, fell slowly b a ck on Ver­ ona; a nd on Sunday, the anniversary of Solferino, t he whole of t he Austrian army d e b o u c h ed from V e r o na to m e et the e n e m y. T h ey appear to 30 have arrived in t i me to occupy the heights of S o na a nd S o m ma C a m p a g n a, and t he eastern edge of t he ravine of t he T i o ne before t he Italians. T he struggle t h en would principally be fought for t he passage of the ravine. At the s o u t h e rn extremity t he two corps in t he p l a in could co-operate with t he 1st I t a l i an corps in the hills, a nd t h us Custozza fell i n to their h a n d s. G r a d- 35 ually the I t a l i a ns in t he plain would a d v a n ce m o re a nd m o re in t he direc­ tion of Verona, in o r d er to act u p on t he A u s t r i an flank a nd rear, a nd t he Austrians would send troops to m e et t h e m. T h us t he front lines of t he two armies, w h i ch were originally facing east a nd west respectively, would wheel r o u nd a quarter circle, the Austrians facing s o u th a nd t he Italians 40 north. But, as t he hills retreat from C u s t o z za to the north-east, this flank m o v e m e nt of t he I t a l i an 2d a nd 3d corps could n ot i m m e d i a t e ly affect t he 215 Friedrich Engels position of their 1st corps in t he hills, because it could n ot be e x t e n d ed far e n o u gh without d a n g er to the flanking troops themselves. T h us the Austri ans appear merely to have occupied the 2d and 3d corps by troops suffi cient to break their first i m p e t u s, while they l a u n c h ed every available m an u p on the 1st corps, a nd crushed it by superior n u m b e r s. T h ey were per fectly successful; the first corps was repulsed, after a gallant struggle, and at last Custozza was stormed by the Austrians. By this, the Italian right wing advanced east a nd north-east b e y o nd Custozza, appears to have b e en seri ously e n d a n g e r e d; consequently a new struggle for t he village took place, during which t he lost c o n n e c t i on m u st have b e en restored, a nd t he Aus- trian advance from Custozza checked, b ut the place r e m a i n ed in their h a n d s, a nd the Italians h ad to re-cross the M i n c io the s a me night. 10 | We give this sketch of the battle, not as a historical account—for which every detail is as yet w a n t i n g — b ut merely as an attempt, m ap in h a n d, to reconcile t he various telegrams relating to it a m o n g st e a ch other, a nd with 15 * military c o m m on sense; and if the telegrams were anything like correct and complete, we feel confident that t he general outline of t he battle would ap pear to be n ot very different from what we have stated. T he Austrians lost a b o ut 600 prisoners, t he Italians 2,000, a nd a few guns. This shows the battle to have b e en a defeat, b ut no disaster. T he for- 20. ces m u st have b e en pretty equally m a t c h e d, although it is very probable t h at the A u s t r i a ns h ad less troops u n d er fire t h an their o p p o n e n t s. T he Ital ians have every reason to congratulate themselves that they were n ot driven back into t he M i n c i o; the position of the 1st corps between t h at river and the ravine, on a strip of land between two a nd four miles wide, a nd a supe- 25 J rior e n e my in front, m u st have b e en one of considerable danger. It was un d o u b t e d ly a m i s t a ke to send the m a in b o dy of the troops i n to the plain; while the c o m m a n d i ng heights, the decisive points, were neglected; b ut the greatest m i s t a ke was, as we pointed out before, to divide the army, to leave Cialdini with 60,000 m en on the Lower Po, a nd to attack with t he remain- 30 ' der alone. Cialdini could h a ve contributed to a victory before Verona, and then, m a r c h i ng back to the Lower Po, have effected his passage m u ch more easily, if this c o m b i n ed m a n œ u v re was to be insisted u p on at all hazards. As it is, he seems no further advanced t h an on the first day, a nd m ay now have to m e et stronger forces t h an h i t h e r t o. T he Italians ought, by this time, 35 to know t h at they have a very tough o p p o n e nt to deal with. At Solferino, Benedek, with 26,000 Austrians, h e ld the whole P i e d m o n t e se a r my of fully d o u b le t h at n u m b er at bay for the whole day, u n t il he was ordered to re treat in c o n s e q u e n ce of the defeat of the other corps by t he F r e n c h. That P i e d m o n t e se army was m u ch superior to t he p r e s e nt Italian army; it was better schooled, m o re h o m o g e n e o u s, a nd better officered. T he present 216 r Notes on the War (1866) • IV army is b ut of very recent formation a nd m u st suffer from all the disadvan tages i n h e r e nt to such; while the A u s t r i an a r my of to-day is m u ch superior to that of 1859. N a t i o n al e n t h u s i a sm is a capital thing to work u p o n, b ut until disciplined a nd organised, n o b o dy c an win battles with it. Even G a r i- 5 baldi's " t h o u s a n d" were n ot a crowd of m e re enthusiasts, they were drilled m en who h ad learnt to obey orders a nd to face powder a nd shot in 1859. It is to be h o p ed t h at the staff of the Italian army, for their own good, will re frain from taking liberties with an army which, if numerically inferior is in trinsically superior to theirs, and, moreover, holds one of t he strongest posi tions in E u r o p e. lo The Manchester Guardian. Nr. 6201, 3. Juli 1866 No. IV. Suppose a y o u ng Prussian ensign or cornet, u n d er e x a m i n a t i on for a lieu tenancy, to be asked what would be the safest plan for a Prussian a r my to invade B o h e m i a? Suppose our y o u ng officer were to answer,—"Your best 15 way will be to divide your troops into two about equal bodies, to send one round by t he east of the Riesengebirge, the other to the west, a nd effect their j u n c t i on in G i t s c h i n ." W h at would t he e x a m i n i ng officer say to this? He would inform the y o u ng g e n t l e m an that this plan sinned against the two very first laws of strategy:—Firstly, never to divide your troops so that they c a n n ot support e a ch other, b ut to keep t h em well together; and, se condly, in case of an advance on different roads, to effect t he j u n c t i on of the different c o l u m ns at a point which is n ot within reach of the e n e m y; that, therefore, t he p l an proposed was t he very worst of all; t h at it could only be taken into consideration at all in case B o h e m ia was quite u n o c c u p i ed by 25 hostile troops; a nd that, consequently, an officer proposing such a p l an of 20 campaign was n ot fit to hold even a l i e u t e n a n t 's commission. Yet, this is t he very plan which the wise a nd learned staff of the Prussian army have adopted. It is almost incredible; b ut it is so. T he m i s t a ke for which the Italians h ad to suffer at Custozza, has b e en again c o m m i t t ed by the Prussians, a nd u n d er circumstances which m a de it ten-fold worse. T he Italians knew at least that, with ten divisions, they would be numerically superior to the enemy. T he Prussians m u st have k n o wn t h at if they kept their n i ne corps together they would be at best barely on a par, as far as numbers went, with Benedek's eight corps; a nd that by dividing their troops they exposed the two armies to t he almost certain fate of being crushed in succession by superior n u m b e r s. It would be completely inexpli- 30 35 217 Friedrich Engels cable how s u ch a plan could ever -be discussed, m u ch less adopted, by a body of s u ch u n q u e s t i o n a b ly capable officers as form the Prussian staff—if it was not for the fact of King William being in chief c o m m a n d. But no body could possibly expect that the fatal c o n s e q u e n c es of kings a nd princes taking high c o m m a nd would c o me out so soon a nd so strong. T he Prus sians are now fighting, in Bohemia, a life-and-death struggle. If the junc tion of the two armies at or about G i t s c h in is prevented, if each of t he two, being beaten, h as to retire o ut of Bohemia, and, by retiring, to get further away again from the other, t h en the c a m p a i gn m ay be said to be virtually over. T h en B e n e d ek m ay leave the army of the Crown Prince unnoticed 10 while it retires towards Breslau, a nd follow u p, with all his forces, the army of Prince Frederic Charles, which can hardly escape u t t er destruction. T he question is, Will this j u n c t i on have b e en prevented? Up to the mo m e nt we write we have no news of events later t h an Friday evening, the 29th. T he Prussians, b e a t en o ut of Gitschin (the n a me of the place, in Bo- 15 h e m i a n, is spelt Jicin) on the 28th by G e n e r al Edelsheim, claim to have stormed the town again on the 29th, and this is the last information we pos sess. T he j u n c t i on was n ot t h en effected; at least four A u s t r i an a nd parts of the Saxon army corps h ad t h en b e en engaged against a b o ut five or six Prus sian corps. 20 T he various c o l u m ns of the army of the Crown Prince, as they descended into the valley on the B o h e m i an side of t he hills, were m et by the Austrians at favourable points where the valley, widening out, allowed t h em to offer a larger front to the Prussian columns, a nd to a t t e m pt to prevent t h em from deploying; while the Prussians would send troops, wherever practicable, 25;- t h r o u gh the lateral valleys, to take their o p p o n e n ts in flank a nd rear. This is always the case in m o u n t a in warfare, a nd accounts for t he great n u m b er of prisoners that are always m a de u n d er s u ch circumstances. On the other side, the armies of Prince Frederick Charles a nd Herwarth von Bittenfeld appear to h a ve got through the passes almost u n o p p o s e d; the first engage- 30: m e n ts took place on the line of the Iser river, that is almost midway be tween the starting points of the two armies. It would be idle to try to disen tangle a nd bring into h a r m o ny the fearfully contradictory, a nd often totally u n a u t h e n t i c a t e d, telegrams which have c o me to h a nd these last three or four days. =' T he fighting has b e en necessarily very m u ch c h e q u e r ed in its results; as new forces c a me u p, victory favoured first o ne a nd t h en t he other side. Up to Friday, however, the general result appears to have b e e n, so far, in favour of t he Prussians. If they m a i n t a i n ed themselves in Gitschin, no doubt the j u n c t i on was effected on Saturday or Sunday, a nd t h en their greatest danger would be passed. The final fight for t he j u n c t i on would probably be 218 Notes on the War (1866) · IV fought with concentrated masses on b o th sides, and decide the c a m p a i gn for s o me time, at least. If the Prussians were victorious, they would be at once out of all their self-begotten difficulties, b ut they m i g ht have o b t a i n ed the same, a nd even greater, advantages without exposing themselves to such unnecessary dangers. T he fighting appears to have b e en severe. T he very first A u s t r i an brigade which m et the Prussians in battle, was the "black a nd yellow" brigade, which, in Schleswig, stormed the Königsberg, n e ar Oberselk, the day before the evacuation of the D a n n e v i r k e. It is called black a nd yellow after t he facings of t he two regiments composing it, a nd was always considered o ne of the best brigades in t he service. They were, however, b e a t en by t he n e e dle-gun, a nd above 500 m en of o ne of its regiments (Martini) were t a k en prisoners after they h ad charged the Prussian lines five t i m es in vain. In a later engagement, the colours of the 3d battalion of the D e u t s c h m e i s t er reg iment were taken. This regiment, recruited in V i e n na exclusively, is con sidered the best in the whole army. T h us the very best troops have b e en al ready in action. T he Prussians m u st h a ve behaved splendidly for an old peace army. W h en war was actually declared, a totally different spirit c a me over the army, brought on, chiefly, by the clearing-out of the small fry of potentates in the north-west. It gave the troops—rightly or wrongly, we merely register t he fact—the idea t h at they were asked to fight, this t i m e, for the unification of G e r m a n y, a nd the hitherto sullen a nd sulky m en of the reserve a nd landwehr t h en crossed the frontier of Austria with l o ud cheers. It is owing to this chiefly t h at they fought so well; b ut at t he s a me time we m u st ascribe t he greater portion of whatever success they have h ad to their breech-loaders; a nd if they ever get o ut of the difficulties into which their generals so wantonly placed t h e m, they will have to t h a nk t he needle g un for it. T he reports as to its i m m e n se superiority over t he m u z zle-loaders are again u n a n i m o u s. A sergeant from the M a r t i ni regiment, taken prisoner, said to the correspondent of the Cologne Gazette : " We h a ve surely d o ne whatever m ay be expected from brave soldiers, but no m an can stand against t h at rapid fire." If the Austrians are beaten, it will be n ot so m u ch G e n e r al B e n e d ek or G e n e r al R a m m i ng as G e n e r al R a m r od who is to blame for t he result. In the north-west, the Hanoverians, brought to a sense of their position by a sharp attack from G e n e r al Manteuffel's advanced guard u n d er G e n eral Flies, have surrendered, a nd thereby 59 Prussian battalions will be at liberty to act against the Federal troops. It was high t i m e, too, that this should be d o ne before Bavaria h ad completed all her a r m a m e n t s, for other wise m u ch stronger forces would be required to s u b d ue South-western Ger many. Bavaria is notoriously always slow a nd b e h i n d h a nd with her military 219 1 Friedrich Engels arrangements, b ut w h en they are complete, she c an bring into the field from 60,000 to 80,000 good troops. We m ay now soon h e ar of a rapid con centration of Prussians on the M a i ne a nd of active operations against Prince A l e x a n d er of Hesse D a r m s t a dt a nd his army. The Manchester Guardian. Nr. 6204, 6. Juli 1866 No. V. T he c a m p a i gn which the Prussians o p e n ed with a signal strategic blunder has b e en since carried on by t h em with s u ch a terrible tactical energy that it was brought to a victorious close in exactly eight days. We said in our last n o te that the only case in which the Prussian plan of invading B o h e m ia by two armies separated by t he Riesengebirge could be 10 justified was that in which B o h e m ia was u n o c c u p i ed by hostile troops. The mysterious p l an of G e n e r al B e n e d ek appears to have m a i n ly consisted in creating a situation of that sort. There appear to have b e en b ut two Aus trian army corps—the 1st (Clam Gallas) a nd t he 6th ( R a m m i n g ) — in the north-western corner of Bohemia, where, from the beginning, we expected the decisive actions would be fought. If this was i n t e n d ed to draw the Prus sians into a trap, B e n e d ek has succeeded so well that he got caught in it himself. At all events, t he Prussian advance on two lines, with from forty to fifty miles of impassable ground between t h e m, towards a point of junction, two lines,—this advance r e m a i ns a highly dangerous m a n œ u v re u n d er all cir c u m s t a n c e s, a nd one which would have b e en followed by signal defeat but for Benedek's strange slowness, for the u n e x p e c t ed dash of t he Prussian troops, and for their breech-loading rifles. the starting points, a nd within full m a r c h es from t he enemy's 20. 15'1 ; : T he advance of Prince Frederick Charles took place with three corps (the 3d, 4th, a nd 2d, t he latter in reserve), by Reichenberg, n o r th of a difficult range of hills, on the southern side of which G e n e r al Herwarth advanced with a corps a nd a half (the 8th a nd o ne division of the 7th). At the same time, the Crown Prince stood, with the 1st, 5th, a nd 6th corps, a nd the G u a r d s, in the m o u n t a i ns about Glatz. T h us t he army was divided into 30 three c o l u m n s — o ne on the right, of 45,000, o ne in the centre, of 90,000, a nd o ne on the left, of 120,000 m e n — n o ne of which could support either of the others for at least several days. H e r e, if ever, there was a c h a n ce for a general c o m m a n d i ng at least an equal n u m b er of m en to crush his oppo n e n ts in detail. But n o t h i ng appears to have b e en d o n e. On the 26th Prince 35 Frederick Charles h ad the first serious engagement, at T u r n a u, with a bri- 220 Notes on the War (1866) • V gade of the 1st corps, by which he established his c o m m u n i c a t i on with Herwarth; on the 27th, t he latter took M u n c h e n g r a t z, while, of the a r my of the Crown Prince, a first c o l u m n, the 5th corps, advanced beyond N a c h o d, and beat t he 6th A u s t r i an corps ( R a m m i n g) severely; on the 28th, the only slightly u n l u c ky day for the Prussians, Prince Frederick Charles's advance guard took Gitschin, b ut was again dislodged by G e n e r al E d e l h e i m 's cav alry, while the 1st corps of the army of t he Crown Prince was checked with some loss at T r a u t e n au by t he 10th Austrian corps of G a b l e n z, a nd only disengaged by the advance of the G u a r ds towards Eipel, on an i n t e r m e d i a te road between the 1st a nd 5th Prussian corps. On the 29th, Prince Frederick Charles stormed Gitschin, a nd the army of t he Crown P r i n ce totally de feated the 6th, 8th, a nd 10th A u s t r i an corps. On the 30th, a fresh a t t e m pt of Benedek's to re-take G i t s c h in by the 1st corps a nd the Saxon a r my was sig nally foiled, and t he two Prussian armies effected a j u n c t i o n. T he A u s t r i an loss represents m en to t he n u m b er of at least a corps a nd a half, while t h at of the Prussians is less t h an o ne fourth t h at n u m b e r. T h us we find that on the 27th there were only two A u s t r i an army corps, of about 33,000 m en each, at h a n d; on t he 28th, three; on the 29th, four, and if o ne Prussian telegram be correct, part of a fifth (the 4 th corps); while on the 30th the Saxon army corps only h ad b e en able to c o me up in sup port. There were, t h e n, two, if n ot three, corps absent from the contested ground during all that t i m e, while the Prussians brought every m an down into B o h e m i a. In fact, up to t he evening of the 29th, the whole of the A u s trian troops on t he spot were barely superior in n u m b e rs to either of t he two Prussian armies, a nd being brought into line successively, the supports arriving after the defeat only of the troops first engaged, the result was dis astrous. The 3d army corps (Archduke Ernest), which fought at Custozza, is re ported to have b e en sent to the n o r th by rail i m m e d i a t e ly after t h at battle, and is, in some accounts, set down a m o ng Benedek's available forces. This corps, which would m a ke t he whole force, including the Saxons, n i ne corps, could not have b e en up in t i me for the battles in the latter days of June. The Prussians, whatever the faults of their plan of operations were, m a de up for t h em by their rapidity a nd energy of action. No fault c an be found with the operations of either of their two armies. Short, sharp, and decisive were all their blows, a nd completely successful. N or did this energy forsake them after the two armies were j o i n e d; on they m a r c h e d, a nd already on the 3d they m et B e n e d e k 's c o m b i n ed forces with the whole of theirs, a nd gave t h em a last crushing blow. It is hardly possible to suppose that B e n e d ek accepted this battle of his 221 Friedrich Engels own free will. No d o u bt the rapid pursuit of t he Prussians compelled h im to take a strong position with all his army, in order to re-form his troops, and to give a day's start to his retiring army train, expecting n ot to be attacked in force during t he day, a nd to be able to draw off during the night. A man in his position, with four of his corps completely shattered, a nd after such t r e m e n d o us losses, c a n n ot have desired, there a nd t h e n, to deliver a deci sive battle, if he could draw off in safety. B ut t he Prussians appear to have compelled h im to fight, a nd the result was the complete r o ut of the Austri ans, who, if t he armistice be n ot granted, will now be trying to m a ke to wards O l m u tz or V i e n n a, u n d er the most disadvantageous circumstances, for t he slightest out-flanking m o v e m e nt of the Prussians on their right must cut off n u m e r o us d e t a c h m e n ts from the direct road, a nd drive t h em into the hills of Glatz, to be m a de prisoners. T he "army of the n o r t h ," as splen did a host as there was in E u r o pe ten days ago, has ceased to exist. No d o u bt the n e e d le gun, with its rapid fire, has d o ne a great part of this. It m ay be d o u b t ed whether without it the j u n c t i on of the two Prussian ar m i es could have b e en effected; a nd it is quite certain t h at this immense a nd rapid success could n ot have b e en o b t a i n ed without s u ch superior fire, for the A u s t r i an a r my is habitually less subject to p a n ic t h an m o st Euro p e an armies. But there were other circumstances co-operating. We have al ready m e n t i o n ed the excellent dispositions a nd u n h e s i t a t i ng action of the two Prussian armies, from the m o m e nt they entered B o h e m i a. We m ay add t h at they also deviated, in this campaign, from the c o l u mn system, and b r o u g ht t h e ir masses forward principally in deployed lines, so as to bring every rifle into activity, a nd to save their m en from the fire of artillery. We m u st acknowledge that the m o v e m e n ts b o th on the m a r ch a nd before the e n e my were carried o ut with an order and punctuality which no m an could have expected from an army a nd a d m i n i s t r a t i on covered with the rust of fifty years' p e a c e. A n d, finally, all the world m u st have b e en surprised at the dash displayed by t h e se young troops in e a ch a nd every engagement without exception. It is all very well to say t he breech-loaders did it, but they are n ot self-acting, they want stout hearts a nd strong a r ms to carry t h e m. T he Prussians fought very often against superior n u m b e r s, and were almost everywhere t he attacking party; the Austrians, therefore, had the choice of g r o u n d. A nd in attacking strong positions a nd barricaded towns, the advantages of t he breech-loader almost disappear; the bayonet has to do the work, a nd there has b e en a good deal of it. T he cavalry, moreover, acted with the same dash, a nd with t h em cold steel a nd speed of horse are the only weapons in a charge. T he F r e n ch canards of P r u s s i an cavalry lines first peppering their o p p o n e n ts with carbine fire (breech-loading or other wise) and t h en rushing at t h em sword in h a n d, could only originate among 222 Notes on the War (1866) • V a people whose cavalry has very often b e en guilty of t h at trick, and always been p u n i s h ed for it by being b o r ne down by the superior i m p e t us of t he charging e n e m y. T h e re is no mistaking it, the Prussian army has, within a single week, c o n q u e r ed a position as high as ever it held, a nd may well feel confident now to be able to cope with any o p p o n e n t. T h e re is no c a m p a i gn on record where an equally signal success, in an equally short t i m e, and without any noteworthy check, has b e en obtained, except that campaign of Jena which a n n i h i l a t ed t he Prussians of t h at day, and, if we except the de feat of Ligny, the c a m p a i gn of Waterloo. 223 K a rl M a rx P r o g r a m me du C o n g r ès de G e n è ve ( 1 8 6 6) li9| Association internationale des Travailleurs. Les questions suivantes seront discutées d a ns le p r o c h a in Congrès : Io Organisation de l'Association i n t e r n a t i o n a le ; 2° C o m b i n a i s on des efforts, par le m o y en de l'Association, p o ur la lutte du travail contre le capital ; 3° R é d u c t i on des heures de travail ; 4° Travail des femmes et des enfants ; 5° Sociétés ouvrières (trade's unions), leur passé, leur présent, leur ave n i r; 6° Travail coopératif ; 7° I m p ô ts directs et indirects ; 8° Institution internationale du crédit ; 9° De la nécessité d ' a n é a n t ir l'influence russe en E u r o pe par l'application du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m es et la reconstitution 16 d ' u ne Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u es et sociales ; 10° Des a r m é es p e r m a n e n t es dans leurs rapports avec la p r o d u c t i on ; 11° Des idées religieuses, leur influence sur le m o u v e m e nt social, politi que et intellectuel ; 12° Établissement des sociétés de secours m u t u e l s. A p p ui m o r al et maté- 20 riel accordé a ux orphelins de l'Association. | 224 K a rl M a rx I n s t r u c t i o ns f or t he D e l e g a t es of t he P r o v i s i o n al G e n e r al C o u n c il T he d i f f e r e nt q u e s t i o ns The International Courier. Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867 Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council. The different questions. 1.—Organisation of the International Association. Upon the whole, the Provisional Central C o u n c il r e c o m m e nd the plan of Organisation as traced in the Provisional Statutes. Its s o u n d n e ss a nd facili ties of adaptation to different countries without prejudice to unity of action have b e en proved by two years' experience. F or the n e xt year we recom mend L o n d on as t he seat of the Central Council, the C o n t i n e n t al situation looking unfavourable for change. The m e m b e rs of the Central Council will of course be elected by Con gress (5 of t he Provisional Statutes) with power to add to their n u m b e r. The General Secretary to be chosen by Congress for o ne year a nd to be t he only paid officer of the Association. We propose £2 for his weekly salary. The u n i f o rm annual contribution of each individual member of the Associa tion to be one halfpenny (perhaps o ne penny). T he costprice of cards of membership (carnets) to be charged extra. While calling u p on t he m e m b e rs of the Association to form benefit so cieties a nd c o n n e ct t h em by an international link, we leave the initiation of this question (établissement des sociétés de secours m u t u e l s. A p p ui m o r al et matériel accordé a ux orphelins de l'association) to t he Swiss who origi nally proposed it at the conference of S e p t e m b er last. 225 Karl Marx 2.—International combination of efforts, by the agency of the Association, in the struggle between labour and capital. a. F r om a general point of view, this question embraces the whole activ ity of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association w h i ch a i ms at c o m b i n i ng a nd genera lising the till n ow disconnected efforts for e m a n c i p a t i on by the working classes in different countries. b. To counteract the intrigues of capitalists always ready, in cases of strikes a nd lockouts to m i s u se the foreign w o r k m an as a tool against the native w o r k m a n, is o ne of the particular functions which o ur society has hitherto performed with success. It is o ne of the great purposes of the Asso ciation to m a ke t he w o r k m en of different countries n ot only feel b ut act as brethren a nd c o m r a d es in the army of e m a n c i p a t i o n. c. O ne great " I n t e r n a t i o n al c o m b i n a t i on of efforts" which we suggest is a the situation of the working classes of all countries to be statistical enquiry into instituted by the working classes themselves. To act with any success, t he mate rials to be acted u p on m u st be known. By initiating so great a work, the w o r k m en will prove their ability to take their own fate into their own h a n d s. We propose therefore, T h at in each locality, where b r a n c h es of o ur Association exist, t he work be i m m e d i a t e ly c o m m e n c e d, and evidence collected on the different points specified in the subjoined s c h e me of inquiry. T h at the Congress invite all w o r k m en of E u r o pe a nd the U n i t ed States of A m e r i ca to collaborate in gathering the elements of the statistics of the working class; that reports a nd evidence be forwarded to the Central Coun cil. T h at the Central Council elaborate t h em i n to a general report, adding the evidence as an appendix. T h at this report together with its a p p e n d ix be laid before the n e xt annual Congress, a nd after having received its sanction, be printed at t he expence of the Association. G e n e r al scheme of inquiry, w h i ch m ay of course be modified by e a ch locality. 1. Industry, n a me of. 2. Age a nd sex of the employed. 3. N u m b er of the employed. 35 226 The International Courier. London. Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867. Titelkopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn der „Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council ..." von Marx Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council 4. Salaries and wages: (a) apprentices; (b) wages by t he day or piece work; scale paid by m i d d le m e n. Weekly, yearly average. 5. (a) H o u rs of work in factories, (b) T he h o u rs of work with small e m ployers and in homework, if the business be carried on in those differ- ent m o d e s, (c) Nightwork a nd daywork. 5 6. M e a l t i m es a nd treatment. 7. Sort of workshop a nd work: overcrowding, defective ventilation, want of sunlight, use of gaslight. Cleanliness, etc. 8. N a t u re of o c c u p a t i o n. 9. Effect of e m p l o y m e nt u p on the physical condition. 10 10. M o r al condition. E d u c a t i o n. 11. State of trade: W h e t h er season trade, or m o re or less uniformly distrib u t ed over year, whether greatly fluctuating, whether exposed to foreign competition, whether destined principally for h o me or foreign c o m p e tition, etc. ls 3.—Limitation of the working day. A preliminary condition, without which all further attempts at improve ment and e m a n c i p a t i on m u st prove abortive, is the limitation of the working day. 20 It is n e e d ed to restore the health a nd physical energies of t he working class, t h at is the great body of every n a t i o n, as well as to secure t h em t he possibility of intellectual development, sociable intercourse, social a nd p o litical action. 25 We propose 8 hours work as the legal limit of the working day. This limi- tation being generally claimed by the w o r k m en of the U n i t ed States of America, the vote of the Congress will raise it to the c o m m on platform of the working classes all over t he world. 30 For the information of c o n t i n e n t al m e m b e r s, whose experience of fac tory law is comparatively short dated, we add t h at all legal restrictions will fail and be b r o k en t h r o u gh by Capital if t he period of the day during which the 8 working h o u rs m u st be taken, be n ot fixed. T he length of t h at period ought to be d e t e r m i n ed by the 8 working h o u rs a nd the a d d i t i o n al pauses for meals. F or instance, if the different interruptions for m e a ls a m o u nt to one hour, t he legal period of the day ought to e m b r a ce 9 hours, say from 35 7 a.m. to 4 p.m., or from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m., etc. Nightwork to be b ut excep tionally permitted, in trades or b r a n c h es of trades specified by law. T he tendency m u st be to suppress all nightwork. This paragraph refers only to adult persons, m a le or female, t he latter 229 Karl Marx however, to be rigorously excluded from all nightwork whatever, a nd all sort of work hurtful to the delicacy of the sex, or exposing their b o d i es to poi sonous a nd otherwise deleterious agencies. By adult persons we u n d e r s t a nd all persons having reached or passed the age of 18 years. The International Courier. Nr. 8-10, 13. März 1867 4.—Juvenile and children's labour (both sexes). We consider the t e n d e n cy of m o d e rn industry to m a ke children a nd juve nile persons of b o th sexes co-operate in the great work of social production, as a progressive, s o u nd and legitimate tendency, although u n d er capital it was distorted into an a b o m i n a t i o n. In a rational state of society every child whatever, from the age of 9 years, ought to b e c o me a productive labourer in the s a me way that no able-bodied adult person ought to be e x e m p t ed from the general law of n a t u r e, viz.: to work in order to be able to eat, a nd work not only with the b r a in but with the h a n ds too. However, for the present, we have only to deal with the children and y o u ng persons of b o th sexes belonging to t he working people. T h ey ought to be divided into three classes, to be treated differently; the first class to range from 9 to 12; the second, from 13 to 15 years; a nd the third, to com prise the ages of 16 a nd 17 years. We propose t h at the e m p l o y m e nt of the first class in any workshop or housework be legally restricted to two ; that of t he second, to four; a nd t h at of the third, to six h o u r s. F or the third class, there m u st be a break of at least o ne h o ur for meals or relaxation. It m ay be desirable to begin elementary school instruction before the age of 9 years; but we deal here only with the m o st indispensable antidotes against t he t e n d e n c i es of a social system which degrades t he working m an into a m e re i n s t r u m e nt for the a c c u m u l a t i on of capital, a nd transforms par ents by their necessities into slave-holders, sellers of their own children. T he right of children a nd juvenile persons m u st be vindicated.They are un able to act for themselves. It is, therefore, t he duty of society to act on their behalf. If the m i d d le a nd higher classes neglect their duties toward their off- 30 spring, it is their own fault. Sharing the privileges of these classes, the child is c o n d e m n ed to suffer from their prejudices. T he case of t he working class stands quite different. T he working m an is no free agent. In too m a ny cases, he is even too ignorant to u n d e r s t a nd the t r ue interest of his child, or the n o r m al c o n d i t i o ns of h u m an developement. 35 However, the m o re enlightened part of t he working class fully understands 230 Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council that the future of its class, and, therefore, of m a n k i n d, altogether d e p e n ds u p on the formation of t he rising working generation. T h ey knpw that, b e fore everything else, t he c h i l d r en a nd juvenile workers m u st be saved from the crushing effects of t he present system. This can only be effected by con- verting social reason i n to social force, and, u n d er given circumstances, there exists no other m e t h od of doing so, t h an t h r o u gh general laws, enforced by the power of t he state. In enforcing such laws, t he working class do not for tify g o v e r n m e n t al power. On the contrary, they transform t h at power, n ow used against t h e m, into their own agency. They effect by a general act what they would vainly a t t e m pt by a m u l t i t u de of isolated individual efforts. 5 10 Proceeding from this standpoint, we say that no parent a nd no employer ought to be allowed to use juvenile labour, except when c o m b i n ed with ed ucation. By e d u c a t i on we u n d e r s t a nd three things. 15 Firstly: Mental education. Secondly: Bodily education, s u ch as is given in schools of gymnastics, a nd by military exercise. 20 25 Thirdly: Technological training, which imparts the general principles of all processes of production, and, simultaneously initiates the child and young person in t he practical use a nd h a n d l i ng of the elementary i n s t r u m e n ts of all trades. A gradual a nd progressive course of mental,- gymnastic, a nd technologi cal training ought to correspond to the classification of t he juvenile labour ers. T he costs of t he technological schools ought to be partly m et by the sale of their products. T he c o m b i n a t i on of paid productive labour, m e n t al e d u c a t i o n, bodily exercise a nd polytechnic training, will raise the working class far above the level of the higher and m i d d le classes. It is self-understood t h at the e m p l o y m e nt of all persons from 9 a nd to 30 17 years (inclusively) in nightwork and all health-injuring trades m u st be strictly prohibited by law. 5. Co-operative labour. It is the business of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Working M e n 's Association to c o m bine and generalize the spontaneous movements of the working classes, b ut 35 not to dictate or i m p o se any doctrinary system whatever. T he Congress should, therefore, p r o c l a im no special system of co-operation, b ut limit itself to the e n u n c i a t i on of a few general principles, ( a) We acknowledge t he co-operative m o v e m e nt as o ne of the transform- 231 Karl Marx ing forces of the p r e s e nt society based u p on class a n t a g o n i s m. Its great merit is to practically show, that the present pauperising, a nd despotic sys t em of the subordination of labour to capital can be superseded by the repub lican and beneficent system of the association of free and equal producers. (b) Restricted, however, to the dwarfish forms into which individual wages slaves c an elaborate it by their private efforts, t he co-operative sys t em will never transform capitalistic society. To convert social production into o ne large a nd h a r m o n i o us system of free a nd co-operative labour, gen eral social changes are wanted, changes of the general conditions of society, never to be realised save by the transfer of the organised forces of society, viz. the State power, from capitalists a nd landlords to t he p r o d u c e rs them selves. (c) We r e c o m m e nd to the working m en to e m b a rk in co-operative produc tion rather t h an in co-operative stores. T he latter t o u ch b ut the surface of the present e c o n o m i c al system, the former attacks its groundwork. (d) We r e c o m m e nd to all co-operative societies to convert o ne part of their j o i nt i n c o me into a fund for propagating their principles by example as well as by precept, in other words, by p r o m o t i ng the establishment of new co-operative fabrics, as well as by teaching a nd preaching. (e) In order to prevent co-operative societies from degenerating into or dinary m i d d le class j o i nt stock c o m p a n i es (sociétés par actions), all work m en employed, whether shareholders or not, ought to share alike. As a m e re temporary expedient, we are willing to allow shareholders a low rate of interest. 6. Trades' Unions. Their past, present and future. 25; (a) Their past. Capital is concentrated social force, while the w o r k m an has only to dis pose of h is working force. T he contract between capital a nd l a b o ur can therefore never be struck on equitable t e r m s, equitable even in t he sense of \ a society which places the ownership of the material m e a ns of life and la- 30] jj bour on o ne side and the vital productive energies on the opposite side, T he only social power of the w o r k m en is their n u m b e r. T he force of num- I bers, however, is broken by disunion. T he d i s u n i on of t he w o r k m en is created a nd perpetuated by their unavoidable competition amongst themselves. I Trades' U n i o ns originally sprung up from the spontaneous attempts of 35j w o r k m en at removing or at least checking that competition, in order to c o n q u er s u ch t e r ms of contract as m i g ht raise t h em at least above the con dition of m e re slaves. T he i m m e d i a te object of T r a d e s' U n i o ns was there- 232 Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council 5 10 fore confined to everyday necessities, to expediencies for the obstruction of the incessant e n c r o a c h m e n ts of capital, in o ne word, to questions of wages and t i me of labour. This activity of the T r a d e s' U n i o ns is n ot only legiti mate, it is necessary. It c a n n ot be dispensed with so long as the p r e s e nt sys- tern of p r o d u c t i on lasts. On the contrary, it m u st be generalised by the for m a t i on a nd the c o m b i n a t i on of T r a d e s' U n i o ns t h r o u g h o ut all countries. On the other h a n d, u n c o n s c i o u s ly to themselves, t he Trades' U n i o ns were forming centres of organisation of the working class, as the m e d i e v al m u n i c i palities a nd c o m m u n es did for the m i d d le class. If the Trades' U n i o ns are required for the guerilla fights between capital and labour, they are still more i m p o r t a nt as organised agencies for superseding the very system of wages labour and capital rule. (b) Their present. T oo exclusively b e nt u p on the local a nd i m m e d i a te struggles with capi- tal, the Trades' U n i o ns have not yet fully understood their power of acting against t he system of wages slavery itself. T h ey therefore kept too m u ch aloof from general social a nd political m o v e m e n t s. Of late, however, they seem to awaken to some sense of their great historical mission, as appears, for instance, from their participation, in England, in the recent political 20 movement, from the enlarged views t a k en of their function in t he U n i t ed States, a nd from the following resolution passed at the recent great confer ence of Trades' delegates at Sheffield: "That this conference, fully appre ciating the efforts m a de by the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association to u n i te in o ne c o m m on b o nd of brotherhood the working m en of all countries, m o st ear- 25 nestly r e c o m m e nd to various societies here represented, the advisability of 15 becoming affiliated to t h at body, believing t h at it is essential to t he prog ress a nd prosperity of t he entire working c o m m u n i t y ." 30 35 (c) Their future. Apart from their original purposes, they m u st now learn to act delib- erately as organising centres of the working class in the broad interest of its complete emancipation. They m u st aid every social a nd political m o v e m e nt tending in that direction. Considering themselves a nd acting as t he c h a m pions and representatives of the whole working class, they c a n n ot fail to en list the non-society m en into their ranks. They m u st look carefully after the interests of the worst paid trades, such as the agricultural labourers, ren dered powerless by exceptional circumstances. They m u st convince the world at large that their efforts, far from being narrow a nd selfish, a im at the e m a n c i p a t i on of the d o w n t r o d d en millions. 233 Karl Marx 7. Direct and indirect Taxation. (α) No m o d i f i c a t i on of t he form of t a x a t i on c an p r o d u ce any i m p o r t a nt c h a n ge in t he relations of labour a nd capital. (b) Nevertheless, having to choose between two systems of taxation, we r e c o m m e nd t he total abolition of indirect taxes, a nd t he general substitution of 5 direct taxes. Because direct taxes are cheaper to collect a nd do n ot interfere with pro­ d u c t i o n; b e c a u se indirect taxes e n h a n ce t he prices of c o m m o d i t i e s, the t r a d e s m en a d d i ng to t h o se prices n ot only t he a m o u nt of t he i n d i r e ct taxes, b ut t he interest a nd profit u p on t he capital a d v a n c ed in their p a y m e n t; 10 Because indirect taxes conceal from an i n d i v i d u al what he is paying to t he state, whereas a direct tax is undisguised, u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d, a nd n ot to be m i s u n d e r s t o od by t he m e a n e st capacity. D i r e ct t a x a t i on p r o m p ts there­ fore every individual to control t he governing powers while i n d i r e ct taxa­ t i on destroys all t e n d e n cy to self-government. 15 8. International Credit. Initiative to be left to t he F r e n c h. 9. Polish Question. ( a) W hy do t he w o r k m en of E u r o pe take up this q u e s t i o n? In t he first in­ stance, b e c a u se t he m i d d le class writers a nd agitators conspire to suppress 20 it, a l t h o u gh they patronise all sorts of nationalities, on the c o n t i n e n t, even I r e l a n d. W h e n ce this reticence? Because b o t h, aristocrats a nd bourgeois, look u p on t he dark Asiatic power in t he b a c k g r o u nd as a last resource against t he advancing tide of working class a s c e n d e n c y. T h at power can only be effectually p ut down by t he r e s t o r a t i on of P o l a nd u p on a demo- 25 cratic basis. (b) In t he present c h a n g ed state of c e n t r al E u r o p e, a nd especially Ger­ m a n y, it is m o re t h an ever necessary to h a ve a d e m o c r a t ic P o l a n d. Without it, G e r m a ny will b e c o me t he outwork of t he H o ly Alliance, with it, t he co- operator with r e p u b l i c an F r a n c e. T he working class m o v e m e nt will contin- 30 u o u s ly be interrupted, checked, a nd retarded, u n t il this great E u r o p e an q u e s t i on be set at rest. 234 Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council (c) It is especially t he duty of the G e r m an working class to take the in itiative in this matter, because G e r m a ny is o ne of the partitioners of Po land. 10. Armies. 5 (a) T he deleterious influence of large standing armies u p on production, has b e en sufficiently exposed at m i d d le class congresses of all d e n o m i n a tions, at peace congresses, e c o n o m i c al congresses, statistical congresses, philanthropical congresses, sociological congresses. We t h i nk it, therefore, quite superfluous to expatiate u p on this point. 10 (b) We propose the general a r m a m e nt of the people a nd their general in struction in the use of arms. ( c ) We accept as a transitory necessity small standing armies to form schools for the officers of the militia; every m a le citizen to serve for a very limited t i me in those armies. 15 11. Religious Question. To be left to the initiative of the F r e n c h. 235 K a rl M a rx S t a t u ts de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs v o t és au C o n g r ès de G e n è ve ( 1 8 6 6) Iii Statuts De l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs Votés à la séance du Congrès du 5 Septembre 1866. C o n s i d é r a nt : Q ue l ' é m a n c i p a t i on des travailleurs doit être l'œuvre des travailleurs e u x - m ê m es ; q ue les efforts des travailleurs p o ur conquérir leur émancipa tion ne doivent pas tendre à constituer de n o u v e a ux privilèges, m a is à éta blir p o ur t o us des droits et des devoirs égaux et a n é a n t ir t o u te d o m i n a t i on de classe ; Q ue l'accapareur des m o y e ns du travail, c'est-à-dire des sources de la vie, est la c a u se première de la servitude d a ns toutes ses formes - misère sociale, dégradation men tale, soumission politique ; l'assujetissement é c o n o m i q ue du travailleur à Q u e, p o ur cette raison, l'émancipation é c o n o m i q ue des travailleurs est le grand b ut a u q u el tout m o u v e m e nt politique doit être s u b o r d o n né c o m me m o y en ; Q ue tous les efforts faits j u s q u ' i ci ont é c h o u é, faute de solidarité entre les ouvriers des diverses professions dans c h a q ue pays, et d ' u ne u n i on fra ternelle entre les travailleurs des diverses contrées ; Q ue l ' é m a n c i p a t i on du travail n ' é t a nt un p r o b l è me ni local, ni national, m a is social, embrasse tous les pays dans lesquels la vie m o d e r ne existe et nécessite p o ur sa solution leur concours t h é o r i q ue et p r a t i q ue ; Q ue le m o u v e m e nt q ui reparaît parmi les ouvriers des pays les plus in dustrieux de l'Europe, en faisant naître de nouvelles espérances, d o n ne un 236 Karl Marx: Statuts de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs votés au Congrès de Genève (1866). Seite 1 Statuts de ΓΑ.Ι.Τ. votés au Congrès de Genève (1866) solennel avertissement de ne pas r e t o m b er d a ns les vieilles erreurs, m a is de c o m b i n er i m m é d i a t e m e nt t o us les efforts encore isolés ; Par ces raisons : Le Congrès de L'Association Internationale des Travailleurs t e nu à G e n è ve 5 du 3 au 8 S e p t e m b re 1866, déclare que cette association, ainsi q ue toutes les Sociétés ou individus y a d h é r a n t, r e c o n n a î t r o nt la Vérité, la Justice, la Morale, c o m me la base de leur c o n d u i te envers tous les h o m m e s, sans dis tinction de couleur, de croyance ou de n a t i o n a l i t é. 10 Le Congrès considère c o m me un devoir de r é c l a m er p o ur tous les droits d ' h o m me et de citoyen. Pas de devoirs sans droits, pas de droits sans devoirs. \ |2| C'est d a ns cet esprit q ue le Congrès a a d o p té définitivement les sui vants statuts de l'Association internationale des travailleurs: Art.I. L'association est établie p o ur procurer un p o i nt central de c o m m u nication et de coopération entre les ouvriers des différents pays aspirant au 15 m ê me but, savoir : la protection m u t u e l l e, le progrès et le c o m p l et affran chissement de la classe ouvrière. Art. II. Le n om de cette association sera : Association Internationale des Travailleurs. 20 Art. III. Le Conseil G é n é r al se c o m p o s e ra d'ouvriers représentant les dif- Il p r e n d ra férentes n a t i o ns faisant partie de L'Association Internationale. dans son sein, selon les besoins d ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n, les m e m b r es du b u r e a u, tels que président, secrétaire général, trésorier et secrétaires particuliers pour les différents pays. Tous les ans, le Congrès r é u ni fixera le lieu et l'époque de sa p r o c h a i ne assemblée, désignera le siège et n o m m e ra les m e m b r es du Conseil G é n é r a l, 25 en lui laissant le droit de s'adjoindre de n o u v e a ux m e m b r e s. A l'époque fixée par le Congrès, et sans q u ' u ne convocation spéciale soit nécessaire, les délégués se r é u n i r o nt de plein droit au lieu et j o ur désignés. Au cas de b e s o i n, le Conseil G é n é r al p o u r ra c h a n g er le lieu du Congrès, 30 sans pouvoir reculer la date de sa r é u n i o n. A R T. IV. A c h a q ue Congrès a n n u e l, le Conseil général fera un rapport public des travaux de l ' a n n é e. En cas d'urgence, il p o u r ra convoquer le Congrès avant le t e r me fixé. 35 A R T . V. Le Conseil général établira des relations avec les différentes as- sociations ouvrières, de telle sorte q ue les ouvriers de c h a q ue pays soient c o n s t a m m e nt au c o u r a nt des m o u v e m e n ts de leur classe dans les autres pays. Q u ' u ne e n q u ê te sur l'état social soit faite s i m u l t a n é m e nt et d a ns un m ê me esprit. - Q ue les q u e s t i o ns proposées par u ne Société, et d o nt la dis- 40 cussion est d ' un intérêt général, soient e x a m i n é es par toutes, et q u e, lorsqu'une idée p r a t i q ue ou u ne difficulté i n t e r n a t i o n a le réclamerait l'ac- 239 Karl Marx tion de l'association, celle-ci puisse agir d ' u ne m a n i è re u n i f o r m e. - Lors q ue cela lui semblera nécessaire le Conseil général p r e n d ra l'initiative des propositions à s o u m e t t re a ux Sociétés locales ou nationales. Il publiera un bulletin p o ur faciliter ses c o m m u n i c a t i o ns avec les sec tions. Art. VI. P u i s q ue le succès du m o u v e m e nt ouvrier d a ns c h a q ue pays ne p e ut être assuré q ue par la force r é s u l t a nt de l ' u n i on et de l'association ; Q u e, d'autre part, l'utilité du Conseil G é n é r al sera d ' a u t a nt plus puis sante q ue son action sera m o i ns éparpillée, les m e m b r es de l'Association in ternationale devront faire tous leurs efforts p o ur r é u n ir toutes les branches locales de c h a q ue pays d a ns u ne association nationale, représentée par un Conseil central. Il est b i en e n t e n d u, toutefois, q ue l'application de cet arti cle est s u b o r d o n n ée a ux lois particulières q ui régissent c h a q ue nation. M a i s, à part les obstacles légaux, a u c u ne Société locale n'est dispensée de correspondre d i r e c t e m e nt avec le Conseil Général. \ 240 Programm des Polenmeetings des Generalrats der IAA vom 22. Januar 1867. Flugblatt mit der Resolution von Marx K a rl M a rx R e s o l u t i on of t he P o l i sh M e e t i ng in L o n d on J a n u a ry 2 2, 1 8 67 That liberty c a n n ot be established in E u r o pe without the i n d e p e n d e n ce of Poland. 243 K a rl M a rx D r a ft f or a s p e e ch at t he P o l i sh M e e t i ng in L o n d on J a n u a ry 2 2, 1 8 67 Ladies a nd G e n t l e m e n, W h en the last Russian ukases for the abolition of Poland b e c a me k n o wn in this country, the organ of the leading purses exhorted the Poles to t u rn into Muscovites. W hy should they not, if it were only to give further security for the six mill. 1. st. j u st lent to the Czar by t he English capitalists? S o me 30 years ago, a Revolution broke o ut in F r a n c e. It was an event n ot foreseen by the St. Petersburg providence which h ad j u st concluded a secret treaty with Charles X for the better a d m i n i s t r a t i on a nd geographical a r r a n g e m e nt of Europe. On the arrival of t he awkward news, t he Czar Nico- laus s u m m o n ed t he officers of his horseguard a nd addressed t h em a short, warlike speech, culminating in the words: à cheval, Messieurs! This was no empty threat. Paskiewitch was despatched to Berlin there to settle t he inva sion of F r a n c e. A few m o n t hs later, all was ready. T he Prussians were to concentrate on t he R h i n e, the Polish army to m a r ch into Prussia, a nd the Muscovites to follow in the rear. But t h e n, as Lafayette said in the French C h a m b er of D e p u t i e s — « l ' a v a nt garde t o u r n a it contre le gros de l ' a r m é e », the advanced guard t u r n ed r o u nd u p on the m a in body. T he insurrection of Warsaw saved E u r o pe from a second A n t i - J a c o b in war. Eighteen years later, there was a n o t h er eruption of the revolutionary vol cano, or rather an e a r t h q u a ke shaking the whole continent. Even the Ger m a ns began to fidget, despite the m a t e r n al leading-strings in which Russia h ad kept t h em ever since their so-called war of i n d e p e n d e n c e. Still more strange. Of all G e r m an cities, V i e n na was the first to try its h a n ds at barri cade building, and successfully too. This t i m e, and, perhaps, for t he first t i me in his history, t he R u ss lost his temper. T he Czar N i c o l a us did no longer address his horseguard. He issued a manifesto to h is people, telling t h em t h at t he F r e n ch plague h ad infected even the G e r m a n s, t h at it ap p r o a c h ed t he frontiers of the Empire a nd t h at Revolution, in its madness, casts its delirious eyes u p on Holy Russia. No wonder! he exclaimed. This s a me G e r m a ny has b e en the hotbed of infidelity for m a ny years past. The 244 Draft for a speech at the Polish Meeting in London January 22, 1867 cancer of a sacrilegious philosophy has e a t en into the vitals of t h at appar ently solid people. A nd t h e n, he winds up with t he following apostrophe to the G e r m a n s: "With us is G o d! K n ow that, ye h e a t h e n s, a nd s u b m it to us, for G od is with u s !" Very soon after, through t he h a n ds of his trusted ser- vant Nesselrode, he sent another bull to the G e r m a n s, b ut quite overflow ing with t e n d e r n e ss for that h e a t h e n i sh people. W h e n ce this change? Why, the Berliners h ad n ot only m a de a Revolution, they h ad proclaim ed the restauration of Poland, a nd the Prussian Poles deceived by t he p o p u lar e n t h u s i a sm were forming military c a m ps t he courtesies of t he Czar. It was again Poland, the i m m o r t al Knight of E u r o p e, that h ad warned off the M o n g o l! Only after the betrayal of the Poles by t he G e r m a n s, especially the G e r m an N a t i o n al Assembly at Frankfort, R u s s ia recovered h er forces a nd waxed strong e n o u gh to stab the Revolution of 1848 in its last asylum, H u n g a r y. A nd even here, the last m an who bestrode the battlefield against her, was a Pole, G e n e r al Bern. in Posnania. H e n ce 5 10 15 Now there are m a ny people silly e n o u gh to believe t h at all this h as changed, t h at Poland h as ceased to be " u ne n a t i on nécessaire", as a F r e n ch writer calls it, a nd dwindled to a s e n t i m e n t al souvenir, a nd you know t h at sentiments a nd souvenirs are n ot q u o t ed at the Stock Exchanges. B ut I ask 20 you, what h as changed? Has the danger grown less? N o. Only the judicial blindness of t he governing classes of E u r o pe h as reached its climax. 25 In the first instance, the policy of Russia is u n c h a n g e a b l e, as averred by her official historian, t he Muscovite K a r a m z i n. H er m e t h o d s, h er tactics, her manœuvering m ay change, b ut the leading star of her policy is a fixed star—the empire of the world. Only a civilized g o v e r n m e nt swaying barbar ian masses c an nowadays h a t ch such a plan, a nd execute it. As the greatest Russian diplomatist of m o d e rn times, P o z zo di Borgo, wrote to A l e x a n der I, at t he epoch of t he V i e n na Congress, P o l a nd is t he great tool for t he execution of the world-embracing schemes of Russia, b ut also her invinci- 30 ble obstacle, u n t il t he Pole, fatigued by the a c c u m u l a t ed treacheries of E u rope, b e c o m es her scourge in the h a nd of the Muscovite. Now, apart from the dispositions of the Polish people, has anything h a p pened to thwart t he plans of Russia or paralyse h er a c t i o n? I need n ot tell you t h at in Asia, h er progress of conquest is c o n t i n u o u s. I .35 need not tell you, that the so-called A n g l o - F r e n ch war against R u s s ia handed over to h er t he m o u n t a in forteresses of Caucasus, the d o m i n a t i on of the Black Sea, a nd the m a r i t i me rights which Catherine II, P a ul a nd Alexander I h ad vainly tried to wrest from England. Railways are connect ing a nd concentrating her vastly disseminated b o n d s. H er material re- sources in Congress Poland, which forms h er e n t r e n c h ed c a mp in E u r o p e, have enormously increased. T he fortifications of Warsaw, M o d l i n, Ivan- 40 245 Karl Marx gorod—points singled o ut by the first N a p o l e o n — d o m i n e er the whole course of the Vistula a nd constitute a formidable basis of attack to the North, West a nd South. T he Panslavonian p r o p a g a n da has kept pace with the enfeeblement of Austria a nd Turkey, a nd what that Panslavonian prop aganda m e a n s, you h ad some foretaste in 1 8 4 8 - 4 9, when H u n g a ry was overrun, V i e n na laid waste, Italy c o u n t e r ed by the Slavs, fighting u n d er the banners of Jellachich, Windischgrätz a nd Radetzky! A nd besides all this, England's wrongs against Ireland have raised a new powerful ally of Russia on the other side of the Atlantic. 5 •/£ T he plan of R u s s i an policy r e m a i ns u n c h a n g e a b l e, h er m e a ns of action have wonderfully increased even since 1848, b ut as yet t h e re is o ne thing out of reach, a nd Peter the First hit t he weak point when he exclaimed that to conquer t he world, the Muscovites wanted n o t h i ng but souls. Well, this living spirit, which Russia lacks, will be infused into her carcass the mo m e nt t he Poles t u rn into Russian subjects. W h at t h en will you have to 15 ¿i throw into the opposite balance! 10.•.•.¾ A c o n t i n e n t al E u r o p e an will, perhaps, answer t h at Russia, by the eman cipation of the serfs, has entered the family of civilized n a t i o n s, that the G e r m an power recently concentrated in Prussian h a n ds c an stand any Asiatic shock, and, lastly, that Social R e v o l u t i on in W e s t e rn E u r o pe will do 20·. away with all "international" conflicts. A m e re T i m e s — r e a d i ng English m an m ay tell me that, let the worst arrive to the worst, a nd Russia seize Constantinople, E n g l a nd will then appropriate Egypt and t h us secure the road to h er great I n d i an market. In the first instance, the e m a n c i p a t i on of the serfs, has e m a n c i p a t ed the 25¾ supreme government from t he i m p e d i m e n ts the nobles were able to oppose to its centralized action. It has created a vast recruiting place for its army, broken up the c o m m on property of the R u s s i an peasants, insulated them, and, above all, strengthened their faith in their pope-autocrat. It has not de odorized their Asiatic barbarism, the slow growth of centuries. A ny attempt at raising their m o r al standard is p u n i s h ed as a crime. I r e m i nd you only of the official provocations against the t e m p e r a n ce societies w h i ch h ad under taken to wean the Muscovite from what F e u e r b a ch calls t he practical sub stance of his religion, n a m e ly brandy. However it m ay work in the future, for the present t he serf e m a n c i p a t i on has increased the disposable forces of 35 the Czar. Now, as to Prussia. O n ce a vassal of Poland, she has b ut grown into a first rate power u n d er the auspices of Russia, a nd by the partition of Po land. If she lose to-morrow her Polish booty, she would m e r ge into Ger m a ny instead of absorbing it. To m a i n t a in herself as a power distinct from 40, G e r m a n y, she m u st fall back u p on the Muscovite. H er recent access of do- 246 Draft for a speech at the Polish Meeting in London January 22, 1867 main, instead of loosening these ties, have rendered t h em indissoluble, be cause it has h e i g h t e n ed h er a n t a g o n i sm to F r a n ce a nd Austria. At t he s a me time Russia is the prop u p on which the arbitrary rule of the H o h e n z o l l e rn dynasty a nd its feudal retainers rest. This is their safeguard against popular disaffection. Prussia is, therefore, n ot a bulwark against the Muscovite b ut his predestined tool for t he invasion of F r a n ce a nd the enslavement of Ger many. 5 As to social revolution, what does it m e an if n ot a struggle of classes? It is possible t h at the struggle between the w o r k m en a nd the capitalist will be less fierce a nd bloody t h an the struggles between the feudal lord a nd t he capitalist proved in E n g l a nd and in France. 10 15 We will h o pe so. But at all events, a l t h o u gh s u ch a social crisis m ay rouse the energies of the Western peoples, it will, like all internal feuds, also invite aggression from abroad. It will clothe anew R u s s ia with t he char- acter she bore during the Anti-Jacobin war a nd since the Holy Alliance, that of t he predestined saviour of order. It will enlist in her ranks all the privileged classes of E u r o p e. Already during the revolution of F e b r u a ry it was not only the C o u nt of M o n t a l e m b e r t, w ho laid his ear to the g r o u nd to listen whether there was a distant troop of Cossack horses. It was n ot only 20 Prussian squires who proclaimed in the m i d st of G e r m an representative bodies the Czar their "Oberlandesvater". It was all the Stock Exchanges of Europe that rose with every R u s s i an victory over the Magyars a nd fell at every Russian defeat. 25 Lastly, as to the " T i m e s" saying that R u s s ia m ay seize Constantinople, if she does n ot prevent E n g l a nd from seizing u p on Egypt, what does it all mean? T h at England will surrender Constantinople to Russia, if R u s s ia al lows E n g l a nd to have a fight with F r a n ce over Egypt. This is the comfort able vista opened to y ou by the Times. As to R u s s i an love for E n g l a n d, fond as she is of British f .s.d., it suffices to quote the words of t he Gazette de Moscou, d.d. D e c. 1 8 3 1: « N o n, il faut q ue le tour de perfide A l b i on vienne, et dans q u e l q ue t e m ps n o us ne devons plus faire de traité avec ce peuple q u 'à Calcutta. » (No, it is necessary t h at the t u rn of perfidious Al bion c o m e, and soon we shall conclude no m o re treaty with that people, save at Calcutta.) 35 There is only o ne alternative left for E u r o p e. Asiatic b a r b a r i sm u n d er Muscovite leadership will burst over h er head like a lawine, or she m u st restore Poland, t h us placing between herself a nd Asia 20 millions of h e roes, and gaining breathing t i me for the a c c o m p l i s h m e nt of her social re generation. 247 K a rl M a rx B e r i c h t i g u n g. An d ie R e d a k t i on d er „ Z e i t u ng f ür N o r d d e u t s c h l a n d" / An die Redaction der Zeitung für Norddeutschland Es scheint mir, d aß die wahrscheinlich aus V e r s e h en in N° 5522 Ihrer Zei tung gerathene N o t iz „Der in L o n d on l e b e n de Dr. M a rx ... scheint dazu ausersehen zu sein den C o n t i n e nt zu bereisen um für die Angelegenheit (,die n ä c h s te Insurrection' Polens) P r o p a g a n da zu m a c h e n ", ein, ich weiß n i c ht für welche „Angelegenheit" ausgehecktes Polizeifabrikat zu sein scheint. L o n d on 18.Febr. 1867 Karl M a rx | 248 F r i e d r i ch E n g e ls S c h w e d i s c h - d ä n i s c he R e i s e n o t i z en I 6. Juli. 9 Uhr. H e ro in den H u m b e r, 11 U hr in See frische westliche Brise, 12 Kn. per S t u n d e, W i nd z u n e h m e n d, N a c h m. heftige See, W i nd m e hr und m e hr n a ch N o r d e n, a b e n ds half a gale, starkes Rollen des langen Schiffs, Capt. Soulsby stürzt u nd bricht eine Rippe, ein Englischer Passa gier desgl. verschimpfirt sich die S c h n a u z e, das m a i n s a il reißt v om u n t e r en Block los. 7. Juli, Deck u n b e t r e t b a r, starkes R o l l en bis e n d l i ch gegen A b e nd der Wind n a c h l ä ßt u nd wir in Sicht des H o l m en L e u c h t t h u r ms auf D e ck gehen können. See geht m e hr u nd m e hr nieder, d o ch unregelmäßig. 8. Juli m o r g e ns 7 U hr Vingan, d a nn E i n g a ng in die Götaelf Skâren, lau ter roches m o u t o n n é e s, die Eiswirkung auf 1000 Schritt sichtbar. Bald der engere F l u ß, m it g r ü n en T h ä l e rn zwischen den Granitfelsen, d a nn a u ch ei nige B ä u m e, schließlich A n n ä h e r u ng an Göteborg, h ü b s ch u nd fremd durch die niedrige G e r ä u m i g k e it der breiten Häuser. Göteborg selbst, eine m o d e r ne Stadt m i t t en in altschwedischer U m g e bung; alles Stein i n n e n, alles Holz d r a u ß e n. Holländische K a n ä le m it hol ländischem G e s t a nk in d en Straßen. E i n d r u ck der Schweden weit m e hr Deutsch als englisch; dazwischen fremdes finnisches E l e m e n t. Schlechter Teint der W e i b er im G a n z e n, grobe, d o ch n i c ht a b s t o ß e n de Züge, die Männer h ü b s c h e r, d o ch a u ch m e hr an d en d e u t s c h en Binnenlandsphilister erinnernd. D ie L e u te in d en 40ern sehen alle wie Badenser Philister aus. Englisch wird tolerirt, D e u t s ch herrscht. D ie commerzielle u nd literari sche Abhängigkeit von D e u t s c h l a nd überall hervorspringend. Bahnhöfe, öf fentliche G e b ä u d e, Privathäuser, Villen, alles im d e u t s c h en Styl, m it gerin gen klimatischen Abweichungen. V on E n g l a nd n ur die Parkanlagen u nd die Sauberkeit m it der sie gehalten, u nd eine Kirche im n eu englisch gothi- schen Styl. M an k a nn ruhig in j e d em Geschäftslokal d e u t s ch sprechen, selbst im Hotel wird der Englisch sprechende g e b e t en wo möglich D e u t s ch zu sprechen. Nägelchen u nd W e i ß d o rn in voller Blüthe, Alles wie am 8. M a i. S c h ö ne 249 Friedrich Engels: Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen. Seite [1] Friedrich Engels U l m e n a rt nebst E s c h en im Baumschlag vorherrschend. G r ün wie im engli s c h en Frühjahr. Dazwischen überall die n a c k t en granitnen m o u t o n n é e s. Lebensart ganz continental, antienglisch trotz || d em T r i n k en von fal s c h em Portwein u nd Sherry. H o t e l e i n r i c h t u n g e n. Die Z i m m e r, Frühstück, K ü c h e, alles continental. Desgl. die V e r m i s c h u ng der Klassen in öffentli c h en Lokalen. A p e t i t s up (Smörbrödsborden) (25 Öre). Statur der Leute m i t t el u nd untersetzt, 5' 6" rh. Soldaten der reitenden Artillerie (värfvade) größer. G e m e i ne u nd Offiziere etwas Milizartiges an die Schweizer erinnernd. D ie Huiler M a t r o s en erinnern vielmehr an Hol steiner, N i e d e r s a c h s e n, Friesen, A n g e ln u nd D ä n en als an Schweden. Den Schweden hier fehlt der m ä n n l i c he A u s d r u ck im Gesicht, m e i st schwabb lige v e r s c h w o m m e ne Fettzüge, außer bei einigen Seeleuten m it friesischer Physiognomie u nd s e h n i g em Bau. Die Soldaten sehn aus wie Westfalen, die Offiziere a u ch n e i t h er quite n or officers. io W ie i m m e r, der u n v e r m e i d l i c he E i n d r u ck wieviel überall auf d em Conti- 15 J n e nt für G e s u n d h e it u nd Erheiterung des p o p u l us geschieht gegenüber d em aristokratischen England. K o m i s c h er E i n d r u ck der 2 englischen swell ladies d e n en die Schwedin n en alle n a c h s a h e n. Reise n a ch Stockholm. Dampfschiffseinrichtung, h i n t re Kajüte Schlaf 20 $ vordere Essen. Solide Lebensmittel. Salat m it R a h m. Süßigkeiten. Leute im I n n e rn m e hr u nd m e hr b e s t i m m t en Charakter in d en Z ü g e n, M ä n n er hübscher, stärker u nd größer, W e i b er plain b ut homely a nd n ot unpleasant, dabei groß u nd stark. D er Charakter m e hr u nd m e hr an die Schwarzwälder Schweizer u nd Tiroler e r i n n e r nd (Steubs Tiroler G o t h e n ?) Landjunker. 25 A u ch die Sprache klingt sehr allerhöchst d e u t s ch o h ne G u t t u r a l e n. G e g e nd am Götaelf hübsch, aber bescheiden, bis Trollhättan. 4 Fälle dicht ü b er einander. Berge nicht ü b er 6 - 8 00 F. h o c h, d o ch imposant. langweilig, W e t t e rn desgl. D a nn Venersee m it Kinnekullen, f l a ch u nd Karlsborg's Festungswerk n i c ht schlecht angelegt, lange L i n i en polygonal, 30; ?J d o ch ? ob nicht der dahinterliegende Berg jetzt beherrschend. Die Seen hübsch, a b er alle egal. Ewiger Tannenwald, d a zu ruinirter. N i r g e n ds die s c h ö n en schweren T a n n en der Schweiz. Scotch fir. Motala-Elf-Thal wieder etwas bebaut, hier u nd da h ü b s ch wo der Kanal m it B ä u m en bepflanzt, U l m en u nd Birken. Scherensee n a ch Stockholm zu wird i m m er hübscher. Ä n d e r u ng in der F o r m a t i on - Kalk hie u nd da u nd größre Verwitterung, also m e hr H a l d en | I u nd A l p e n m a t t en u n m i t t e l b ar aus der See aufsteigend. M a r m o r b r ü c he auf zwei Inseln. Die Scheren werden h ö h er u nd schöner je n ä h er m an nach Stockholm. Entlang der M a l en sehr schön, W a l d, Feld u nd Villen abwech- 40* selnd. 250 Plan der schwedischen Festung Karlsborg. Zeichnung von Engels Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen Stockholms Norrbro an Genfer Pont des bergues erinnernd. M o s e b a c k en prachtvoll. A u ch v om Observatorium schöne Aussicht. D a m p f s c h l u p pe nach Djûrgârden. Dieser sehr schön als Park. Viele R e s t a u r a n ts u nd Cafés. Französische E i n r i c h t u ng m it kleinen Tischen à la carte, kein table d'hôte. 5 Sitte der Stockholmer in R e s t a u r a n ts zu essen. Bränvinsbordet überall. Pai- estko-öl, besser als in D e u t s c h l a n d. Schrecklich süße Gesöffe u nd E ß w a r en (Karger). Schwedisches öl n i c ht schlecht aber entweder zu süß oder zu sauer. W e i n, B o r d e a ux hyper-hermitagé, petit bourgogne m it Z u s a tz v on südfranzösischem W e in H a u p t g e t r ä nk bei Tische. Sonst die civil. K ü c he 10 mehr d e u t s ch als französisch. In Stockholm m e hr Hauptstadtscharakter, weniger ausländische Spra chen coulant, d o ch in j e d em Geschäftslokal d e u t s ch gesprochen. M o d e, in Gothenburg e n t s c h i e d en englisch bei M ä n n e r n, hier vorherrschend franzö sisch. H e u c h e l ei wegen Bränvinsbordet w e nn D a m en dabei, kindliche Ver- 15 gnügungsorte, Caroussel, Puppentheater, Seiltänzer u nd schlechte M u s i k. Stromparterren n o ch das beste. „ M e k a n i s m e n ". D a b ei d o ch ernster oder heuchl. luther. Volkscharakter der keine öffentlichen Tivoli Orte en gros duldet. Soldaten selbst der G a r de milizmäßig slovenly desgl. die Offiziere. No Í0 life in t h e m. A u ch keine besonders großen Leute, nichts was an die 69 er reicht. Uniform eklektisch u nd altfränk. Lederzeug, Schildwachen plau dern. Vollbarte. D ie M a l m ö er H u s a r e n. Schwer wie Linienreiter - die h ü b schesten L e u t e. Eisenbahn - o j e. 3mal L ä u t en u nd l m al Pfeifen. 5 M i n u t en = 15 à 20. 25 Naturwüchsige aber gute Eßlokale, alles 1 Rdl. G e g e nd hübsch, aber n a ch den ersten zwei S t u n d en d u r ch ewige W i e d e r h o l u ng einförmig u nd zuletzt langweilig. D ie vielen Seen sehr leicht aus der Eisaction zu erklären. T h a l boden meist alter See - resp. Torfmoorboden. Guter Kniff die Leute n a ch M a l mö zu schicken um eine diplomatische 30 Unterhandlung zu E n de zu bringen. Kopenhagen. Wirklich m e hr H o v e d s t a d en in G r ö ße u nd L e b en als Stockholm d o ch i m m er n o ch klein u nd bescheiden. E n t s c h i e d en Vorherr schen des D e u t s c h en selbst in d en Straßen. Lebenslustige Kinder, alle Ver gnügungsorte vor A l l em für K i n d er eingerichtet, Caroussel wenigstens 35 100 Mal. A u ch die A l t en verkindischt; Ballet, Circus etc. Selbst die G r a u samkeit der K i n d er die an Kinderquälerei H a u p t s p aß findet. Tivoli sehr charakteristisch in der Art. Schöne B ä u me in ganz K o p e n h a g e n. Schöne Einfahrt in d en Hafen. Alte Kriegsschiffe - malerischer Eindruck. D er E i n d r u ck der B a u e r n h a u p t- 40 Stadt die \% Mill. B a u e rn exploitirt, überall unverkennbar. | 255 K a rl M a rx A d r e s se du C o n s e il G é n é r al de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u r s. A ux m e m b r es et a ux s o c i é t és a f f i l i é es et à t o us l es t r a v a i l l e u rs I Adresse du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale. Aux Membres et aux Sociétés affiliées et à tous les Travailleurs. Prolétaires, P a r mi les correspondances q ue n o us recevons n o us voyons q ue les mem bres de l'association c o n t i n u e nt à propager les principes et à a u g m e n t er le n o m b re des b r a n c h es de l'association internationale. Ce travail est surtout r e m a r q u a b le en Suisse, où la plupart de n os b r a n c h es sont activement oc cupées à établir des sociétés ouvrières de t o u te sorte et à les m e t t re en rap port avec n o u s. La Belgique, depuis le massacre de M a r c h i e n n e s, fait des efforts dignes d'éloges p o ur masser t o ut le prolétariat belge sous notre égide. M a is différentes causes ont entravé cette œ u v re de p r o p a g a n de dans les autres pays : L'Allemagne, qui avant '48 avait pris t a nt d'intérêt d a ns l'étude des questions sociales, voit presque toutes ses forces actives absorbées par le m o u v e m e nt u n i t a i re qui s'accomplit d a ns son sein. En F r a n c e, vu le p eu de liberté d o nt j o u it la classe ouvrière, la générali sation de n os principes et de notre association ne s'est pas effectuée d'une façon aussi rapide q u ' on aurait pu l'espérer: car n o us eussions cru que l'appui que, grâce à nous, les sociétés ouvrières anglaises ont prêté aux so ciétés ouvrières françaises lors de leurs dernières grèves, aurait dû nous conquérir le soutien de tous les ouvriers français. M a i n t e n a nt q u ' en France la lutte entre la classe capitaliste et la classe ouvrière rentre d a ns la phase q ue n o us appellerons anglaise, c'est-à-dire, p r e n a nt un caractère nettement 256 Adresse du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs tranché, les ouvriers devraient c o m p r e n d re q ue p o ur résister avec succès aux forces des capitalistes il faut q u ' un puissant lien d ' u n i on réunisse les différents m e m b r es de la c o m m u n a u té ouvrière. 5 10 L'Angleterre, occupée qu'elle était par le m o u v e m e nt réformiste, a laissé pour un m o m e nt de côté le m o u v e m e nt é c o n o m i q u e. M a is m a i n t e n a nt q ue ce m o u v e m e nt a cessé, q ue l ' e n q u ê te sur les trades' unions fait r é n u m é r a tion et la constatation des forces de la classe ouvrière, n o us p e n s o ns q ue l'heure est venue p o ur q ue toutes les sociétés ouvrières c o m p r e n n e nt n o t re utilité. Déjà, à plusieurs reprises, dans des r é u n i o ns de délégués de la classe ouvrière, le rôle de notre association a été apprécié à sa j u s te valeur et un grand n o m b re de sociétés se sont déjà fondues dans notre sein. L ' A n gleterre, grâce à la puissante organisation q ue possède la classe ouvrière est appelée à être un de nos plus fermes appuis. Les Etats-Unis s e m b l e nt avoir acquis u ne nouvelle j e u n e s se d a ns la 15 guerre sanglante qu'ils v i e n n e nt de traverser : la classe ouvrière s'est déjà centralisée et a exercé son action sur le g o u v e r n e m e nt bourgeois, q ui règne sur l ' A m é r i q ue et a forcé plusieurs législatures d'Etat à accepter le bill de huit heures de travail. A l'occasion de l'élection du prochain président les différents partis politiques ont été obligés de faire leur profession de foi : le 20 parti radical par la b o u c he de W a d e, président du Sénat, a r e c o n nu la n é cessité de s'occuper avant tout et spécialement de la question du travail et du capital, et il s'est p r o n o n cé franchement pour u ne transformation de la propriété capitaliste et foncière. C o m me d a ns ce pays, la classe ouvrière jouit d ' u ne force d'organisation considérable, elle sera capable d'imposer 25 ses volontés. D a ns tous les pays civilisés à l'heure présente la classe ouvrière est en train de s'agiter et c'est dans les pays où l'industrie m a n u f a c t u r i è re est la plus développée, c o m me en A m é r i q ue et en Angleterre, q ue l'on trouve une organisation plus c o m p a c te de la classe ouvrière et u ne lutte p l us ar- 30 dente entre la classe bourgeoise et la classe ouvrière. En présence de la force du capital, la force individuelle h u m a i ne a dis paru, dans u ne m a n u f a c t u re l'ouvrier n'est plus q u ' un rouage de la m a chine. Pour q ue l'ouvrier put retrouver son individualité, il a dû s'unir, for m er des associations p o ur défendre son salaire, sa vie. J u s q u 'à a u j o u r d ' h ui 35 ces associations étaient restées locales, m a is le capital, grâce aux nouvelles inventions de l'industrie, voit sa force s'accroître tous les j o u rs ; aussi les associations nationales sont devenues d a ns un grand n o m b re de cas im puissantes : en é t u d i a nt les luttes de la classe ouvrière anglaise, on voit q ue pour résister à leurs ouvriers les patrons, tantôt font venir des ouvriers étrangers, tantôt font faire l'ouvrage dans des pays où la m a in d'oeuvre est à meilleur m a r c h é. En présence de cet état de choses, si la classe ouvrière 40 257 Karl Marx veut c o n t i n u er sa lutte avec q u e l q ue c h a n ce de succès, il faut q ue ces asso ciations nationales d e v i e n n e nt internationales. Q ue tous les ouvriers envisagent avec attention ce n o u v e au p o i nt de vue de la question, qu'ils considèrent q u ' en se r a n g e a nt sous n o t re bannière c'est leur p a in et celui de leurs enfants qu'ils défendent. N o u s, conseil général, en appelons à tous p o ur q ue le p r o c h a in congrès, q ui se tiendra le 2 septembre 1867 à L a u z a n n e, soit u ne éclatante manifes t a t i on de la classe ouvrière. « D ' a p r ès les règlements du p r e m i er congrès, c h a q ue b r a n c he a le pou voir d'envoyer un délégué au congrès. Les b r a n c h es c o m p t a nt plus de 500 m e m b r es p e u v e nt envoyer un délégué par c h a q ue 500 m e m b r es de sur plus. Les b r a n c h es q ui ne seraient pas assez riches p o ur envoyer un délégué peuvent s'adjoindre d'autres b r a n c h es p o ur contribuer à fournir les frais d ' un délégué q ui serait chargé de les représenter. » Les questions du congrès sont : 10 Quels sont les m o y e ns pratiques capables de r e n d re l'association inter nationale un centre c o m m un d'action p o ur la classe ouvrière (femelle et mâle) d a ns la lutte qu'elle soutient pour s'affranchir du joug du capital ? 2 0 C o m m e nt les classes ouvrières peuvent-elles utiliser p o ur leur émanci pation le crédit qu'elles d o n n e nt à la bourgeoisie et aux g o u v e r n e m e n ts ? Salut et fraternité : Secrétaires Correspondants : E . D u p o n t, p o ur la F r a n c e; K . M a r x, pour l ' A l l e m a g n e; Zabicki, pour la Pologne ; A . J u n g, p o ur la Suisse ; P . F o x, p o ur l ' A m é r i q ue ; Besson, pour la Belgique ; Carter, pour l'Italie ; P. Lafargue, p o ur l'Espagne ; H a n s e n, pour la H o l l a n de et p o ur le D a n e m a r k. G. Odger, président. G. Eccarius, vice-président. W. Dell, trésorier. Shaw, secrétaire-trésorier. Peter Fox, secrétaire-général. 16, Castle-street, Oxford-street. | 258 K a rl M a rx Le s t a t i s t i c i en O t to H ü b n er s ur la m i s è re de m a s se en A l l e m a g ne Le Courrier français. Nr. 81, 6. September 1867 Dans u ne circulaire q ue M. Otto H ü b n e r, directeur des Archives centrales statistiques (à Berlin), a adressé à ses électeurs pour le Reichstag, on lit : Le p e u p le est plus q ue surchargé. A part les fabriques des armes, presque toutes les industries sont paralysées. Des centaines de candidats affamés 5 briguent les plus petits emplois publics. D a ns les villes, le n o m b re des m a i sons inhabitées et des habitants, hors d'état de payer leurs logements, va croissant. D es terres et des m a i s o ns t o m b e nt en masse sous la subhasta- tion. Les m a i s o ns de charité sont assiégées par des vainqueurs estropiés et par des ouvriers sans travail. Partout la confiance d a ns le présent et d a ns l'avenir font défaut. Le b u d g et m ê me du plus pauvre lui d o n ne la leçon, qu'il paie déjà les services de l'Etat beaucoup plus cher qu'ils ne valent. 10 259 A N H A NG P r o t o k o l le u nd W i e d e r g a b en M a r x s c h er R e d en T he M i n u te B o ok of t he P r o v i s i o n al C e n t r al C o u n c il of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on O c t o b er 5, 1 8 64 to A u g u st 2 8, 1 8 66 M e e t i ng of t he C o m m i t t ee O c t o b er 5, 1 8 64 International Working Men's Association The first Meeting of the Committee elected by the Public Meeting held at St Mar tin's Hall on the 2 8th of September 1864 was held at 18 Greek St, Soho on October 5th 1864 and on the motion of Mr Weston seconded by Mr Whitlock Mr G. Odger was voted to the Chair. The Chairman said the first business was the appointment of a Secretary to the Committee when Dr Marx proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded that Mr Cremer be appointed. Mr Cremer would prefer the appointment of M Le Lubez who was he believed in every way qualified to fill the office, M Le Lubez having for various reasons de clined the office, Mr Cremer was unanimously elected. The next Question discussed was the Meeting nights of the Committee when several resolutions and amendments were proposed but ultimately on the motion of Mr Longmaid seconded by Mr Dell it was carried with one dissentient That untili the Association is in working order the Committee meet at 18 Greek St every Tuesday evening at 8 o'clock. A Question being asked as to the expenses of Meeting in the Room it was agreed to adjourn the consideration of that matter till the Council of the Universal League had decided on what terms they could allow us the use of the Room. The Question of the rate of Contributions was then discussed when Mr Noble proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded, That for the present the rate of Contributions for the Committee be Is per Quar ter but that further voluntary Contribution be accepted ||[2]| from any Member or Friend. As an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Mr Longmaid seconded, That the preliminary expenses of the Committee be defrayed by voluntary Con tributions from members of the Committee and other Friends— For amendment 6—For Resolution 14—Carried. A Subscription of 3 Guineas was then made by the members present and on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Blackmore Mr G. Wheeler was unanimously elected Treasurer to the Committee— 267 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the 1. W. M. A. M Le Lubez then proposed Mr Whitlock seconded and it was unanimously agreed to that the following be added to the Committee: Vasbenter, Morrissot, Jourdain, Leroux, Bordage, Aldovrandi. On the motion of Major Wolff seconded by Mr Holtorp M Setacci, Mr Carter and Professor Beesly were added to the General Committee. The Question of appoint ing Secretaries to the different nationalities represented on the Committee was then discussed and on the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Major Wolff M Le Lubez was unanimously elected corresponding Secretary for France. On the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Dr Marx M Holtorp was elected corresponding secretary for Poland. 10, Dr Marx stated that the German Working Men's Association would elect a corre sponding Secretary for Germany. Major Wolff made a similar statement with regard to the Italian Working Men's Association. A long discussion then took place with regard to the election of a General Honor- 15 ary Secretary and the position he should occupy in relation to the Secretaries of the various nationalities and on the motion of Mr Wheeler seconded by Major Wolff Mr Cremer ||[3]| was unanimously elected Honorary General Secretary. Mr Cremer stated he would have preferred the election of M Le Lubez who was in every way qualified to occupy so important a post but as M Le Lubez positively declined he 20 Mr Cremer would accept it untili the Association had adopted a platform of princi ples, framed their Laws, and fairly started. He should then resign the office— A very long and animated discussion then took place with regard to the princi ples on which the Association should be based and ultimately on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Trimlett a Sub Committee of 9 were appointed to draw up a 25 platform of principles such principles to be discussed at the next meeting of the General Committee, The following were then elected as the Sub Committee, Messrs Whitlock, Weston, Dr Marx, M Le Lubez, Major Wolff, M Holtorp and Mr Pid- geon, The Chairman and Secretary to be members by virtue of their offices. The Meeting then adjourned to Tuesday October 1 1th 1864. 30 President W.R. C r e m er Hon General Secretary/ 268 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [1]. Handschrift von William Randall Cremer und einem unbekannten Schreiber M e e t i ng of t he S u b c o m m i t t ee O c t o b er 8, 1 8 64 /[3]/ Sub Committee Meeting held at 80 White Cross St October 8 1864 Present, Major Wolff, M Le Lubez, Messrs Odger, Cremer and Weston, Mr Odger in the Chair— 5 Mr Weston brought forward and read a paper which he had drawn up as a declar ation of principles, A very long discussion took place regarding the principles | I [4] I set forth in the paper and it was ultimately decided on the motion of M Le Lu bez seconded by Major Wolff, 10 That Mr Weston be requested to abridge and alter his paper and that it be then recommended by the Sub to the General Committee as the programme of the asso ciation. Major Wolff then proposed and Mr Cremer seconded the following resolution That this Committee suggests as the basis of its operations the promotion of the Moral, Intellectual and Economical Progress of the Working Classes of Europe by coming to an understanding with the various Working Men's Associations all over Europe in order to obtain unity of purpose and unity of action, the two great means of arriving at the above named results. C a r r i ed U n a n i m o u s l y. 15 Major Wolff then read the rales of the Italian Working Men's Association who have for some time been endeavouring throughout Italy to unite into one Fraternal 20 Bond the various Working Men's Associations— The rules were highly approved by the Committee and on the motion of Mr Cremer seconded by M Le Lubez it was decided to recommend them to the General Committee for their adoption. 25 M Le Lubez then proposed and Cremer seconded That we recommend to the General Committee to fix the rate of Contribution at a sh. a year for Individuals and that for such sum each member be presented with a card and that the rate of Contribution from organised bodies be as low as it can pos sibly be made. Resolution carried unanimously. Adjourned. 30 President W. R. C r e m er Honorary Gen Secretary | 271 M e e t i ng of t he C o m m i t t ee O c t o b er 1 1, 1 8 64 I[5]I General Committee Meeting October 11 1864 The minutes of the former meeting having been read, on the motion of Mr Dell sec onded by M Le Lubez they were passed as correct. The Secretary then read the Minutes of the Sub Committee held on the 8th which Minutes were generally approved and Mr Weston read the paper he had at the rec ommendation of the Sub Committee abridged, and which he believed would serve the Association as a platform of principles. A very long discussion took place on the contents of the paper and Major Wolff having at the request of the Committee brought forward and read the rules of the Italian Working Men's Association, it was ultimately decided on the motion of Mr Carter seconded by Mr Wheeler— That the paper read by Mr Weston and the rules as read by Major Wolff be re ferred back to the Subcommittee for revision. Mr Dell then proposed and Mr Hart- well seconded That the best thanks of the Committee be given to Major Wolff and Mr Weston for the abilities they have displayed, Mr Weston in drawing up the paper and Major Wolff in translating into English the Rules of the Italian Working Men's Associa tion. C a r r i ed U n a n i m o u s l y. Mr Cremer then proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded That persons becoming members of this Association shall pay not less than Is per annum and that the rate of contribution for organised bodies be hereafter determined. C a r r i ed U n a n i m o u s l y. It was then discussed as to what should be the name of the Association and Mr Wheeler proposed and Mr Leno seconded That the Subcommittee be deputed to enquire into and report to this Committee as to the advisability of merging this Association into the Universal League. | |[6]| Mr Leno said as the objects sought by both Associations were almost synony mous it would be far better to unite them and thereby unite their efforts. As an amendment Mr Whitlock proposed and Mr Eccarius seconded That the name of the Association be the International Working Men's Associa tion. For the Amendment 16 for Resolution 4. 272 Meeting of the Committee October 11, 1864 The Association is therefore entitled the International Working Men's Associa t i o n- It having been stated that Major Wolff was about to visit Naples and would at tend the Working Men's Congress about being held in that City, Mr Cremer pro posed and M Le Lubez seconded That Major Wolff be deputed to enquire of the Italian Working Men through their deputies in Congress assembled if they are willing to enter into a fraternal bond with the Working Men of the other countries of the world and if they are on what basis such bond should be established. C a r r i ed U n a n i m o u s l y. The Secretary was instructed to forward to Major Wolff Credentials from this Committee. The following were then added to the general Committee M Rybczinski proposed by M Holtorp seconded by Mr Fox M Talandier proposed by Major Wolff seconded by Mr Fox M G. Nusperli proposed by M Le Lubez seconded by M Bordage Mr G. P. Fontana proposed by Major Wolff seconded by Mr Lama Mr J. R. Taylor proposed by Wheeler seconded by Whitlock and on the motion of Major Wolff seconded by M Le Lubez Mr M. G. Nusperli was elected corresponding Secretary for Switzerland. The meeting then adjourned to October 18 1864. I. G. ECCARIUS, V. President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 273 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 1 8, 1 8 64 |[7]| Central Council Meeting October 18, 1864 The President being absent on important business, on the motion of Mr Weston seconded by Mr Fox—Mr Eccarius was elected to take the Chair—and the minutes of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Fox seconded by Holtorp— 5 Mr Wolff of Luxembourg was then elected a Member of the Council on the prop osition of Lubez seconded by Bordage. Mr Taylor then referred to his position in connection with the Universal League and this Council but having been called to order by the Chairman, Mr Taylor stated his intention to (for the present) withdraw from the Council— 10 M Le Lubez then read the programme and Rules which the Sub Committee had agreed to submit to the Gen Council. After the reading of the above a long discus sion took place, Mr Worley objecting to the statement that the Capitalist was op posed to the Laborer—he also ridiculed the Idea of the French supplanting English Workman or vice versa. 15 Mr Carter in some pertinent remarks replied to Mr Worley as did M Le Lubez, Dr Marx and others after which Mr Cremer proposed Marx seconded That the programme as read by Le Lubez be adopted— As an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Weston seconded to strike out the Words—Capital and Land in the hands of the few— For the Amendment 2, for the Resolution 12— Mr Fontana then proposed Lama seconded that the substance of the programme 20 be accepted. Carried Unanimously. Mr Fox on the motion of Mr Fontana seconded by Wheeler was added to the Sub Committee who were instmcted to put into a definite form the Preamble and Rules 25 and submit the same to the next Meeting of the Central Council— A Letter was read from Mr Facey announcing his resignation as a Member of the Central Council. A Letter was also ||[8]| read from Major Wolff explaining a misun derstanding which had arisen from his having opposed the election of M Sassinari, the explanation was considered satisfactory. 30 Mr Morgan on the proposition of Mr Carter seconded by Wheeler was elected on the Central Council— 274 Meeting of the Central Council October 18, 1864 The Meeting then adjourned to November 1s t. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / [Auszug aus The Bee-H i ve Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 158, 22. Oktober 1864 Mr. Cremer then read several letters from foreign workmen, congratulating the asso ciation on its formation, and promising their hearty co-operation in carrying out its objects—the solidarity of the interests of labour. 275 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 1, 1 8 64 / [ 8 ]/ Central Council Meeting Nov'r 1st 1864 Mr G. Odger in the Chair. The Minutes of the former meeting were confirmed as read—on the proposition of Lubez seconded by Eccarius—The following were elected on the CC Mr Side proposed by Whitlock seconded by Cremer Mr Pfander proposed by Marx seconded by Eccarius Mr Lessner proposed by Marx seconded by Eccarius Mr Jung proposed by Nusperli seconded by Lubez Mr Dick proposed by Blackmore seconded by Carter Mr Merriman proposed by Dell seconded by Blackmore Mr Grossmith proposed by Dell seconded by Blackmore Mr Dupont proposed by Lubez seconded by Carter. Dr Marx then read the Preamble, Address and Rules which the Sub Committee had definitely agreed on and which they recommended to the CC for adoption. Mr Whitlock thought some explanation (in the form of a foot note) should be given as to the terms Nitrogen and Carbon. Messrs Carter, Grossmith and others spoke in favor of the address— Mr Whitlock proposed Mr Carter seconded That the address do pass as read- As an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Mr Wheeler seconded That the word Profltmongers be erased— For amendment 11 for resolution |¡[9]¡ 10, the amendment being carried the word Profltmongers was struck out and the address was unanimously agreed to. Dr Marx then read the preamble and on the motion of Mr Wheeler seconded by Blackmore it was Carried Unanimously. The Rules were then discussed and on the proposition of Mr Dell seconded by Whitlock the Preamble, Address and Rules were unanimously agreed to—Mr Wheeler then proposed and Mr Dell seconded That the thanks of the CC be given to Dr Marx, Mr Weston and M Le Lubez for their exertions and the production of so admirable an address. Carried Unani mously. 276 Meeting of the Central Council November 1, 1864 The question of printing the Rules was adjourned to the next Meeting. The Council then adjourned to November 8t h. J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 160, 5. November 1864 Mr. Cremer, the secretary, reported the proceedings since last meeting with respect to communicating with various organisations of working men throughout England, as to the propriety of joining the association, which were generally of an encourag ing character. Mr. Le Lubez, secretary of the French section, read a very interesting letter from M. Tolain, of Paris, on behalf of the French workmen, congratulating the English committee on the progress they were making, and stating that active steps were being taken throughout France and Switzerland, in forming branches of the association in the principal towns of these countries. The secretaries of the German and Italian sections read similar letters from associations of workmen in those countries, the latter stating that during the past week delegates from upwards of 400 working men's associations in Italy had been sitting in congress at Naples, where a representative from the English association, Mr. Wolff, had been in attend ance, and who would report the result of the congress at the next meeting. 277 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 8, 1 8 64 /[9]/ Central Council Meeting November 8th 1864. Mr Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting on the motion of Mr Fox seconded by Mr Holtorp were confirmed, The Secretary read a letter from Professor Beesly respectfully declining to serve on the Committee, also from M Talandier thanking the Committee for electing him a member and wishing to know if he could remain a member without taking part in or attending the Meetings as the distance he lived from London would prevent his doing so, a Letter was also read from M Bocquet asking the same question. The following were then elected on the Central Council Mr George Lochner proposed by Marx seconded by Carter Mr William Kaub proposed by Marx seconded by Carter Mr Bolleter proposed by Holtorp seconded by Fontana Mr Austin Holyoake proposed by Mr Fox seconded by Weston. Dr Marx proposed Mr Jung seconded that any person not ||[10]| being able to at tend the Meetings cannot be a member of this Council. Dr Marx called attention to the reports in the Morning Star and Bee-Hive of the last Meeting and complained that in such reports one of the fundamental principles of the Association viz, Truth, had been violated, he also complained of the Address having been published with out the sanction of the Committee. The Secretary explained that he had nothing to do with the reports at which he was very much surprised, he believed Mr Hartwell had supplied the reports in ques tion. To obviate the recurrence of such erroneous reports Dr Marx proposed Mr Fon tana seconded that the Sec purchase a Manifold writer and that for the future all re ports for the Press be sent through the Secretary. Mr Aldovrandi proposed and Mr Carter seconded that Dr Marx be requested to correct the typographical errors in the Address and that 500 Copies of the Address, Programme and Rules be printed. Carried Unanimously, Mr Dick proposed Dr Marx seconded that the question of Cards be left till the next meeting. Mr Morgan proposed Mr Weston seconded that all members be summoned to 278 Meeting of the Central Council November 8, 1864 the next meeting and that those who do not attend or apologise for their absence be considered as wishing to withdraw from the Council. Carried Unanimously, Mr Cremer gave notice of his intention of calling the attention of the Committee to the advisability of providing a home for the Association. The Meeting then ad journed. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 161, 12. November 1864 Mr. Cremer, the secretary, read a mass of correspondence relating to the movement of a most interesting and encouraging character. The preamble and general rules of the association read at the last meeting having been confirmed, the bye laws were taken into consideration, and considerable dis cussion ensued thereon previous to adoption. The two most important were the fol lowing:—"That persons residing in any part of England can join the association, but that no member can be elected upon the General Committee who is unable to attend its meetings and assist in its deliberations." "That the subscription to the as sociation in England shall for the present be Is. per annum, for which a card of membership will be given." 279 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 1 5, 1 8 64 |[11]| Central Council Meeting November 15 1864 Mr Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting having been read were confirmed on the mo tion of Mr Weston seconded by Whitlock. The Secretary read letters from several members apologising for their non-attend ance, a long discussion took place regarding absent members of the Council who re side too far away to allow them to attend its meetings. A Resolution proposed by Mr Whitlock seconded by Mr Dick to elect them corresponding Members of the Committee was ultimately withdrawn with the understanding that as the present Committee was merely provisional in its character that all who had been elected on it should remain but that no new member should be elected who resided at such a distance as to preclude him from attending the Meetings. Mr Cremer then proposed M Le Lubez seconded that 1,000 Address and Rules be printed. Carried Unanimously, Mr Dick proposed that the design for the cards be referred to the Sub Committee and that 1,000 be printed. A long discussion then took place with regard to the terms on which organised Bodies should be received into the Association and ultimately on the motion of Dr Marx seconded by Mr Blackmore the question was adjourned to the next meet ing. Mr Cremer then brought forward a plan to provide a home for the Association which was agreed to be referred to the Sub Committee— The Secretary then stated that as he had only accepted office till the Rules had been framed and adopted and such having been done he ||[12]| now tendered his resignation, the meeting having refused to accept the resignation. Mr Blackmore proposed Mr Whitlock seconded, That Mr Cremer be requested still to continue office till after the assembling of the Congress. Carried Unanimously. Mr Cremer would have preferred that the Meeting had elected another but he would accept it on the condition viz that it was to be an honorary position, Mr Weston proposed Mr Longmaid seconded a vote of thanks to the Bee-Hive for the insertion of the Address, Rules etc. Carried Unanimously. 280 Meeting of the Central Council November 15, 1864 Mr Dick proposed Mr Whitlock seconded, that M Le Lubez be elected assistant secretary. Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned to November 22. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 280.13-14] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 162, 19. November 1864 The address and rules of the association, agreed to at the last meeting, were ordered to be printed for circulation, and to be signed by the whole of the members of the general committee. 281 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 2, 1 8 64 / [ 1 2 ]/ Central Council Meeting November 22/64 Mr Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the mo tion of Dr Marx seconded by Mr Dell. The following were then elected on the Cen tral Council Mr Buckley proposed by Dell seconded by Shaw Mr Lake proposed by Dell seconded by Shaw M Solustri proposed by Fontana seconded by Setacci L. Otto proposed by Eccarius seconded by Dr Marx. Some correspondence was then read from Major Wolff and Mr Joshua Wood, Mr Dick proposed Mr Dell seconded That the Bee-Hive be made the organ of the Association. C a r r i ed U n a n i m o u s l y. Mr Cremer then brought forward his mo tion regarding a Home for the Association and he proposed that three Trustees be elected to take a Home for the Association. Carried Unanimously. | |[13]| The following were then elected as Trustees Mr G. Wheeler proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Mr Fontana Mr W. Dell proposed by Dr Marx seconded by Mr Fox Mr Weston proposed by Jung seconded by Lubez. Mr Morgan then proposed and Mr Dick seconded that the Sub Committee be empowered to take suitable premises as a Home for the Association and that the members of the Council be recommended to give to the Trustees a small personal guarantee securing them against any loss. Carried Unanimously, The following members of the Committee then gave guarantees for the following sums £ s d Dr Marx 0 0 2 Mr Cremer 0 10 0 0 10 0 Fox Eccarius 0 10 0 Holtorp 0 10 0 Rybczinski 0 10 0 Mr Howell Leroux Lama Setacci Carter Fontana £ s d 5 0 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 0 2 2 30 '-;> Meeting of the Central Council November 22, 1864 Jung Lubez If] Μ Id] 1 1 0 0 0 0 Bolleter Lessner Otto Morgan Kaub Dick 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 10 10 10 10 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dr Marx proposed Mr Wheeler seconded That organised bodies of Working Men be invited to join this Association in their cooperative capacity, the amount of their contributions to be left to their means and discretion—Dr Marx proposed Mr Wheeler seconded— That societies joining this Association shall have the ||[14]| Power to elect a re­ presentative to sit on the Central Council, the Council reserving to itself the power to accept or reject such Delegates. Carried Unanimously— The following were then elected as Vice Presidents of the Central Council Mr Eccarius proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Dr Marx Mr Setacci proposed by Mr Wheeler seconded by Fontana. The following were also elected as deputies to visit organised bodies of Workmen Mr Jung proposed by Mr Lubez seconded by Dr Marx Kaub proposed by Jung seconded by Fox Fontana proposed by Wheeler seconded by Lubez Morgan proposed by Jung seconded by Lubez Le Lubez proposed by Wheeler seconded by Fontana Howell proposed by Wheeler seconded by Le Lubez Weston proposed by Jung seconded by Eccarius. Dr Marx proposed Mr Howell seconded that Mr L. Otto be authorised to corre­ spond in the name of this Association with the friends of progress in Spain. Carried Unanimously, Mr Dick proposed Mr Howell seconded that an address of congratulation for the re-election of Mr Lincoln be presented by this council to the People of America and that the Sub Committee do prepare the same. Carried Unanimously, Mr. Wheeler then proposed Mr Fontana seconded that Messrs Carter and Howell be added to the Sub Committee. Carried Unanimously, The Meeting then adjourned to the 29t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 283 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 282.11-12 und 283.12-14] The Bee-Hive Newspaper Nr. 163, 26. November 1864 M. Le Lubez brought up the report of the Sub-Committee, which recommended that the Bee-Hive be made the special organ of the association, and that the mem bers take up shares in the same. After some discussion, on the motion of Mr. Dick, seconded by Mr. Dell it was unanimously decided "That the Bee-Hive be the organ of the association, and that the members be recommended to take up shares." 1-] It was also decided that societies in London who join the association shall have the power to elect a representative to sit on the Central Council, the Council reserv ing to itself the power to receive or reject such representative. With regard to socie ties in the provinces who may join, it was decided that they should have the power to elect a corresponding member of the association. 284 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 9, 1 8 64 J[15]| Central Council Meeting November 2 9 / 64 The President in the Chair. The minutes of the former meeting having been read Mr Eccarius proposed Less- ner seconded their confirmation. Carried Unanimously, The following were then added to the Council: Mr D. Cornelius, Mr Thos Smales, and Mr Petersen on the motion of Mr Eccarius seconded by Mr Lessner, Mr Alexander Schantzenbach pro posed by Holtorp seconded by Rybczinski, Dr G. Bagnagatti proposed by Fontana seconded by Lama, Mr Hopkin Williams proposed by Mr Weston seconded by Mr Fox. The following resolution was then proposed by Dr Marx seconded by Mr Fontana and Carried Unanimously—That no one be elected on the CC who has not previ ously paid his Annual Subscription as a Member of this Association— Dr Marx then brought up the report of the Sub Committee, also a draft of the address which had been drawn up for presentation to the People of America con gratulating them on their having re-elected Abraham Lincoln as President. The address is as follows and was unanimously agreed to. |[16]| A long discussion then took place as to the mode of presenting the address and the propriety of having an MP with the Deputation, this was strongly opposed by many Members who said Working Men should rely on themselves and not seek for extraneous aid. The Sec stated he had corresponded with the American Minister and he the Sec had no doubt that if Mr Adams was asked that he would appoint a time to receive the deputation. It was then proposed by Whitlock seconded by Ec carius and Carried Unanimously—That the Sec correspond with the United States Minister asking him to appoint a time for receiving the deputation, such deputation to consist of the Members of the CC. Mr Wheeler proposed Le Lubez seconded, that the names of all those who are present be appended to the Address, also those who are absent and are willing to endorse the views set forth in the Address; Question of Members' Cards. Mr Lubez proposed Mr Lama seconded that 1000 Cards be printed and that Id each be charged for them. Carried Unanimously. 285 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Mr Fox then brought forward the following Resolutions which were seconded by Mr Wheeler spoken to by Mr Holtorp and unanimously adopted— Resolved that the Polish War of Independence was made in the general interests of the peoples of Europe that in its defeat the cause of civilization and human Prog ress suffered a severe shock, 2nd That Poland has an unimpeachable claim upon the leading nations of Europe to contribute by every necessary means towards the res toration of her National Sovereignty. Mr Fox also proposed that an Address from the British section of the Central Council be drawn up and presented to the Polish People— It was referred to the Sub Committee ||[17]] to prepare such Address, The Meet ing then adjourned till Dec'r 13. J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary/ [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 285.13-15 und 286.1-7] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 164, 3. Dezember 1864 The sub-committee brought up the draft of an address of congratulation to Mr. Lin coln, on his re-election as President of the United States, and to the people of the North for their determination to persevere in the present struggle until slavery was entirely abolished on the American Continent. Mr. P. Fox, reminding the meeting that the day (Nov. 29) was the anniversary of the Polish insurrection of 1830, then brought forward the following resolutions:— "That the Polish war of independence of 1830-1 was made in the general inter ests of the people of Europe; and that in its defeat the cause of civilisation and hu man progress suffered a severe defeat. That Poland has an unimpeachable claim upon the leading nations of Europe binding them to contribute by every necessary measure towards the restoration of her national sovereignty." Mr. Wheeler seconded the adoption of the resolutions, which was supported by Dr. Marx, Mr. Holtorp, and others. 286 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 1 3, 1 8 64 /[17]/ Central Council Meeting Dec 13 1864 f Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the former meeting having been read on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Whitlock were confirmed, The following was then elected on the 5 Central Council Mr Hansen proposed by Bolleter seconded by Lessner— The Secretary stated that he had corresponded with Mr Adams the United States Minister and had arranged with his Secretary for the Council to present the Address on Tuesday next the 20th inst. at 6 o'clock in the evening, Mr Le Lubez proposed •·'- 10 and Mr Whitlock seconded—That the Council meet on Tuesday evening next at 18 Greek St at 6 o'clock in the Evening. Carried Unanimously— Dr Marx proposed and Mr Dell seconded that Mr Whitlock be elected Financial Secretary. Carried Unanimously— ig*- us-15 *;V' ' ψ-:·' & ί ; dí- 20 Mr Fox then read the Address which he proposed should be adopted by the Brit- ish section of the Association and then transmitted to the National Government of Poland, a long discussion took place consequent on certain statements contained in the Address and which statements were opposed by Mr Jung, Le Lubez, Dr Marx and supported by Mr Carter. Mr Fox replied defending the statement that the tradi- tional Foreign Policy of France had been favourable to the restoration and Indepen­ dence of Poland, Mr Cremer thought it important that the truth of this statement should be ||[18]| ascertained and would propose that the further consideration of the address be deferred till the next Meeting. Mr Morgan seconded the motion. Carried Unanimously. Κρι Mr Cremer proposed that during the ensuing Holidays a festive gathering of the 25 members and Friends be held to celebrate the foundation of the International Asso- ciation and that for the purpose of carrying out the foregoing a Committee of 3 be appointed to make enquiries and report to the next meeting. Carried Unanimously. Messrs Fontana, Bolleter and Cremer were elected as the Committee— Mr Fontana then stated he had been deputed by the Italian Working Men's Asso- 'ϊ&»30 ciation in London which Association numbered about 350 Members, to ask for their admission into the association, and he could also state the Band of that Asso­ ciation would attend the festive gathering—Mr Bolleter stated he had no doubt the 287 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. German Chorus would also attend, Mr Whitlock proposed and Le Lubez seconded, that the Italian Working Men's Association be admitted as Members of the Interna* tional Association. Carried Unanimously. The meeting then adjourned. John W e s t on Vice President pro tem W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 5i, [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 287.14-20] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 166, 17. Dezember 1864 Mr. Fox then brought up the address from the British Section of the Association to the National Government of Poland, when a very long and animated discussion took place, in which the following members took part:—Messrs. Le Lubez, Holtorp, Cremer, Marx, Carter, Weston, Jung, the latter opposing a statement set forth in the address, viz., that the traditional foreign policy of France had been favourable to the restoration and independence of Poland. Karl Marx, and M. Le Lubez also agreeing that while the foreign policy of France had appeared to favour such an ob ject, in reality it had not, especially during the time of the first Napoleon, when the Poles had been used for his military ambition, and then cast aside. 10 is: 288 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 2 0, 1 8 64 / [ 1 8 ]/ Central Council Meeting Dec'r 20 1864 5 Mr Weston in the Chair—The minutes of the previous meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Fontana. A discussion took place as to the Soiree, the Sub Committee having reported the price of Halls and Mr Le Lubez proposed Mr Fontana seconded that the ||[19]j Soiree be held in Cambridge Hall Newman St, on Monday Evening Jan'y 9t h, the price of admission to be a shilling to Tea and 6d after Tea—Mr Cremer read a Letter from Mr Adams the United States minister suggesting that the Address to President Lincoln be sent to him Mr Adams instead of being brought—Dr Marx proposed Mr Fontana sec- ID onded That the Secretary send the Address to Mr Adams. Mr Worley proposed Mr Wheeler seconded that Mr Adams be again appealed to to receive the Deputa tion—For Amendment 5 for resolution 13. Mr Fox then resumed his defence of the Address to the Polish National Government and in an able address contended for the truth of the assertions therein contained, after some discussion it was agreed to adjourn the question till the next Meeting. The Meeting then adjourned to Thurs day Dec'r 29. 15 J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 289 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 2 9, 1 8 64 / [ 1 9 ]/ Central Council Meeting Dec'r. 29-1864 Mr Eccarius in the Chair— The minutes of the previous meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Le Lubez— The question of cards of membership was then discussed and it was ultimately agreed that the cards being so badly executed they should be returned to the printer, The Soiree was then discussed and on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Fox it was agreed to invite Messrs Beales, Beesly and Harrison, also that the Secre tary send ||[20]| cards of invitation to the Editors of the Weekly Papers, it having been stated that the Italian Band could not attend on the 9t h, it was agreed to post pone the Soiree till the 16th of January. Mr Fox stated in the absence of Dr Marx he should defer any discussion on the address to the National Government of Poland. A long and desultory discussion then took place on the propriety of the Associa tion taking up the question of the Suffrage and ultimately Mr Cremer gave notice of his intention to move at the first opportunity that the council deem it desirable to agitate for the complete Suffrage. It was then agreed that the Council for the future meet on Tuesday Evening, Thursday being too late for the Press, the meeting then adjourned to Tuesday Jan'y 3/65. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 290 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 3, 1 8 65 /[20]/ Central Council Meeting Jan'y 3rd 1865 Mr Eccarius in the Chair—The Secretary read the minutes of the former meeting which were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Dr Marx. Dr Marx handed in a German translation of the Address and Rules of the Association and stated that 50,000 Copies had been circulated in Germany, he also stated that a Branch of the Association was being formed in Switzerland— " A discussion then took place with regard to the non-appearance in the Bee-Hive of the address to Mr Lincoln and the following was then proposed by Mr Buckley seconded by Mr Odger, that the Editor of the Bee-Hive ||[21]| be written to request- 10 ing him to publish the Address in the next issue— Carried Unanimously. Mr Fontana then handed in the following Address To the Central Council of the International Working Men's Association— Friends, The Association instituted for mutual progression amongst the Italian 15 Working Men residing in London give their full approbation to your aims and method. * They enter your compact and pledge themselves to the fulfilment of the duties contained in it.—A bond of union has been formerly established in the recent Working Men's Congress at Naples between most of the Italian Working Men's As- sociations.—A central direction has been elected and we have no doubt that what we now do, will be done at no distant period by that central direction for the bulk of our Italian confederate Brothers. To establish a general practical brotherhood, a general unity of aim amongst the Working Men of all nations, to promote every where and on the same basis their moral, intellectual and economical improve- -' ment, to embrace according to opportunities afforded all the important Questions • -r affecting the condition of Working Men, from taxation, electoral reform and politi cal rights to mutual relief societies, cooperation, and educational institutions (for this must be your aim), is no doubt a bold attempt fraught with difficulties requir- , ing time and a persisting unconquerable activity on our part, still it is a grand moral •» fe;' 291 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. and truly religious aim. It elevates our tastes from the inferior narrow ground of lo cal interests to the higher ||[22]| principle of common aspirations for general inter ests, it points out the dawning of a new era which will cancel inequalities, compul sory ignorance, the present wages system, and [promote] the substitution of equal duties and rights for all, true national education and the Association system for producing and consuming— It is the thing to be attempted and therefore we do join you, may our union last for ever, The Council of the Italian Working Men's Association of mutual prog ress—D. Lama, President, G. P. Fontana, C Setacci, Vice Presidents, A. Vaccani, Treasurer, G. Geninazzi, F. Fenili, F. Solustri, Glutini, Bil- ioschy, Velati, Councillors—D G. Bagnagatti, Secretary— After the reading of the above Dr Marx resumed the adjourned debate on the Ad dress which it is proposed to send to the National Government of Poland, and in a very able historical resumé argued that the traditional foreign policy of France had not been favourable to the restoration and independence of Poland. The Address of Dr Marx was pregnant with important historical facts which would be very valuable in a published form. Mr Fox in reply stated he did not defend the foreign policy of modem France, all he contended for was that the foreign policy of old France had been favourable to the Independence of Poland. The following was then proposed by Mr Jung seconded by Le Lubez and unani mously adopted That the views expressed in the Address concerning the French foreign policy towards Poland not being borne out by historical facts, that it be amended ||[23]| so as to accord with the truths of history. It was then unanimously agreed to invite Messrs Beesly, Beales and Harrison to the Soiree which is to be held on the 16th inst. The Meeting then adjourned to Jan'y 10t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 169, 7. Januar 1865 Mr. Eccarius also stated two German Working Men's Societies would, he believed, shortly join the association. 292 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1 0, 1 8 65 / [ 2 3 ]/ Central Council Meeting Jan'y 10th 1865 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by M Le Lubez— The following address from the three German Working Men's Societies in Lon don was then read by the Secretary To the Central Council of the Working Men's International Association- Fellow Workmen,—The, Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, 2, Nassau street, Soho, at a general meeting, held on the 4th January, 1865, and attended by the delegates of the two kindred societies in the East and South of London, passed the following resolution:—"That the three societies, the Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, the Teutonia, and the Eintracht, as an affiliated body, join the International Working Men's Association as one society." The Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein was founded on February 7th, 1840, and is consequently a quarter of a century old. During the first years of its existence it was in constant communication with the Socialists and Chartists of this country. From 1846 to 1848 the French Social- Democratic Society, the Fraternal Democrats, and this society, were united under the same roof. It was by means of these international communications that this so ciety was enabled to fulfil a great mission—that of propagating amongst the Ger man working men those principles and ideas which agitated England and France at a time when all public discussion of social and political questions was next to im possible within the confines of the German Confederation. We have thus acted as interpreters between the east and west of Europe; we have contributed our mite to wards removing the delusion amongst the working men of Germany, that Constitu tional Government and the rule of the capitalists are synonymous with the welfare of the people. We hail with joy the prospect of an enduring international union be tween the too long estranged working classes of the different countries of Europe, being convinced that nothing but the combined action of the working men of the whole of civilised Europe will ever be able to resist the combined action of all the oppressors of Europe. 293 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. On behalf of the Eintracht, W. Vogt, L. Loeber, O. P. Kessler. On behalf of the Teutonia, Α. Klinker, Α. Lorenz, H. Konter. Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, Gocht, President; P. Van Hofen, Secretary; Schmelzer, Treasurer. It was then proposed by Mr. Whitlock, seconded by Mr. Le Lubez, and carried, "That the three German Societies, having subscribed to the principles of the Inter­ national Association, be admitted as affiliated societies, and the delegates from them take their seats as members of the central council." A deputation from the National League for the Independence of Poland, and re­ presentatives of the National Government of Poland, were then received, their ob­ ject being to consult the central council as to the propriety of holding a public meeting to commemorate the Polish Revolution of 1863. Mr. E.Beales, on behalf of the National League, and Captain K. Bobczynski, as a representative of the Polish National Government, addressed the meeting, followed by Messrs. Fox, Dell, Whit­ lock, Holtorp, Eccarius, Le Lubez, Jung, Cremer, Bolleter, and Carter, all agreeing that the independence of Poland was of paramount importance to the peace and liberties of Europe. It was then proposed by Mr.Lucraft, seconded by Mr. Eccarius, and unanimously adopted, "That should the Polish committee call the meeting, this association pledges itself to assist by all means in its power the commemoration of the glorious, though unsuccessful, Revolution of 1863." The sub-committee were appointed to act in conjunction with the Polish com­ mittee and the National League to carry out the above resolution. The Council adjourned to January 17th. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 294 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1 7, 1 8 65 |[24]| Central Council Meeting Jan'y 17t h, 1865 Mr Eccarius in the Chair—The Minutes of the previous Meeting having been read, Mr Holtorp complained that a protest he had made at the last Meeting was not in serted in the minutes. The Secretary said he had no recollection of Mr Holtorp hav ing made a specific or positive protest but if he wished it should be inserted in the next minutes, agreed to, The following is the protest referred to, That J. E. Holtorp do protest against Cap tain K. Bobczynski and his companions who attended the Meeting of the Council on Jan'y 10th as being the representatives of the Polish Democrats or of the National Government of Poland. Mr Wheeler proposed Mr Le Lubez seconded that the minutes with the protest added be confirmed. Carried Unanimously. Mr Lubez then proposed Mr Whitlock seconded That the best thanks of the Council be given to the German Chorus and the Italian Band for their attendance and performance at the Soiree. Carried Unanimously. Mr Jung proposed Mr Wheeler seconded That the Council thank the Ladies who assisted at the refreshment department. Carried Unanimously. Mr Fontana then proposed Mr Aldovrandi seconded that Mr Le Lubez be ap pointed provisional corresponding Secretary for Belgium. Mr Le Lubez reported that Mr Nusperli, Morgan, Odger and himself had at tended a Meeting at Greenwich on the previous Sunday evening and there was a prospect of a good Branch being established there. Mr Morgan having reported that several Shoemakers' societies would meet on the 3 0th of this month. | |[25]| Deputations were appointed to wait on them to ask them to join the Asso ciation. The Meeting then adjourned. J. G. Eccarius Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 295 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 2 4, 1 8 65 / [ 2 5 ]/ Central Council Meeting Jan'y 24th 1865 Mr Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting having been read were confirmed on the mo tion of Mr Dell seconded by Le Lubez— Correspondence was read from Switzerland in reply to a communication which Mr Jung had forwarded, by Dr Marx from the Compositors' Society of Berlin, also from the General German Working Men's Association both expressing their entire concurrence with the principles of the I.W.M.A. and regretting that there were Le gal impediments which prevented them from becoming affiliated Members of the Association but promising to send representatives to the Congress. Dr Marx also read a very interesting Letter from the Military Commander of St Louis, and a Letter from M Tolain having reference to the position they occupied in Paris in relation to I. W. M. A. A discussion then took place concerning certain statements or rumours in regard to M Tolain and.it was agreed that before any Cards of Membership were sent to Paris that the truth of such rumours should be investigated, the following was then elected on the C. C. Mr Thomas Donatti proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Odger. Dr Marx then proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded That nominations for the CC shall be made at least a Week previous to the Election, such Election to take place in the absence of the Candidate and that the person to be elected shall before his Nomination have taken a Card of Membership. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned to Jan'y 3 1s t. J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | * 296 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 3 1, 1 8 65 |[26]| Central Council Meeting Jan'y 31st 1865 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Secretary read the Minutes of the former Meeting when Citizen Marx stated there was a slight error having reference to the German Working Men's Association. The error having been rectified the minutes were confirmed on the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Cit Fontana. A discussion then took place regarding the period when the subscriptions of Members should begin and end when Cit Marx proposed and Cit Whitlock sec onded That subscriptions begin on the First of January and end on the 3 1st of Decem ber—Cit Cremer then proposed and Cit Fontana seconded That those who have been elected Members of the CC who do not take up their cards of Membership by the 1st of March next shall after that date be considered as excluding themselves from the CC— The Secretary read a Letter from the American Embassy in reply to the address from the CC to Mr Lincoln, the reply was as follows Legation of the United States London 2 8th Jan'y 1865 Sir I am directed to inform you that the Address of the Central Council of your Asso ciation, which was duly transmitted through this Legation to the President of the United [States], has been received by him. So far as the sentiments expressed by it are personal they are accepted by him with a sincere and anxious desire that he may be able to prove himself not unwor thy of the confidence which has been recently extended to him by his fellow citi zens and by so many of the Friends of Humanity ||[27]| and Progress throughout the World. The Government of the United States has a clear consciousness that its policy neither is nor could be reactionary but at the same time it adheres to the course which it adopted at the beginning of abstaining everywhere from propagandism and unlawful intervention. It strives to do equal and exact justice to all States and to all 297 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. men and it relies upon the beneficial results of that effort for support at home and for respect and goodwill throughout the World. Nations do not exist for themselves alone, but to promote the welfare and happiness of mankind by benevolent inter course and example. It is in this relation that the United States regard their cause in the present conflict with Slavery, maintaining insurgents as the cause of Human Nature; and they derive new encouragement to persevere from the testimony of the Working Men of Europe that the national attitude is favoured with their enlight ened approval and earnest sympathies. I have the honor to be Sir W. R. Cremer Honorary Secretary of The International Workingmen's Association London Your obedient Servant Charles Francis Adams Cit Marx then read an extract from the St Louis Daily Press eulogistic of our Ad- 15 dress and Rules and expressing their regret ||[28]| at not being able to publish the whole. Cit Le Lubez read correspondence from Cit Fontaine the Secretary of the Univer sal Federation in Belgium, the communication stated that on the 1 1th of Feb'ry the Federation would decide as to joining the Association, it also stated the Address and Rules had been translated and circulated, and asked for 500 Cards of member ship. Cit Le Lubez proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Fontaine be the corre sponding Sec (pro tern) in Belgium. Carried Unanimously. . \ Ì It was then proposed by Cit Le Lubez seconded by Cit Marx that Citizens 2 Wheeler and Cremer be deputed to attend the Council of the Universal League to ascertain if the Sub Committee having been locked out of their Meeting place was by the authority or sanction of that Council. Cit Whitlock proposed and Blackmore seconded That a stamp be provided as the seal of the Association. Carried Unanimously. Citizens Kaub, Lessner, Eccarius, Le Lubez, Jung, Cremer reported their attend- ance on organized bodies, they had been every where courteously received and all had promised to further consider the Question— j j [ ..30j j i j The Secretary then introduced the question of the Suffrage stating there was an > j attempt being made to organise a Meeting for Manhood Suffrage and he thought 35 j ] the Council ought to watch the preliminary proceedings and for that purpose would j propose that a deputation be appointed to attend the preliminary Meeting which j will be shortly held. ||[29]| A long discussion took place in which Citizens Marx, Whitlock, Wheeler, Le Lubez, Carter took part, Cit Wheeler seconded the résolu- • j tion which was carried unanimously, the following were then elected as the deputa- •4 ¡ tion Citizens Carter, Eccarius, Odger, Lubez, Whitlock, Cremer, Wheeler and Dell. It being stated that Cit Dick a member of the CC was about leaving for New Zea land. 298 Meeting of the Central Council January 31, 1865 Cit Carter proposed Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Dick be appointed as corre sponding Secretary for that part of the world; the Meeting then adjourned to Feb'ry 7/65. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 298.16-18] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 173, 4. Februar 1865 Dr. Marx also read an extract from the St. Louis Daily Press (America) approving the address and rules of the International, and regretting their limited space would not allow the entire publication of the address, which, however, they printed in part, in proof of the deep interest which the association has excited. It may be mentioned that hundreds of cards have been sent for from Paris, Belgium, etc.; and, although in some places on the Continent working men are prohibited from openly associat ing together for such principles as the International has in view, yet even in those places they are exerting themselves to find some plan whereby they may affiliate themselves to the association without coming within the power of the law. 299 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 7, 1 8 65 /[29]/ Central Council Meeting February 7 th Vice president Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Cit Le Lubez seconded by Cit Marx. Cit Cremer gave the report of the Sub Committee, they recommended to the CC the following, That separate cards be issued to Societies joining the Association, such Cards to be of a general character stating that the Societies whose name it bore had affiliated itself to the International Association. 2nd that all the money subscribed in England for Individual Cards be sent to the CC but if any Branch of the Association shall incur any legitimate expense, the CC may if they deem it judicious grant a sum for the liquidation of such debt. | |[30]| 3rd That our continental Brethren be supplied with cards at Is each which sums to be sent to the CC. The [above resolutions] were proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Marx and Carried Unanimously. Cit Le Lubez then read a letter from Paris referring to the rumours that Cit To- lain was acting under the inspiration of the Palais Royal, a resolution having been proposed to the effect That we reluctantly accept Cit Tolain's resignation, Cit Carter proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded That Cit Tolain's resignation be not accepted as not the slightest belief is entertained in the above named rumour. Cit Carter strongly contended for his motion and the resolution having been with drawn Cit Carter's amendment became the resolution and was Carried Unanimously. Cit Marx then proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Lefort be appointed as our literary defence in Paris. Carried Unanimously; the Committee then ad journed to Feb'ry 14t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 300 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 1 4, 1 8 65 / [ 3 0 ]/ Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 14/65 President Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the mo tion of Cit Fontana seconded by Cit Eccarius, Cit Marx then stated that a Branch of the I.W.M.A. had been formed in Man chester, he also read a letter from Mr Ernest Jones on the subject of Manhood Suf frage, the letter was fully discussed, | Cit Marx also read an extract from the German [Northern] Star which ][31]| stated that the Swiss were interesting themselves on behalf of the Association and that a Meeting of the Republican League and French-Swiss Society had been held, they had accepted the Rules and would form Branches throughout Switzer land with a Central Council in Geneva. (Cit Le Lubez then read a letter from Paris, he also expressed his regret at having at the last meeting advised the acceptance of Cit Tolain's resignation.) Cit Weston gave the report of the Deputation to the City Shoemakers, they had been cordially received and requested to attend the next meeting. Citizens Jung and Morgan confirmed Cit Weston's statement, it had also been suggested that a deputation be appointed to visit the Shoemakers in Shoe Lane on Feb'ry 27t h. Mr Howell also requested a Deputation should wait on the Bricklayers' Execu tive, agreed to, Cit Francis also introduced the Question of Cards of membership which after a long discussion was adjourned. The Meeting then adjourned to Feb'ry 2 1s t. J. G. E c c a r i us President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 301 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 2 1, 1 8 65 / [ 3 1 ]/ Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 21st 1865 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read. Cit Le Lubez said that the remark in the minutes which indicated that he had advised Cit Tolain's resigna tion to be accepted was not exactly correct, he might have been a little hasty but he thanked those who had checked him. Cit Fox suggested that a slight alteration be made in that part of the ||[32]| minutes which referred to the Republican League in Switzerland, this having been agreed to the minutes were confirmed. 5 The Secretary said he had received a letter from the Gen Sec of the Operative Bricklayers stating that the Society having subscribed to the principles of the 10 I.W.M.A. had agreed to join as an affiliated body. Cit Howell was their representa tive on the Council. On the motion of Whitlock seconded by Cit Marx Cit Le Lubez then read some correspondence from Paris which referred to unpleasant proceedings having taken place there and as it was generally agreed that it would be difficult to settle the dif- 15 ferences by correspondence, it was decided on the proposition of Cit Whitlock sec onded by Fontana that Le Lubez be sent to Paris to investigate the differences ex isting between Cit Lefort and Cit Fribourg. Cit Marx proposed Cit Lessner seconded that M Schily be appointed to cooperate with Cit Le Lubez in settling the differences. Carried Unanimously. 20 It was also agreed that the delegates be invested with power to act as circum stances may determine. The Secretary then introduced the question of the Suffrage, he also read a letter from Mr Beales on the question and it was generally understood that no measure short of manhood Suffrage would receive the support of the Council, it was also 25 thought advisable that as many as could should attend the meeting on Thursday— Cit Wolff having returned from his incarceration in the fortress of Alessandria was warmly congratulated by the Council and Cit Whitlock proposed Cit Wheeler seconded ||[33]| that the CC offer its congratulations to Cit Wolff on his return to liberty. Carried Unanimously. Cit Wolff said he had been deputed by Working Men's 30 Societies in Alessandria and Brescia to express their friendly sentiments towards the Council, also that they cordially approved the objects of the Association and hoped soon to enter the bond of fraternal Union. 302 Meeting of the Central Council February 21, 1865 Cit Fox then introduced the question of the forthcoming Polish Demonstration at St Martin's Hall and proposed the following resolution That the CC of the I.W.M.A. lend their unreserved support to the Commemora tive Meeting for Poland on March 1st at St Martin's Hall and they invite the attend- ance thereat of their Friends. Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned to 28t h. 5 J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 10 15 [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 303.1-5] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 176, 25. Februar 1865 The forthcoming demonstration in St. Martin's Hall on Wednesday next, on behalf of the suffering patriots of Poland, who have been banished from their country, was then discussed, and the following resolution was carried unanimously, on the mo tion of Citizen Fox, seconded by Citizen Marx:—"That the central council of the International Working Men's Association lend their unreserved support to the com memoration meeting for Poland on March the 1st, at St. Martin's Hall, and they in vite the attendance thereat of their friends." 303 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 2 8, 1 8 65 / [ 3 3 ]/ Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 28th 1865 The President in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Cit Fox seconded by Eccarius. Cit Le Lubez proposed Cit Morgan seconded, that the Operative Bricklayers be admitted as an affiliated body and that Cit Howell be admitted to the Central Council as its representative. Carried Unanimously. Cit Jung then gave report from Middle district of Shoemakers to which he had been deputed to attend. Cit Marx read correspondence from Manchester regarding the Suffrage, he also stated that he had withdrawn from any connexion with the Social Democrat, M Le Lubez gave in English and French a report of his Mission to Paris. Cit Fox | I [34]I read M Schily's Letter in English and French, M Tolain and M Fribourg who had come from Paris to give the Central Council an opportunity of questioning them concerning the differences which had sprung up between themselves and M Lefort, also to defend the course they had pursued, both addressed the Council, Cit Fox translating their remarks into English, A very long discussion took place on the report and the remarks of M Tolain and M Fribourg, the discussion being terminated by the Adoption of the following reso lution proposed by Cit Carter seconded by Cit Weston—That the Sub Committee together with the French Members of the CC meet and further investigate the dif ferences and if possible ascertain who is right. The Council then adjourned to March 7t h. J. G. E c c a r i us President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 304 F M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 7, 1 8 65 / [ 3 4 ]/ Meeting of the Central Council March 7th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair—The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and con firmed. Cit Fox then read to the Council the report of the Committee and the resolutions 5 recommended by it in reference to the Imbroglio in Paris. It was agreed to consider the resolutions seriatim. The reporter read the following first Resolution proposed by the Committee 10 I Whereas Citizen Tolain has several times tendered his resignation and the Cen tral Council has as often refused to accept it the said Council now leaves it to Cit- izen Tolain and the Paris Administration to reconsider ||[35]| whether or not under present circumstances this resignation be opportune. The Central Council confirms beforehand whatever resolution the Administration may come to on this point. Citizen Le Lubez proposed and Cit Morgan seconded an amendment accepting the resignation of M Tolain without further words. 15 Citizens Jung, Dupont, Whitlock and Marx spoke in support of the Resolution. Citizens Dénouai, Le Lubez and Bordage spoke in support of the Amendment. On a division the Resolution was carried (Dissentient 4). The reporter then brought forward the second Resolution viz. II In deference to the wishes of a meeting of 32 members of the W.M.I.A. held in 20 Paris Feb'ry 24 and in obedience to the principles of popular Sovereignty and self- government the CC cancels its resolution relating to the appointment of an official vindicator for the French Press. At the same time the Council seizes this opportu nity of expressing its high esteem for Cit Lefort, in particular as one of the initiators of the I.W.M.A. and in general for his approved public character and further it pro- tests that it does not sanction the principle that none but an Ouvrier is admissable as an official in our Society— 25 Cit Wolff proposed that that part of the Resolution which cancelled the nomina tion of Cit Lefort be omitted. This proposition] was decided by the President to be equivalent to a rejection of the entire resolution. Cit Wheeler read a Letter on the subject from A. Campbell now residing in Paris. The Resolution was supported by the following Citizens Fox, Jung, Dupont, Marx, Kaub, and Carter. Citizens Whit lock, Le Lubez, and Wheeler ||[36]| spoke against it, on a division 11 voted for the 30 305 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Resolution and 9 against. The resolution was therefore carried by 2 majority. Cit Holtorp neutral. Resolution 3 was then brought forward and discussed. Ill Resolution—The Council resolves that Citizens Fribourg, Limousin, and To- lain be confirmed in their anterior positions and that the addition to the adminis tration of Citizen Vinçard is acknowledged. Cit Carter proposed the above Resolu tion be amended as follows— The CC resolves that the present administration with the addition of Citizen Vinçard be confirmed, Cit Whitlock seconded the Amendment which was accepted and unanimously adopted. The fourth Resolution was then discussed and is as follows— The CC earnestly requests the administration at Paris to come to an understand ing with Citizens Lefort and Beluze so as to admit them and the group of Ouvriers they represent to be represented in the administration by three Members, but the CC while expressing such a wish has no power nor desire to dictate to the adminis tration at Paris. Cit Le Lubez opposed this Resolution and Citizen Howell, Jung, Wheeler, Marx, and Carter approved it. The Resolution was carried without a divi sion. In consequence of Cit Le Lubez's arguments a conversation ensued as to the powers of a Branch Society in France, its relations towards the Administration in Paris and the CC in London. Cit Whitlock proposed, Cit Wheeler seconded—That in case no compromise be arrived at the CC declare that the group Lefort after having taken out their Cards of Membership, have the power under our statutes to form a Branch Society. Cit Howell proposed, Cit Dell seconded the following amendment—That instead of passing a formal resolution the CC instruct its French Sec. to make the above declaration, by Letter, to M Lefort and the administration. Cit Lubez declared his preference for the Resolution, The amendment was carried with 2 dissentients— The 5th 11 [37] I Resolution was then discussed and is as follows, The administration in Paris having expressed its readiness to acknowledge a di rect Delegation from the Central Council, the CC accordingly appoints Citizen Schily to be its Delegate to the said administration. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously, The Council then adjourned to March 14t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 306 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 1 4, 1 8 65 / [ 3 7 ]/ Meeting of the CC March 14 1 8 65 The Pres in the Chair. 5 The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. A Letter was read from Cit Wolff stating that he believed the CC had at their last sitting by cancelling the appointment of Cit Lefort, departed from the Spirit of Fraternity, he therefore as a Member of the CC tendered his resignation—The Letter was discussed and Cit Cremer proposed, Cit Fox seconded that Cit Wolffs resignation be accepted, as an Amendment Cit Weston proposed, and Cit Whitlock seconded that the question be deferred to some future time, for Amendment 14—for Resolution 6—The Amend- 10 ment was declared by the Pres to be earned. Cit Le Lubez read a Letter from Cit Lefort, he also stated it was a mistake to sup pose he had been or was now in any way prejudiced in favor of Lefort or Tolain, he also read a Letter signed by Citizens Bocquet, Denoual and himself, protesting against the former decision of the CC in turning out Cit Lefort, and another Letter signed by Citizens Bordage, Leroux, Denoual, Bocquet, and himself protesting against the appointment by the CC of anyone not a Frenchman as the Delegate to the administration in Paris. 15 Cit Marx stated the protest was unnecessary as he Cit Marx was certain that Cit Schily would not accept the appointment if there was the slightest opposition to 20 him, it was against Cit Schily's wish that he had been elected, The President sug gested the re-opening of the whole question, this was opposed ||[38]| by Citizens Ho well, Kaub and Cremer, The following Resolution was then proposed by Cit Weston seconded by Cit Mor gan and Carried Unanimously—That the CC having the fullest Confidence in Cit 25 Lefort, earnestly requests him to retain the Card of Membership he has in his pos session and hopes that he will use his great influence to form a Branch in France. Cit Lubez read a Letter from Cit Fontaine asking for his official appointment. Cit Jung read a Letter from Switzerland, Cit Lubez read a Letter from Lyons, the answer to which was left to Cit Lubez's discretion. 30 Cit Howell gave a report of the Meeting at Radieys Hotel on the I I '6 inst. be tween representatives of Working Men, representatives of the Middle Classes and some few MP's, the Meeting had been convened to discuss the necessity of an agi- 307 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. tation for Manhood Suffrage and to effect a Union between the MP's, the Middle and Working Classes which endeavour he thought had failed. After some discus sion of the question Cit Cremer proposed, Cit Hartwell seconded that the further discussion of the question be adjourned. Cit Cremer stated his intention of propos ing at the next sitting That the CC should appoint Delegates to the forthcoming Reform Conference at Manchester, he also nominated Cit Coulson as a Member of the CC— Cit Dupont nominated Cit Dévaster as a Member of the CC. Cit Howell proposed, Cit Jung seconded that the whole of the Resolution passed at the sittings of March the 7th and 14th bearing on the differences between Cit Le fort, Cit Fribourg, and Cit Tolain be transmitted by the French Corresponding Sec to the above named Citizens. Carried Unanimously. Cit Weston gave notice of the following propositions for discussion at the earliest opportunity 1st Would not an advance of Wages of any particular section of industry be se cured at the cost of the other sections. 2nd Would not the supposed advantages of a general rise in Wages be negatived by the corresponding advance in prices. The Council then adjourned till March 2 1s t. J. G. E c c a r i us President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 308 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 2 1, 1 8 65 |[39]| Meeting of the CC March 21st 1865 V.P. Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous meeting after some slight alterations suggested by Cit Lubez were confirmed. 5 The following were then elected Member of the CC Cit Dévaster proposed by Cit Fox seconded by Cit Jung Cit Coulson proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Whitlock. Cit Lessner then nominated Cit H.Klimosch as a Member of the CC. Cit Cremer proposed Cit Kaub seconded the following Resolution 10 That a deputation be sent to Manchester to the forthcoming Reform Conference, such deputation to urge on that Conference the necessity of adopting Manhood Suffrage as the basis of their agitation and that the Members of the I.W.M.A. are not prepared to agitate or work for anything less than Manhood Suffrage; some dis cussion ensued as to remarks which some Members of the CC were said to have 15 given utterance to viz That while they asked for Manhood Suffrage they were quite prepared to take anything less. The impropriety of such statements was unani mously condemned and a hope generally expressed that no Member of the CC would again give utterance to such sentiments, The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. Cit Cremer proposed that Citizens Howell and Fox be sent as the deputation to 20 Manchester. Cit Fox declined and proposed that Citizens Howell and Cremer be elected as the deputation, Cit Whitlock seconded the Resolution which was Carried Unanimously, 25 Cit Jung read a Letter from Geneva, the Letter contained an account of an Inter national Banquet which had been held there on the 2 6th of February, the anniver- sary of the French Revolution of 1848, the Letter also stated that the Subject of the I.W.M.A. had been discussed at the Banquet and was highly approved, also that 5 Societies in Geneva had joined the Association and several others were considering the propriety of doing so. Cit Jung also read a Letter from Cit Fribourg and it was agreed as Cit Lubez was 30 not present to adjourn any discussion on it till the next ||[40]| sitting. The following Resolution was then proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Wheeler That our French Corresponding Sec write to Cit Lefort asking him if he is willing 309 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. to avail himself of the powers contained in the Statutes and referred to in the Reso lution passed at the sitting of the 14 inst. Also that he write to Cit Fribourg inform ing him that the Resolution of the 14 inst. was the practical application of the Stat utes and also was carrying out the Resolution passed at the sitting of the 7th inst. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. Cit Fox then proposed Cit Wheeler seconded the following Resolution That the CC of the I.W.M.A. hereby acknowledges the high value of the services rendered to it on a recent difficult occasion by Cit Schily and thanks him for the painstaking zeal and ripe judgement which he brought to bear in discharge of the commission entrusted to him by the CC. 5 10 Cit Fox in bringing forward this Resolution said that it had been proposed at a former sitting to thank Cit Schily but as he, Cit Schily, had been appointed by the CC as its Special Delegate in Paris it was thought by several Members of the CC that his appointment was a recognition of the services he had rendered and a proof of the Confidence the CC had in him, but now that Cit Schily no longer held the 15 position as Special Delegate from the CC the objections to thanking him had lost their force. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned till March 28t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 20 310 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 2 8, 1 8 65 / [ 4 0 ]/ Meeting of the Central Council March 28 1865 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Secretary read a Letter from Mr A. Walton announcing that he felt great pleasure in present- ing to the Association his Book ||[41]| on Landed Tenures, The offer of Mr Walton was accepted with thanks. 5 The Sec also read a Letter from Citizen Le Lubez in answer to one from the Gen Sec requesting him to communicate certain resolutions to Citizens Lefort and Fri- bourg. Citizen Le Lubez in his answer stated he had twice written to Citizen Fri- 10 bourg but had received no reply and that he could no longer (consistent with his self-respect) correspond with Citizen Fribourg and the Paris Administration but that he would communicate to Citizen Lefort the request of the Council. The Letter was discussed by Citizens Fox and Jung both of them stating they could not see how Citizen Le Lubez could act otherwise, at the termination of the discussion Cit 15 Fox proposed, Cit Le Lubez seconded, That Cit Dupont be deputed to correspond with the administration in Paris. Carried Unanimously. Cit Lubez said he had received a second application from Lyons from Citizens who stated they were wellknown and who wished to form an administration there; powers to issue Cards of Membership and if he was satisfied with the guarantees they gave to form an administration there, were given to Citizen Le Lubez. 20 2¾ Cit Cremer gave the report of the deputation to the Shoemakers' Conference, The deputation severally addressed the Conference and were listened to with attention, some questions were asked by [the delegates] and being satisfactorily answered, the Delegate from Birmingham proposed and the Delegate from Hull seconded the following resolution which was Carried Unanimously: That we cordially agree with the principles of the International Association as re presented so eloquently by the deputation from that Body and pledge ourselves to join them for the furtherance of those principles and endeavour to spread their lib eral and glorious Ideas among our Constituents. Some discussion took place as to the advisability of Organized Bodies being necessitated to pay something, but the discussion being out of order ||[42]| it was discontinued. Cit Whitlock gave a short report from the Reform Movement after which Cit Lessner proposed Cit Eccarius seconded that Cit Klimosch be elected on the CC. Carried Unanimously, 311 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit Bolleter and Cit Lubez nominated Cit Tafery as a Member of the CC—Cit Fox read a Letter from Cit Beluze to Cit Fribourg giving his reasons for not acting on the Paris administration. Cit Cremer proposed, Cit Whitlock seconded That Cit Fox be the Official repor ter of the CC for the Press, Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned to April 4t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary D e ll Chairman / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 311.17-29] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 181, I.April 1865 Citizen Le Lubez, the secretary for France, reported that application had been made to him from Lyons, the Manchester of France, where the prolétaire element is relatively stronger than in Paris, for authority to form a branch association in Lyons, in direct communication with the central council in London. The applicants represented themselves to be of some influence among the working men of Lyons, and had given excellent references.—Authority granted. Citizen Cremer, general secretary, reported the result of an interview between a deputation from the central council, consisting of Citizens Cremer, Eccarius, Wes ton, Jung, Fox, Le Lubez, Morgan, Dell, and Wheeler, and the delegates of the Na tional Shoemakers' Union, lately sitting at the Bell, Old Bailey. The delegates were 38 in number, and represented societies numbering about 5,000 members. After every member of the deputation had spoken, Mr. Thomas, the delegate from Bir mingham moved, and the delegate from Hull seconded, the following resolution, which was carried unanimously, after one or two other delegates had expressed themselves in favour of the same: "Resolved—That we cordially agree with the principles of the International Association as represented so eloquently by the deputation from that body, and pledge ourselves to join them for the furtherance of those principles, and endeavour to spread their liberal and glorious ideas among our constituents." 312 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 4, 1 8 65 / [ 4 2 ]/ Meeting of the Central Council April 4th 1865 The President and Vice President being absent Cit Jung proposed, Cit Lessner sec onded that Cit Dell take the Chair. Carried Unanimously, Cit Fox (in absence of the Secretary who was unavoidably absent) read the Min utes of the last Meeting which were confirmed. Cit Whitlock objected to the use of the term Citizen in the reports for the Press, Cit Bolleter defended it, it was agreed to postpone any discussion on the point untili another occasion. Letters were then read from Citizens Lubez and Denoual withdrawing from the CC because they had no confidence in the persons who represented the Association in Paris. A Letter was also read from Cit Fontana signed by Citizens Lama, Solustri, Se tacci and Aldovrandi announcing their intention of withdrawing from the CC unless Henri Lefort was reinstated in his former position of Official defender of the Asso ciation in the Paris Press, Speeches were made by Cits Wolff, Dupont, Fox, Whit lock, Jung, Bolleter, Holtorp, ||[43]| Morgan and Weston, in which no proposal was made to reconsider the decision at which the Council had arrived. Cit Fox pro posed, Cit Kaub seconded, That the resignations of Cits Lubez, Denoual, Fontana, Aldovrandi, Lama, Setacci and Solustri be accepted. Carried Unanimously. Cit Fox made a statement of the reasons which had hitherto prevented the Polish refugees in London from forming a Society and joining the Association, Cit Hol torp explained the cause of his differences with M Zabicki and Bobczynski. Cit Kaub read from the Social Democrat the report of a Mr Becker's Speech at Hamburg containing misrepresentations of the Association, and asked for authority to reply thereto in the name of the Association, Cit Fox proposed Cit Buckley sec onded That Cit Kaub be authorised accordingly. Carried Unanimously. Cit Weston proposed for discussion the following questions lsl Can the Social and material prosperity of the Working Classes generally be improved by means of higher wages. 2nd Do not the efforts of Trades Societies to secure higher wages operate prejudi cially to the other sections of Industry. The proposer declared that he would support the Negative of the First and the Af firmative of the Second proposition. 313 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit Jung proposed Cit Dupont seconded that these questions be placed on the Order of the Day for discussion. Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then ad journed till April 1 1t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Chairman W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 314 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 1 1, 1 8 65 |[44]| Meeting of CC April 11th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair, on the reading of the former Minutes Cit Whitlock stated that he had not at the last meeting voted that the resignation of Lubez and the Ital ian Members of the CC should be received, he did not recollect such a motion be ing put or he should have voted against it, every other member of the CC present declared such a resolution to have been fairly put and carried without a dissentient. The Minutes of the former meeting were then confirmed. Letters were read from Carpenters at Chelsea asking for a Deputation to explain the principles of the I.W.M.A. also from No 1 Lodge Operative Bricklayers to the same effect, deputa tions were appointed to attend both bodies. The situations of Corresponding Secretary for France also for Belgium having be come vacant consequent on the resignation of Cit Lubez, Cit Jung proposed Morgan seconded That Cit Marx be Corresponding Sec pro tem. for Belgium. Carried Unanimously. Cit Marx proposed Cit Cremer seconded That Cit Dupont be appointed Corre sponding Secretary for France, Carried Unanimously. A discussion then took place having reference to Officers of the Association retaining after their resignation Pro perty or documents which properly belong to the Association. Cit Longmaid pro posed, Cit Bordage seconded that all Official Correspondence and replies together with any Official Documents are the property of the Association and ought to be handed over to the CC, Carried Unanimously. Cit Jung proposed Cit Cremer seconded that Cit Valltier be nominated as a Member of the CC. Cit Marx stated that one of the 32 Members who had met recently in Paris had been prosecuted by the French Government for publishing a pamphlet, The Auditors Cits Longmaid and Morgan gave in their report which stated that the profits on the late Soiree were £8.6.11¼ and the balance in hand on the 2 8th of March last was £6 3s. 8!/2d. The report was received, Cit Jung proposed ||[45]| Cit Morgan seconded That the accounts be audited Quarterly— Cit Howell then proposed .and Cit Whitlock seconded, That the Secretary write to the Italian Working Men's Association and request them to send a Delegate to the CC in the place of those resigned. 315 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. As an amendment Cit Weston proposed and Cit Kaub seconded That the Sec write to the President of the Italian Working Men's Association and inform him that the Office of Corresponding Secretary for Italy is vacant. The amendment was carried by a majority of 1, 9 voting for the Resolution and 10 for the Amendment— Cit Whitlock proposed and Cit Weston seconded That the Council at its rising adjourn for a Fortnight. Carried Unanimously, Cit Longmaid proposed and Cit Marx seconded That the Sec write to those Mem bers of the CC who have not taken their Cards of Membership and inform them that unless they do so on or before April 25 that they will be considered as wishing to withdraw and their names will accordingly be struck off the roll of Councilmen. This resolution was considered by the CC necessary inasmuch as complaints had been made that a former resolution of a similar character had never been commu nicated officially to absentee Members, The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. It was then agreed to that the proposition of Cit Weston on the question of wages should come on for discussion on May 2nd and That Members of the Association were eligible to attend the discussion, also that any Member of the CC is at liberty to introduce a Friend. The Council then adjourned to April 25. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 316 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 2 5, 1 8 65 / [ 4 5 ]/ Meeting of the CC April 25 1 8 65 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed, Valltier was elected Member of the CC on the proposition of Jung seconded by 5 Cremer, The following were nominated for election on the CC Lassassie proposed by Lessner, Schapper proposed by ||[46]| Marx, Narcisse Salvatella proposed by Jung. Dupont gave report of his visit to Paris, the administration has entrusted him with 100 Francs to pay to the Treasurer of the CC, he had not been able to meet as many of the Members in Paris as he had wished, but he had been instructed to ask two questions 10 15 1st if Continental Administrations shall at any time appoint a deputy or deputies to confer with the CC (as in the case of Citizens Tolain and Fribourg) are their ex penses to be paid by themselves or deducted from Members' subscriptions. 2nd are the Corresponding Members on the Continent also Members of the CC and should they come to London would they be allowed to vote, 20 Cit Marx proposed Fox seconded That if the expenses of Cits Tolain's and Fribourg's journey to London are sanc tioned by the Paris Administration that the CC authorise the payment, also that the Resolutions of Febr'y 7th referring to the expenses of Branches be sent to Cits To- lain and Fribourg for their future guidance. Carried Unanimously. Cit Wheeler proposed, Cit Marx seconded That Continental Corresponding 25 Members be ex Officio Members of the CC. Carried Unanimously. Cit Jung read Letters from Geneva which stated that on April 2, 200 Members had joined the Association and had elected a General Committee of 15 Members and a Managing Committee of 7, Jung proposed Marx seconded That Cits Dupleix, Falconnet, and Philipp Becker be the Corresponding Mem- 30 bers of the Association in Switzerland. Carried Unanimously. A question being asked as to whether Females were eligible as Members, Cit Wheeler proposed, Bordage seconded That Females be admitted as Members. Car ried Unanimously. 317 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit Marx read a Letter from Ernest Jones on the Suffrage, he also read a Letter from Cit Fontaine asking for a declaration of Principles, questions in said Letter re ferred to Sub Committee, he also read a Letter from the Compositors at Leipsic re ferring to their Strike and expressing a hope that the London Compositors would as sist them. Cits Fox, Marx and Cremer were deputed to attend the Compositors' Society. I I [47] I Cremer proposed Weston seconded That the CC invite the Emancipation Society and the Trades Unionist Committee to meet together and organize a dem onstration to celebrate the restoration of the American Union and the abolition of Slavery. Carried Unanimously— Fox proposed, Cit Whitlock seconded That the CC having received the resigna tion of Cit Le Lubez desires to record its sense of the value of the services he has rendered to this Association both in its inception and in the subsequent work of propagating its principles in this metropolis and as corresponding Sec for France. 5 10 The Council also look forward with pleasure to the time when Cit Le Lubez will 15 find himself able to resume his place at our Board. The Resolution was lost, 3 only voting for it. The Meeting then adjourned to May 2. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President / [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] 20s F r a n ce a nd W o m e n 's Rights. The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 185, 29. April 1865 Citizen Lefebvre of Neufchateau, in the département of the Vosges, wrote to the Central Council to inquire if women were admissible as members of the Interna tional Working Men's Association. Several members remarked that they had al ready disposed of cards of membership to women, as a matter of course. It was 25 unanimously resolved that the question raised by the worthy Vosgien be answered in the affirmative. L o n d on Propaganda. Favourable reports were received from the deputations sent to canvass the Carpen ters' Branch at Chelsea, and a Bricklayers' Society in the east of London. 318 Meeting of the Central Council April 25, 1865 Switzerland. 5 The Secretary for Switzerland read a highly encouraging report of the prospects of the Association in Switzerland, which he had received from the managing commit tee at Geneva. From it we give the following extracts:—"It has been told you in a preceding letter that in Switzerland we were putting our shoulders to the wheel in propagating the idea of the total and universal emancipation of the working classes. What you have learnt from the Hamburg Northern Star about our enthusiasm is be- ing daily confirmed in a highly reassuring manner. What is passing at Geneva, and the letters which we receive from all parts of Switzerland, are a warranty that our 10 hopes will soon be realised on a vast scale. I am happy to inform you that at Geneva the tum affairs are taking is highly favourable, and that the results already obtained are satisfactory. In March last the statutes were discussed article by article, and ap proved by a public meeting. At that which was held at a masonic lodge on April 2, 200 working men came and enrolled themselves as members of the International 15 Association. ... We venture to assure you that the hesitations which have hitherto manifested themselves in some quarters are on the eve of disappearing, and that numerous societies will come to swell our ranks as the idea becomes more widely known and better understood. The association has taken wonderfully, not in one, but in various parts of Switzerland. All the affiliated sections have seized the true spirit of the association and carry its banner high." 20 T he Compositors' Strike in Leipsic. The Secretary for Germany read the following important communication from the Berlin Compositors' Union in relation to the strike of the Leipsic compositors: — "Berlin, April 15. 25 Respected Citizen,—The news of the Leipsic event—viz., the printers' and compos- itors' strike for a rise of wages, will have reached London as well as the other parts . of Europe. Of 650 men, mostly compositors, who have ceased working (150 have left Leipsic) 500 are still on strike. Those 500 must be efficiently supported, if the first great trial in Germany of the working men's forces is to end in triumph. Our 30 Compositors' Association have adopted the Leipsic straggle as their own, and are ready to give all the support in their power. From their small means they have al î ready contributed £150, and they are willing to do more, but if restricted to their own resources they must fail. Other working men's societies, especially those of the larger towns where the working class self-consciousness is developed, must contri- 35 bute their mites. The undersigned administrative committee addresses you, there fore, dear citizen, and calls upon you to induce the International Working Men's in Association, and especially the London Printers' Union, to interest themselves in the straggle of their Leipsic brethren to do something for them, to make subscrip tions for them. But time presses, and 'he gives double who gives quickly.' Deeply 319 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. penetrated by the conviction that the seemingly petty struggle of the compositors which is now going on in Leipsic—in Leipsic, so to say, in the heart of Germany, and of Europe—is of the highest importance for the whole European working class, and that even if such were not the case, every working man's movement, every strike, has an international significance, that, in fact, the immediately and locally engaged working men do battle for the whole of their class; that the bond of frater nity must embrace all working men, and that the Working Men's International Association has assuredly risen to the level of this idea. We hope that the same will do their best, and that in particular our English colleagues, the compositors, will not withhold from their and our brethren the necessary support.—The Committee of 10 the Berlin Compositors' Union.—By order of the Committee, B.Feistel." 5 It was stated that a collection in aid of the Leipsic compositors had already been made in an affiliated society of the International. A deputation of three members of the council was appointed to wait on the London Compositors' Society. 320 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 2, 1 8 65 /[47]/ Meeting of CC May 2, 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. A slight alteration having been made in the minutes of the last Meeting, referring to the expenses of the deputation from Paris, they were confirmed. 5 The following were then elected on the CC Narcisse Salvatella proposed by Jung seconded by Odger. Lassassie proposed by Lessner seconded by Bordage, Carl Schapper proposed by Marx seconded by Lessner. Marx gave a report from Paris stating there were changes about being made there 10 in the Administration which when made would be fully reported to the C C. Dupont read a Letter from Fribourg suggesting to the C C. the propriety of open ing a Branch at St Denis, he also read a Letter he had received from Lefebvre, said Letter contained passages from a Letter of Lubez's, the questions involved were re ferred to the Sub Committee. 15 Cremer referred to the assassination of President Lincoln and proposed that an address should be drawn up and sent to the American People expressing the views of the CC on recent events ||[48]| in America, more particularly referring to the mur der of Mr Lincoln. The resolution was seconded by Lucraft and Carried Unani mously— 20 Weston then read a portion of his Paper on the question of Wages, the remainder was adjourned to the next sitting, the Council then adjourned to May 9t h. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 321 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 9, 1 8 65 / [ 4 8 ]/ Meeting of CC May 9th 1865 The Pres and the VP being absent, Cit Dell was voted to the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Cit Fox gave re port of deputation to Compositors, on behalf of the Leipsic Compositors, it would not be possible for that Body to grant any money for a period of 3 months—the deputation had therefore failed in their effort. Cit Jung hoped we should devise some means of giving support to them as the loss of this strike would have a de pressing influence on the Trades of Germany generally. Cit Weston gave report of deputation to Fur Skin Dressers, they appeared with out any exception to be in a pitiable condition but they had courteously received the deputation and promised to further consider the propriety of joining us, Cremer gave report of Sub Committee. Cit Fox proposed Jung seconded that the following Resolution recommended by the Sub Committee be adopted— That whenever the French Secretary shall receive Letters from any Citizen or Citizens who have been elected by Workmen in their localities and who are anxious to open a Branch, That he be empowered to reply to such communication and ac cept such offers without waiting for the assembling of the CC, but he shall report all such communication to the CC at their first sitting after such Letters have been re ceived. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously— Cremer proposed Odger seconded That Cit Dupont write to the Paris Administra tion requesting them to return a full and detailed account of income and expendi ture up to the time of his writing. Carried Unanimously— Cit Fox proposed, Cit Weston seconded That the following ||[49]| Resolution which had also been recommended by the Sub Committee be adopted, also that the remarks of the Sub Committee which accompany the resolution be endorsed. Car ried Unanimously. The following are the remarks and Resolution as drawn up by the Sub Commit tee at their sitting on May 6t h—"2 Letters read, one from Cit Lubez the other from the Sec of the Greenwich Branch of the Association—Lubez's Letter was an expla nation of his conduct since his resignation on the CC. The Letter from Greenwich announced that Cit Lubez's resignation as the representative of the Greenwich 322 Meeting of the Central Council May 9, 1865 Branch at the CC had not been accepted—after some discussion on the two Letters in which two statements contained in Cit Lubez's Letter were denied 1st That Cit Lefort had first conceived the Idea of the I.W.M.A.— 2nd That most of the French Members on the CC had resigned in consequence of Cit Lefort's appointment having been cancelled—the fact being that only Cit De noual had resigned with Cit Lubez—on the termination of the discussion the fol lowing resolution was passed— That it be suggested to Cit Lubez That he should defer presenting himself at the CC for confirmation as Delegate from the Greenwich Branch untili the Sub Com mittee have received and reported on the Letter he addressed to Cit Lefebvre." Cit Fox read a Letter from Cit Vinçard who had been appointed on the Paris Ad ministration, stating that the state of his health would preclude him from accepting the appointment, also expressing his best wishes for the success of the Association and regretting that he could not assist to make it so. Jung proposed Marx seconded That the Gen Sec. write to Cit Vinçard thanking him for his past services and hoping that he will as far as consistent with his health do his utmost for the interest of the Association. Carried Unanimously. Cit Marx read the address to President Johnson in reference to the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Cremer proposed Weston seconded That the address be adopted, written on Parchment, signed by the CC and transmitted to President Johnson through the United ||[50]| States Legation. Carried Unanimously. Cit Howell, who had been appointed to attend with Cit Cremer the Reform Con ference in Manchester on the 1 5th and 16th of May—having been elected by the Re form League as its Secretary and being deputed by that body to attend said confer ence, his appointment from this Council was therefore on the proposition of Cit Wheeler seconded by Cit Marx cancelled and Cit Odger was elected in his stead. Cit Fox asked if Cit Lassassie had been mixed up in the Orsini Plot, Cit Lessner re plied No. Cit Fox proposed Bolleter seconded That Cit Weston's questions for discussion stand adjourned to Saturday May 2 0th at 8 o'clock, the entire sitting to be devoted to the discussion. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned to May 16th. J. G. E c c a r i us President W. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary / 323 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 1 6, 1 8 65 / [ 5 0 ]/ Meeting of Central Council May 16th 1865 In the absence of the General Secretary who was in attendance as Delegate of the Association on the Manchester Reform Conference Cit Fox read the minutes of the previous meeting which were confirmed. Cit. Marx stated that he had sent to the New York Tribune a copy of the society's address to President Johnson. He also mentioned that there had been an immense public meeting in Geneva in regard to the assassination of the late lamented Presi dent of the United States; that the society's correspondent, Philipp Becker, had spo ken at the same, and remarked upon the international character of the meeting. 5 Cit. Becker then proceeded to state that the Working Men's International Asso- 10 ciation was at the head of the new movement for popular rights, which statement was received with cheers by the meeting. Cit. Fox then read from the Manchester Guardian of the day a report of the first day's proceedings of the Manchester Reform Conference. Cit. Weston laid upon the table for distribution a number of copies of "A Requi- 15 em for Abraham Lincoln," addressed to the Liberals of Europe, and published in all the cosmopolitan languages. He stated that he had had an interview with the au thor, Mr. Leon Lewis, a citizen of the United States, resident in London, and pro posed him as a member of the Central Council. Cit. Carter, on the interpellation of the acting secretary, stated the result of his 201 interviews with a number of working men in Paris during his late trip to that city. He reported that all those with whom he spoke were entirely satisfied with the ac tion of the Council in the matter of the late imbroglio. Cit Morgan on behalf of Cit Dell proposed William Bannister as a Member of the j j C.C. A long discussion ensued, said ||[51]| discussion being of a very discursive 25 j Ì character, after which the Council adjourned to May 23. j i President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Sec / 324 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 2 3, 1 8 65 / [ 5 1 ]/ Meeting of Central Council May 23 1865 The President in the chair, the minutes of the previous meeting were read and con firmed. Cit Fox in the absence of Cit [Dupont] read a Letter from Lyons stating the tulle manufacturers were endeavouring to reduce the wages of their operatives giving as their reason for so doing that the competition with the English Manufacturers was so keen as to compel them so to act, the Letter asked for information as to the man ufacture and price of Tulle in England, it was agreed to write to Nottingham for said information— A discussion took place regarding Lubez being kept from taking his seat at the Council. Cremer proposed Eccarius seconded That in case Lefebvre's Letter (the absence of which had induced the Council to suggest to Le Lubez the propriety of not presenting himself as Councilman) is not forthcoming by Tuesday next that Le Lubez be allowed to take his seat on the Council as the representative of the Green wich Branch. Carried, Citizen Jung neutral. Fox gave report of his interview with Mr Adams, United States Minister, who had received the address and would transmit the same to the President, the report was received, Cremer gave report of his mission in conjunction with Cit Odger to the Manches ter Reform Conference, they had fought hard for the principle of Manhood Suffrage but had been unsuccessful, they feared the conference like others which had pre ceded it would prove to be abortive of good results, The report was received and the action of the Delegates approved. Cit Weston resumed the adjourned debate on his ||[52]| proposition regarding wages, he was followed by Cit Marx who opposed Cit Weston's views as did Cit Wheeler—after which Cremer proposed the adjournment of the debate till the 30t h. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned. G. O d g er President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Sec / 325 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 325.4-9] The Strike of the Makers of Tulle in Lyons. The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 189, 27. Mai 1865 : Cit. Dupont, the Secretary for France, laid before the council a letter from the asso ciation's correspondent in Lyons, from which the reporter extracts the following passages:—"I have delayed this communication longer than I otherwise should, on account of the meetings which have been held by the various trades which are on strike, and principally the makers of tulle. The manufacturers of tulle, induced by one of their number, named Baboin, have determined to diminish the wages of their workmen, alleging that they are compelled so to act in consequence of English 10 competition, and the changes that have been made in the Customs' duties in pursu ance of the policy of free trade. The first point is denied by the workmen, who maintain that English competition does not amount to anything; but they do not give a satisfactory explanation on this point. As to the second point, touching free trade, no journal is willing to insert remarks upon this question; therefore a debate 15: has not been able to take place, and the question—in fact, both questions—have re mained in the dark, especially for the public. In the interest of the working classes of our city, it would be important for us to have precise information, particularly on the articles of tulle. Try then to collect the same and forward it to us. It would be well to know the cost price of each article and the selling price, the cost of transport 20 within and without England, with the weights and measures in use for each article, and the import and export (sic) duties. Send us, as quickly as you can, 500 cards. We have printed the address and statutes, and are confident of success." It was resolved that communications should be opened with persons in Not tingham connected with the tulle and bobbinet trade by every member who had fa- 25 ¡ cilities for so doing, and that an appeal should at the same time be made to the public to supply the council of the association with the required information. 326 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 3 0, 1 8 65 / [ 5 2 ]/ M e e t i ng of CC M ay 3 0th 1 8 65 The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous meeting having been read, Jung took objection to that portion of them referring to the resolution readmitting Le Lubez to the CC and stated that the Resolution had not passed Unanimously as he Cit Jung had re mained neutral, a fact which he wished recorded. 5 The Sec said it had been his practice when no opposition was offered to the pass ing of a resolution to record it as being Carried Unanimously, with the alteration suggested by Cit Jung the minutes were confirmed— 10 The Sec read communication from the United States Legation acknowledging the receipt of the address to President Johnson. Cit Weston proposed Whitlock seconded That Leon Lewis a citizen of the United States be elected a Member of the CC. Carried Unanimously.—Cremer proposed Cit Stainsby be nominated as a Member of the CC. 15 fi The Sec introduced the question of Cards of Membership. Cit Marx proposed Whitlock seconded That the Sec have power to order Cards should they be re quired. Carried Unanimously. The question of the proposed international Exhibition was then discussed. Cit Lucraft stated he had attended one of the Meetings and had informed those who 20 were moving in the matter of the existence of this Association, a fact of which he found they were previously aware, he also advised them to communicate with the CC but for some reason they had declined. A long discussion took place having | J[5331 reference to so called exhibition of Working Men, all who took part in the dis cussion declaring against Mr Coningsby being allowed to represent himself as at the 25 Head of British Workmen. Citizen Cremer protested against the selection of Mr. Coningsby, as British Sec retary to the Anglo-French Committee, as being calculated to alienate from the committee the sympathies of British Democrats. Citizen Fox observed that the three first names on the celebration committee, 30 namely, Michael Chevalier, Emile Ollivier, and Emile Girardin, were not in good standing with the French Republicans. Citizens Odger and Howell held that Working Class Exhibitions, both national 327 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. and international, were being patronised by the wealthy classes at the present time, partly with the object of diverting the attention of the working classes from the no bler aim of the political enfranchisement of their class. Citizen Marx recommended that the council should concentrate its efforts upon promoting the success of the Working men's Congress to be held in Belgium this year. On the motion of Citizen Cremer seconded by Whitlock the following resolution was passed:—"That our French secretary inform the Paris Administration that Mr. Coningsby is the avowed enemy of the working classes of Great Britain, and, conse quently, the common enemy of the working classes of Europe, he having pro- 10 claimed in the columns of the Times his hostility to the suffrage being extended to the bulk of his countrymen." | A discussion took place as to the publication of the above Resolution but on the motion of Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Shaw it was decided by 11 votes to 4 to pub lish the Resolution and an epitomised report of the proceedings— 15 | It was then agreed on the motion of Cit Dell seconded by Fox that the address and Rules of the Association be printed in French, Italian and German leaving to the Sub Committee the power to order the quantity they may deem necessary— Eccarius proposed Jung seconded That Cit Schily be requested to translate the address and Rules into French, Carried Unanimously. 20 M The Sec asked whether, as no reply had been received from Lefebvre, Cit Le Lu bez was to be notified that he was at liberty to take his seat on CC as representative of Greenwich Branch. It having been stated that some further difficulties might arise if Le Lubez came to the CC before the Letter to Lefebvre was produced, Dell proposed Worley seconded That the President and ||[54]| Cit Kaub wait on Cit Du- 25 '', pont in reference to the matter. Carried, 1 voting against. Citizen Kaub, as a deputy from the German Working Men's Mutual Improve ment Association in London (Bildung's Verein) stated that that body had been in the habit of commemorating, by a public meeting, the insurrection of the 30 ' 24th June, 1848, when the working men of Paris were barbarously massacred by the soldiery in the service of the middle classes. The Bildung's Verein had hitherto re^ ceived their chief support on this occasion from their own members and French Democrats in London. They intended to repeat the commemoration this year, in the usual manner, and hoped for a wider support than ever from Democrats of all 35 - nations. The Sec introduced the subject of a journal to represent the Association and stated that Cit Leon Lewis was about to bring out a journal, a long discussion took place on the question ending in the following resolution and amendment, the Reso lution proposed by Cremer seconded by Worley That a deputation of 3 be ap- 40 pointed to wait on Cit Lewis. Amendment by Dell seconded by Lucraft That Cit Lewis be invited to attend the next sitting of the CC. Amendment carried. The Council then adjourned to June 6t h. W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary President / 328 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 6, 1 8 65 / [ 5 4 ]/ Meeting of Central Council June 6th 1865 The President in the Chair. The previous minutes were read and confirmed. The President introduced Citizen Leon Lewis to the meeting who made a long statement in regard to a newspaper which he contemplated bringing out, said Jour nal would be of the most democratic character and he had no doubt of its being made a success; it had been to him a matter of great surprise that the Working Men of Gt Britain had no Organ which faithfully represented their interests, he thought it quite time such a want was supplied. Citizens Marx, Carter and Fox agreed as | |[55]| to the necessity for such an organ. Citizen Cremer would prefer that some control should be exercised over such Journal by a body of Working Men. Cit Lewis would have no objection to a Committee of advice and should always listen to their counsel and advice. The following Resolution was eventually proposed by Cit Dell seconded by Cit Jung and Carried Unanimously, That Cit Lewis send to this Council at its next Meeting the exact conditions upon which he will cooperate with this Society and if this Council approve of such it shall name any number to cooperate with Citizen Lewis meeting at his office pe riodically, Cit Marx stated that when Cit Weston's propositions are again discussed he should read a paper in reply and propose a series of Counter Resolutions— The Sec stated he had received two Letters from the Greenwich and Deptford Branch referring to Cit Le Lubez and his relation to the CC, he would propose that the questions involved be referred to the Sub Committee, referred accordingly. Cit Dupont read a communication from Paris in reference to the Cards of Mem bership and their expenses, the Letters and their contents were referred to the Sub Committee. Cit Fox suggested That Hand Bills be printed and distributed broadcast inviting Members to the Association, referred to Sub Committee, Citizen Lewis being asked if he knew any one who could and would fill the Of fice of Corresponding Sec for America, stated in reply he should have no objection to filling such post; on the [proposition] of Cit Dell seconded by Cit Eccarius Cit 329 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Leon Lewis was unanimously elected Corresponding Sec for the United States of America. The Council then adjourned to June 13. W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary President | 330 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 1 3, 1 8 65 |[56]| Meeting of CC June 1 3th 1 8 65 President in the Chair. The Sec read the minutes of the former Meeting which with a slight alteration suggested by Cit Fox were corifirmed. Cit Fox read a Letter from Cit Lewis stating his inability to attend the sitting of the Council, also that he had for the present de cided to defer the issue of the Commoner, The report of the Sub Committee was then given by the Sec with regard to the Le Lubez imbroglio, they had decided on the following resolution That this Committee feels bound to express its regret that Cit Le Lubez should have written the passages he did in his Letter to Cit Lefebvre regarding the Paris Committee, but believing they were written under unfortunate impressions con sider that the resolution for his readmission should be strictly adhered to and car ried into effect immediately. Also that Citizens Fox, Jung and Odger be appointed a deputation to wait on the Greenwich and Deptford Branch to explain to them the reasons which have actu ated the Council in delaying the readmission of Cit Le Lubez and passing the above resolution, Cit Dell proposed Howell seconded that this Council confirm the resolution of the Sub Committee. Carried Unanimously. The Sub Committee had also instructed Cit Dupont to request the Paris Administration to get their accounts audited and forward a balance Sheet to the CC, approved. Cit Fox proposed Cit Wheeler seconded that Citizen Lefebvre be elected corre spondent for the department of Neufchateau. Carried Unanimously. T he Anniversary M e e t i ng of t he J u ne Insurrection Citizen Lessner announced that the German Working Men's Mutual Improvement Association would hold their meeting in celebration of the above event in the hall of the Metropolitan institution, Cleveland Street, on Wednesday, June 28th. It having transpired that funds were wanting to pay the expenses incident to the Meeting, Cit Wheeler proposed Cit Dell seconded ||[57]| that 12s be voted for that purpose. Carried Unanimously— 331 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit Jung read a long Letter from Geneva giving a long account of the progress they are making and asking when the Congress would assemble and what questions would be laid before it, a discussion took place regarding the Congress and the question was referred to the Sub Committee, Cit Dupont laid upon the table the first copy of the Tribune ouvrière, a new work- ing man's paper started at Paris, owned, managed and edited exclusively by working men. One of the Association's correspondents was its publisher. He also acknowl edged the receipt of some of the required information concerning the finance of tulle manufacture in England, which he would forthwith forward to the tullistes of Lyons now on strike. 5 10 Cit Holtorp announced that a Working Men's Association had been founded among the Polish emigrants in London for the purpose of affording aid and infor mation to their countrymen, who were now constantly arriving here from the Conti nent. The President introduced the question of Cit Wolff returning his Card to the 15 Council, he had met Cit Wolff who expressed regret that he had so returned his card and he the President thought the Council ought now to send Cit Wolff back his Card. A long discussion took place on the question and the following Resolution and Amendment were submitted on the question 20 Resolution proposed by Wheeler seconded by Cit F o x- That Cit Wolffs Card be returned to him. Amendment by Cit Jung seconded by Cit Kaub— That when any member returns his Card to the Council that he cannot again have that Card, but if he wishes to join again he must take out a new Card. 25¡ Rider proposed by Dell seconded by Holtorp That the Sec write to Cit Wolff stating that he can have his Card by asking for it. Votes for Resolution 3 Amendment 10 Rider 4. The Council then adjourned to June 20t h. 30 W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President | [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 192, 17. Juni 1865 The last number of the Glos Wolny was laid on the table, which gives the accounts 3 of the subscription opened for the Poles by the Oborski Commission and the ex^ penditure. It appears that the sum collected amounted to £84 8s. 3d., and the sum spent to £96 14s., leaving a balance due to Captain Bobczynski of £12 5s. 9d. The cost of the anniversary meeting in St. Martin's Hall was £35 5s. 9d., the amount dis- 332 Meeting of the Central Council June 13, 1865 tributed among suffering Poles was £47 15s., and the balance of the expenditure re presented the general expenses of the commission. Of the £84 8s. 3d. subscribed the Poles resident in England had given £23 8s. 3d., and the British £61, of which £30 6s. came from Newcastle and the balance from London. 333 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 2 0, 1 8 65 |[58]| Central Council Meeting June 20th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Sec read a Letter from D Bagnagatti, the Secretary of the Italian Working Men's Association in London informing the CC that Cit L.Wolff had been appointed by said Associa tion as their representative on the CC— Cit Fox proposed Cit Weston seconded That Cit L.Wolff be accepted as the rep resentative of the Working Men's Association, Carried Unanimously. Cit Dupont read a Letter from St Denis asking for 300 Cards of Membership, he also requests from 4 places for permission to open Branches of the Associa- 10 tion. The following were then elected Foreign Corresponding Secretaries: Cit Talbot of Caen, Cit Ferdinand Duhamel of Lisieux, Cit Ferret of Pantin, Cit Bosc of St Denis—pro posed by Cit Marx seconded by Cit Weston. The Council having had their attention called to the frequent absence of the Fi- 15: nancial Secretary—agreed to refer the question to the Sub Committee, Cit Jung stated that having had occasion to visit the Silk Weavers' Society, he had introduced the principles of the I. W. M. A. and he believed they would join. Cit Fox thought we ought to take immediate steps to increase our means of prop- 20; agandism. The Sec thought it would be well to defer the question for a few weeks, the declaration of enrolment for Societies would then be ready, Cit Marx then read a part of his paper in reply to Cit Weston's propositions on the question of Wages, Cit Weston thought that in the part of the paper read by Cit Marx that nothing had been advanced or proved which in any way affected the 25J principles he affirmed, Cit Cremer thought Cit Marx had given two or three practi cal illustrations or rather facts which completely destroyed the positions affirmed by Cit Weston; the question was adjourned till June 27 at 9 o'clock. Cit Marx will then read the latter part of his paper and propose a series of counter resolutions. Cit Fox reported the result of his and Cit Jung's interview in the presence of Cit 30- Le Lubez with the Members of the Greenwich Branch, the reasons for the delay which had occurred in acknowledging their representation having been explained, 334 Meeting of the Central Council June 20, 1865 the Branch by resolution expressed their satisfaction with the explanation and thanked the deputation for their attendance. The Council then adjourned to June 27. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Secretary | 335 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 2 7, 1 8 65 I[59]j Meeting of Central Council June 27th 1865 VP Eccarius in the chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The report of the Sub Committee was given by the Secretary,-they recommended that as Citizen Whitlock the Financial Secretary was so often absent, that another Citizen be elected in his stead, Citizen Whitlock having explained the cause of his absence and stated that he might possibly have shortly to resign; it was agreed to waive any further discussion on the point untili after the present quarter's accounts had been audited. Citizen Fox called the attention of the Council to a point of order at a previous sitting, the President had allowed two Amendments at the same time to be put to a resolution, this he Cit Fox contended was out of order and in this opinion he was fortified by the opinion of an eminent authority which he quoted, said authority laid it down as a rule that there can be but one amendment at a time to 1 resolu tion, when that is disposed of another may then be proposed. Cit Dupont read a Letter from Citizen Lisieux accepting the position as Corre sponding Sec and asking for 500 Cards. Letter also from Citizen Ferdinand Duhamel also accepting position as Corre sponding Sec, another Letter from Citizen Ferret of Pantin also accepting position as Corresponding Sec, he asked for Cards but stated that he did not expect to make many members just now as there was a dearth of employment and consequent dis tress amongst the Workmen but when prosperity returned he believed members would join the Association. Citizen Marx then after recapitulating the principal points in the first part of his paper which he had read at the last sitting, proceeded to read the latter part at the conclusion of which Cit Cremer said there were many who would like to have | |[60]| both papers—of Cit Weston and Cit Marx' reply—printed, but he hardly knew how the expense was to be met. Cit Weston questioned the correctness of the statement contained in Cit Marx' paper having reference to Agricultural Laborers. On the motion of Citizen Eccarius the debate was adjourned to the next sitting to be opened by Cit Eccarius. The Council then adjourned to July 4 t h. J. G. E c c a r i us President W. R. C r e m er Hon Gen Sec / 336 Meeting of the Central Council June 27, 1865 [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 336.24-31] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 195, 8. Juli 1865 T he W e s t on Propositions. Citizen Marx has read an elaborate paper in opposition to the above named propo sitions, and has propounded a series of dogmas on the wages question in harmony with the arguments of his essay. The debate has been continued by Citizens Ecca rius, Carter, and others. 337 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 4, 1 8 65 / [ 6 0 ]/ Meeting of CC J u ly 4th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. On the Secretary reading the minutes of the former meeting a slight correction was made in reference to the Continental Corresponding Secretaries; the Minutes were then confirmed. Cit Fox stated that the ruling of the debate in the House of Commons last Night had confirmed what he had asserted at the last sitting of the CC—he also stated that he had not been able to obtain the requisite information as to the manufacture of Tulle but he hoped the Gen Secretary would do so on his visit to Norwich, Cit Dupont had received a Letter from France which he thought could be better considered by the Sub Committee, referred accordingly. Cit Jung presented the As sociation with a Copper Plate which had been designed and executed by Citizen Ri chard Cottam gratuitously, Cit Marx proposed Cit Cremer seconded That the CC thanks Cit Cottam for his generous gift. Carried Unanimously. Cit Eccarius resumed the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's propositions arguing against Cit Weston's views, Cit Fox slightly differed with Cit Eccarius as to the con tinued Intellectual progress which Cit Eccarius asserted had been made by Man kind. Cit Carter altogether ignored the statistics of Political Economists and pre ferred to look at and judge Man by what we knew of him, Cit Kaub proposed the adjournment of the debate till the next sitting. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned to July 1 1t h. President | 338 Meeting of the Central Council July 4, 1865 [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 195, 8. Juli 1865 Strikes in F r a n c e. Citizen Eugène Dupont, the Secretary for France, has addressed from London the following letter to the editor of the Temps, a republican paper in Paris: — 5 15 "Mr. Editor, I have read in your report of the Senate's proceedings the proposi tion made by Baron Charles Dupin, concerning strikes among the working classes. In so important a question, M. Charles Dupin who calls himself the mentor and friend of the working classes, finds no other solution for the difficulty than in coer cive measures, by appealing to the terrors of the law, doubtless in obedience to the 10 proverb: 'The wise father spareth not the rod.' Happily the ouvriers are no longer overgrown children, who are scared by the threat of a whipping; the working classes graduated in 1848, and they guide their steps by the lessons of the past. Convinced that an insurrection would only aggravate their situation, the working men who are dissatisfied with their condition and social inferiority, appeal to discussion,which is the true weapon of progress. This is why the fact that perfect order is maintained by the strikers seems so strange to M. Charles Dupin, the 'guide, philosopher, and friend' of the working classes. He no longer knows his pupils again. What! strikes follow strikes, and not the slightest riot—that is against the order of nature. Repeal, then, without delay the law on combinations. What, then, would M. Charles Dupin 20 have said if armed force had been compelled to intervene? I am far from saying that a strike is a final solution; it is only an expedient rendered necessary by the present relations of capital to labour. But, in any event, nothing can be achieved without the right of meeting and free discussion; repressive laws may adjourn and aggravate the question, but not resolve it. Late events have demonstrated to the least observ- 25 ant that it is necessary to pay attention without delay to questions relating to the or ganisation of society. It is with this aim that the International Working Men's Asso ciation has been established, and that it invites every working man in Europe to lend a hand to the common work.—Yours, etc., E. Dupont." 339 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 1 1, 1 8 65 |[61]| Meeting of CC. J u ly 1 1th 1865 The President in the Chair. Cit Fox in the absence of the Gen Sec read the minutes of the previous Meeting which were confirmed, Cit Dupont read a Letter from the Association's Correspondent at Lyons ac knowledging the receipt of 400 Cards, desiring further information concerning the t u l le manufacture and announcing that the Strikes in Lyons had terminated unfa vorably to the men who had been compelled to succumb for want of the means of subsistence; he hoped their failure would teach them a lesson and show them the necessity for organization, On the proposition of Cit Jung the Council then adjourned to July 18 t h. President / 340 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 1 8, 1 8 65 / [ 6 1 ]/ Meeting of CC July 18th 1865 The President in the Chair. Cit Fox in the absence of the Gen. Sec. read the minutes of the former meeting which were confirmed. Cit Dupont laid before the Council a letter from Cit Fri bourg in relation to the Congress—on the proposition of Cits Eccarius and Dell it was resolved that the consideration of that matter be deferred till the next sitting when the report of the Sub Committee was expected and that the Secretary be in structed to summon a general Meeting. The President spoke on the subject of reporting the debate on the Weston Propo sitions, he believed that the Miner would open its columns to a full report of the same; the debate being now over. Cit Fox delivered his views on the questions raised by Cit Weston after which the Council adjourned to July 25. President | 341 S u m m o n ed M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 2 5, 1 8 65 |[62]| Summoned Meeting of the CC July 2 5th 1 8 65 The President in the Chair, Cit Fox who during the temporary absence of the Gen. Sec. had been acting in his stead stated that he had not been able to write out from his notes the minutes of the last sitting, it was therefore agreed to read them at the next sitting, 5 Cit Fox brought up the report of the Sub Committee. The report with some addi tions and slight alterations was adopted in the following form: Report of t he Sub C o m m i t t ee on the questions of a Congress a nd Conference as a m e n d ed a nd passed by the CC at a s u m m o n ed M e e t i ng on the 2 5th of July 1865 10 In consequence of the urgent representations of our French and Swiss correspond ents who call upon the CC to take some steps in fulfilment of the pledge given at the time of the foundation of the Association that a Congress would be held in Brussels in the present Year to discuss questions of general interest to the proleta rians of Europe, your Committee have taken the whole subject into their considera- 15 tion and now submit to you the following series of proposals 1st That it is not feasible to assemble a Congress in Brussels or London at the present time, in lieu thereof we propose a Conference which shall assemble in Lon don on Monday September 2 5t h. 2nd That the following declaration be published in the Continental and British 20 Journals which are favourable to our cause "The Central Council of the I.W.M.A. announce that they have resolved on post poning the convocation of a General Congress of Working Men at Brussels or else where for three reasons 1 Because they have felt the advisability of having a preliminary Conference with 25 a few Delegates from their principal Branches on the Continent touching the pro gramme which ought to be laid before the said Congress. 2 Because in Britain the Reform Movement, the ||[63]| General Elections and the Industrial Exhibitions and in France the Strikes have absorbed the energies and at tention of the Working Classes to such an extent as to have retarded the maturity of 30 ¡ the Association. 342 Summoned Meeting of the Central Council July 25, 1865 3 Because during the present Year the Belgian Parliament has passed an Alien Act of such a Character as to put an end to the project the Association had enter tained of holding a Congress or to any they might have entertained of having a Con ference in the Capital of Belgium." 5 3rd The Conference is to be constituted in this wise: two Delegates from every Central Administration are to be invited, also two from Lyons. The cost of the trav elling expenses of the Delegates will be borne by their constituents, their costs in London will be defrayed by the Central Council. 10 4th As to the ways and means of defraying these costs the Committee have re- ceived the generous offer from Cit Jung that he will board and lodge the Delegates from Switzerland, for the rest the Committee recommend 1 That the Members of the CC renew their Annual Subscriptions in the month of September previous to the Assembling of the Conference. 2 That the Gen Sec be instructed to appeal to the Secretaries of the Societies who 15 have already joined the Association to exert themselves to sell Cards of Member ship to their Individual Members for the sake of Meeting the outlay of the Confer ence. 3 That the Members of the CC be recommended to take cards on sale, paying to the Council the amount of the same in ready money, recouping the immediate out- lay from ||[64]| the produce of the Sales. 20 5th The Committee proposed that the CC should adopt and submit to the Confer ence a certain programme which was amended and passed in the following form by the CC 1 Questions relating to the Congress 2 Questions relating to the organization of the Association 3 Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different National struggles between Capital and Labor 4 Trades Unions, their Past, Present, and Future 5 Cooperative Labor 6 Direct and Indirect Taxation 7 Reduction of the Number of the Hours of Labor 8 Female and Children Labor 9 The Muscovite invasion of Europe and the reestablisbment of an independent 25 30 and integral Poland 35 10 Standing Armies, their effects upon the Interests of the productive classes. 6th Preliminary Sittings of the Delegates to be held with the Committee, the de finitive sittings with the CC. 7,b On the 2 8th of September a Soiree will be held for the three following objects: 1st to commemorate the founding of the Association, 2nd to do Honour to the Con- tinental Delegates and 3rd to celebrate the triumph of Federalism and Free Labor in America. The Soiree to consist of a Tea, speaking, conversazione and dancing ... 40 In reference to the question of the Muscovite Invasion of Europe Cits Whitlock and Merriman argued in favor of ||[65]| placing it at the bottom of the programme; it being a political question they would prefer to keep it apart from the others which 45 were of a social character, agreed to— 343 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cits Weston and Leno proposed that the question of Taxation be struck out not because they did not conceive it to be important but because they thought the pro gramme sufficiently extensive without it, they would prefer to debate one or two questions thoroughly rather than half consider a large number—3 only voting for the amendment it was declared lost and the question of taxation remained part of the programme. As an addition to the question of Muscovite Invasion Cits Merriman and Whit lock proposed the following The relation of the Papacy to the political welfare of Italy and the civilisation of the World, for the addition 8, against 12, lost— 5 10 Proposed by Cits Lubez and Holtorp, That the question of Education as embodied in the French programme be em bodied in the programme of the C C, for 6, against 11 ( l o s t ). The majority voting against the question because the programme was already sufficiently extended. Cits Cremer and Eccarius proposed that the question of Standing Armies as sug- 15 gested in the French programme be embodied in ours. For 12, against 5 (Carried). Cits Leno and Jung proposed That the question Cits Cremer and Eccarius proposed That at the Soiree on the 28 th of September next That in addition to celebrating the foundation of the Association and welcoming 20= the Continental Delegates that we celebrate the triumph of the Federal cause and congratulate the American People on the abolition of Slavery, Carried, 1 voting against. The Programme as amended and altered and in the form as read above was then put from the Chair and Carried. 25 ¡ The Gen Sec stated that having been recently in Norwich he had made all possi ble enquiries as to the locality where tulle was manufactured but could not get any information on the subject but of this he was certain it was not manufactured in Norwich. The Council then adjourned to August 1Ά. J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President | 30 344 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 1, 1 8 65 |[66]| Central Council Meeting August 1st 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous two Meetings were read and confirmed. Cit Gray on behalf of Cit Walton presented the Council with 20 Copies of his Book on the sub ject of Landed Tenures. Cits Fox and Lubez proposed That the thanks of the CC be presented to Cit Walton for his gift. Carried Unan imously. The Secretary gave report of Standing Committee, they propose to the CC to in sert in the programme to be laid before the Conference the following question Trades Unions, their Past, Present, and Future, agreed to. The question of Members' Cards was then discussed, the Committee believing the Numbers on the Cards were useless and injurious recommended the CC to strike them off. The Gen Secretary further urged that the names on the cards be also abolished. A long discussion took place on the question which was terminated by the follow ing propositions by Cits Dell and Cremer proposing to strike off both names and numbers. Cits Jung and Dupont proposed as an amendment to only strike off the numbers. Cits Lubez and Longmaid proposed that the question be adjourned till the next sitting, the latter proposition] being Carried the question was adjourned till the next sitting, The following Citizens were then elected to act with the Gen Sec to carry out the arrangements for the Soiree: Cits Dell, Leno, and Howell, Cit Dupont read correspondence from Paris which stated that through their not having complied with the law regarding the Press that the Tribune ouvrière had been suppressed and the Editor fined 100 Francs but they were about to issue an other journal, The Council then adjourned till August 8. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President | 345 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 8, 1 8 65 |[67]| Meeting of the Central Council August 8th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The Secretary read the minutes of the previous meeting, which were confirmed. The Gen Sec brought up the report of the Standing Committee. They recom mended 1st That Citizen Dell be elected Financial Secretary in the place of Cit Whitlock, agreed to, 2nd they recommended that the question as to the names and numbers on the Cards be deferred till the Conference so that the Opinions of the Continental Delegates may be canvassed, agreed to, 3rd they recommended that a Committee of 3 be appointed to draw up Articles of Association for the purpose of raising a Capital of 500£ in Shares of 1£ each so as to enable the Central Council to purchase premises as a Central Home for the Association- Citizens Dell and Wheeler were elected by the Council and instructed to ascer tain whether the Company could best be formed under the Industrial Provident So cieties Act or under the Limited Liability Act, The report to be given at the next sit ting. Cit Fox read some correspondence from Neufchâteau from Lefebvre the corre spondent of the Association stating he had been a little too hasty in the opinions he had formed with regard to the illegality of the Association in France, he was glad to find he had been mistaken and he was now doing all he could to push the Associa tion forward. Cit Fox also read a Letter from Cit Talbot of Caen who also stated he was using his utmost exertions on behalf of the Association, Cit Fox introduced the question of the necessity for an active propagandism which brought about a long discussion taken part in by Cits Jung, Cremer, Lubez and Odger, Eccarius and Wheeler, the latter stating he had just returned from Scot land where he had done what he could for the advancement of the Association and he had succeeded in obtaining the Services of Cit John McColman as the ||[68]| As sociation's Correspondent for Glasgow. At the conclusion of the question Cits Wheeler and Dell proposed that Cit John McColman be elected the Glasgow Correspondent for the Association. Carried Unanimously. Cremer and Howell proposed That Cits Gardner and Cope be nominated as members of the CC. Cit Lubez asked if the CC were willing to take any part in a dem- 346 Meeting of the Central Council August 8, 1865 onstration of Blackheath to celebrate the Jubilee of Peace between England and France. Cits Cremer and Wheeler proposed That a Demonstration take place on Blackheath on Sunday 2 7th August under the Auspices of the Association and that 5,000 Hand Bills be printed and circulated announcing the meeting, Carried Unan- imously. 5 Cit Weston asked if the debate on the Wages question was to be continued or not, he thought it a waste of time for the CC to be transacting Administrative busi ness when they ought to be engaged in the more serious one of discussing great principles, 10 Cit Howell [...] seconded That the Standing Committee transact all the Adminis trative business and report to the CC once a Month, the other three sittings of the CC to be devoted to the discussion of great principles. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned till August 15. J. G. E c c a r i us Vice President / 15 [Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper] [Zu S. 346.20-21] The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 200, 12. August 1865 T he good work in N o r m a n d y. The Secretary for France read a letter from Edouard Talbot, at Caen, from which we extract as follows:— 20 "My relations at Caen, and in the department of Calvados, as former President of the Working Men's Associations until 1852, allowed me to profit by the rewakening of the public mind to propagate the excellent ideas of your programme. The future belongs to them; it is the duty of us, the workmen of the first hour, to sow them copiously now, even in the dawn, even in night time. Rely then upon me, as on a 25 man thoroughly grounded in his convictions, who has never either changed or re coiled, and has never otherwise understood democracy than as based upon socialist ideas. You ask me if I could procure the insertion of some articles in the journals of the department. I will try; but I do not expect much in this direction, as in Caen there are only two journals—and one is clerical, the other prefectoral. In the other towns there exist only advertising sheets. As to the cards of membership, be so good as to send me fifty. I cannot dispose of them all immediately, but I can of 25 at least; and the rest will go off by degrees. Among the people of this district there is a general desire for action; they suffer from the deadness of the last 15 years, and the younger generation begin to feel the want of a 'freer life.' " 30 347 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 1 5, 1 8 65 / [ 6 8 ]/ Meeting of Central Council August 15th 1865 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. Cits Cremer and Wheeler proposed that Cits Cope and Gardner be elected on the C C — C a r r i ed Unanimously. Cit Odger nominated Cit Brien as a Member of the CC. Cit Kaub then read his paper in reply to Cit Weston's propositions, Citizen Kaub taking the opposite view to Cit Weston, it was then agreed on the proposition of Cit Cremer for Cit Jung to adjourn any further discussion on the question till the next Meeting. The Council then adjourned on the Vice President | 348 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 2, 1 8 65 I[69]I Meeting of Central Council August 2 2nd 1865 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed—Cit Kaub nomi nated Cit Hrabje as a Member of the CC. The Secretary introduced to the notice of the CC the necessity for reconstituting the Standing Committee as there were Members now on it who never attended its sittings, it was agreed to adjourn the question till the next Meeting of the CC. Cit Jung read correspondence from Switzerland which stated they were making rapid progress with the Association, several Working Men's Societies had lately joined, he also translated for Cit Dupont Letters he had received from Lyons and other parts of France all speaking hopefully of the progress they were making; the Members in Lyons again asked for the information they had before sought in refer ence to the prices and manufacture of Tulle, it was agreed to make another effort to get the information desired. The Correspondence was received. Cit Jung who was entitled to open the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's question asked for permission to postpone doing so till the next sitting. Cit Leno supported doing so, agreed to. The Council then adjourned as there was important business to transact connected with the formation of a Newspaper Company. G. O d g er President / 349 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 9, 1 8 65 / [ 6 9 ]/ Meeting of Central Council August 29th 1865 The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Letter read from Cit Richard Cottam acknowledging the thanks of the CC and expressing his willing ness to at any time assist in the progress of the Association— A Letter was also read from Cit A. Walton a Member of the Association living in Wales, the letter stated that he had the previous Week sent a Letter to the Bee-Hive headed "The Great Naval Review at Cherbourg," ||[70]| but the Editor ofthat paper had inserted the letter as a Leading Article and palmed it off on the Readers by using the Editorial "We" as an Editorial production. A considerable discussion took place on the matter, all who took part in it denouncing such conduct and the following resolution by Cits Eccarius and Marx was unanimously agreed to— That a copy of Cit Walton's Letter to this Council be sent to the Editor of the Bee-Hive and an explanation be demanded regarding the appropriation of an Arti cle sent by Cit Walton to the Bee-Hive on Foreign and International Politics. Cits Howell, Cremer and Eccarius were appointed to prepare an answer to Cit Walton. A Letter was read by Cit Jung from Cit Leon Fontaine, the letter was referred to Cit Dupont. The next question was the proposed election of Cit Brien on the CC, Cit Shaw opposed his election as he had never worked in harmony with any body of Men with which he has been connected. Also for his vacillating and coquetting conduct during the late advocacy of the advance of wages movement and for his want of honest conduct in conducting the same, Cit Howell thought from his conduct he ought not to be elected. Cit Wheeler thought if the character given by Cit Shaw be correct it would not be worth while to introduce him to the Council as he might introduce discord and thereby weakness, it was unanimously agreed not to elect Cit Brien— Cit Hrabje on the proposition of Cits Kaub and Lessner was unanimously elected a Member of the CC. Jung and Bordage nominated Cit Lucien Perchelet on CC— The question of reconstructing the standing Committee was adjourned. Cit Jung having the right to reopen the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's proposition asked 350 Meeting of the Central Council August 29, 1865 that the question might again be adjourned as he was not then prepared to open the discussion, adjourned accordingly— The Council then adjourned till September 5t h. G. O d g er President I 351 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 5, 1 8 65 |[71]| Meeting of Central Council September 5th 1865 The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Sec brought up the reply of the Committee to Cit Walton's communication in reference to the Bee-Hive. Cits Wheeler and Morgan proposed the adoption of the report. Cit Jung read two passages from Swiss Papers relative to the Association, Cit Perchelet on the proposition of Cits Jung and Bordage was elected on the Council. Cit Morgan gave a report of a visit to the Boot Closers who had requested a deputation to attend at their next summoned Meeting. Cit Mantz was nominated on the CC by Cits Wheeler and Eccarius. Cits Duthy and Cheval attended as Del- 10 egates from Belgium to ask if there was any objection to the Belgians electing their own Officers. Cit Carter proposed Eccarius seconded That Branches have the power to elect their own Officers subject to the approval of the CC. Carried Unanimously. The Delegates were also requested to attend the Standing Committee at their next sitting, the Council then adjourned till Sept'r 12. 15 G. O d g er President / 352 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 1 2, 1 8 65 / [ 7 1 ]/ Meeting of CC Sept'r 1 2th The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and con firmed. A Letter was read from Cit Wheeler stating his inability to continue as Treasurer to the Association in consequence of his increased duties in connection with his daily duties; several Members expressed their regret that Cit Wheeler had resigned but as the announcement of Cit Wheeler was positive no alternative was left them but to accept his resignation which was accordingly done, after which Cits Marx and Eccarius proposed that Cit Dell be elected Treasurer and ||[72]| that for the fu ture the Offices of Treasurer and Financial Sec be rolled into one. Carried Unani mously, Cit Mantz was elected a Member of the CC on the Motion of Cits Dell and Cremer. Lubez and Carter nominated Cit Pierre Vesinier as a Member of the CC, A discussion then took place as to the forthcoming Conference taken part in by Marx, Weston, Lubez, Cremer and on the motion of Cit Lubez seconded by Mantz the further consideration of the question was adjourned till the 19th inst, the Meet ing to be special for the consideration of the Conference. The Council then adjourned till the 19t h. W i l l i am D e ll President pro tem / 353 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 1 9, 1 8 65 / [ 7 2 ]/ Meeting of the Central Council September 19th 1865 In the absence of the President Citizen Dell was unanimously voted to the Chair. The Secretary read the minutes of the last Meeting [which] were read and con firmed. Cit Marx proposed Cit Carter seconded That Cit Bobczynski be elected a Mem ber of the CC, Carried Unanimously. The Secretary read a Letter from Glasgow from Cit McColman accepting the po^ sition assigned him by the CC viz That of Corresponding Secretary for Glasgow and promising to do his best to advance the interests of the Association. Cit Marx announced that no Delegates from Germany would attend the Confer ence but that a report of the doings in Germany would be sent him which he would read to the Conference, he had also sent [a letter] to Ernest Jones asking him to be present and speak at the Soiree. Cit Jung read a Letter from Switzerland in which it was announced that two Del egates had been elected and would attend the Conference. The question of the reorganisation of the Standing Committee was then brought up by the Secretary from the Standing Committee who recommended the Central Council to appoint the following Members to constitute the Standing Committee Odger, Eccarius, Dupont, Marx, Jung, Dell, Howell, Fox, Weston, Agreed to ||[73]| and on the Motion of Cremer seconded by Lessner Cit Bob czynski was also elected a Member of the Standing Committee to represent the Pol ish section of the Association. It was then agreed that the Continental Delegates should go to Citizen Bolleter's and Lardaux's to board and Lodge. Cit Dell offered to provide for the expenses of one of the Delegates. Cit Bobczynski contributed one Pound towards the expenses of the Delegates. The question of the expenses of the Conference was then discussed. The Stand ing Committee recommended that Members of the CC contribute as far as they can to the expenses of the Conference. Agreed to, several Members of the CC contributed towards the expenses. Mr. Tripp was engaged as M. C. for the Soiree, Cit Lubez proposed Carter seconded that Cit Vesinier be elected on the CC— 354 Meeting of the Central Council September 19, 1865 It was then determined that all the Tickets for the Soiree be returned or paid for on the third Tuesday after the Soiree— The Standing Committee recommended to the CC to agree to the following as a recommendation to the Conference— The CC shall in 1866 convoke a general Congress unless unforeseen circum stances shall necessitate its further postponement. Carried Unanimously— Lubez proposed that each question on the programme be left to some one Mem ber to be named by the CC—Carter seconded but ultimately the proposition] was withdrawn in favor of the following by Cit Carter seconded by Weston That the views expressed here to-night be considered by the Standing Commit tee; the Council then adjourned to G eo O d g er President / [Auszug aus The Workman's Advocate] The Workman's Advocate. Nr. 133, 23. September 1865 15 20 The Central Council held a special meeting on Tuesday last to complete the ar- rangements for the conference which begins on Monday, and it was announced that representatives from French, German, Polish, Swiss, Belgian, and English societies will be present at the conference; it was also stated that Mr. Ernest Jones, the Bar rister, who is well known to the democracy of Europe, and who is the Manchester correspondent of the International Working Men's Association, will attend, and de- liver an address at the soiree which is to be held at St. Martin's Hall. As a very large attendance is expected, those who wish to hear Mr. Jones's impassioned oratory had better at once secure tickets. A full report of the doings of the conference and the soiree will appear in our next issue. 355 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 3, 1 8 65 / [ 7 3 ]/ Meeting of Central Council October 3rd 1865 The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed, The Sec read a let ter from Cit Jung stating his inability to attend the Council Meeting as he had an attack of Ophthalmia; the Council expressed a hope that he soon be with them again— Letter read purporting to be a Letter from the Editor of the Bee-Hive but as no name was attached to it the Council passed to the next business. | |[74]| A Letter was also read from Madam Jeanne Deroin, the letter had been ad dressed to the Conference but had been delayed. The Secretary stated he had re ceived applications for the address and rules from the Hearth Rug Weavers' and Gilders' Societies. Morgan gave report of visit to Boot-Closers, it was very late before the deputation were admitted but the Members of the Society apologised for having kept the Depu tation waiting and he had no doubt but that at their next Monthly Meeting the So ciety would join the Association. The question as to the publication of the doings at the Conference was then dis cussed. Cit Carter and Lubez proposed That Cit Marx be requested to compile the report of the Conference proceedings. Carried Unanimously. Cit Carter and Lubez proposed That a Copy be sent to Citizen De Paepe in Bel gium and that he be requested to publish it in Pamphlet form. Carried Unani mously. Cit Dupont reported that a Friend of his, Cit Coraz was about to start for New York and he suggested that Cit Coraz should [take with him] (as he was willing to do) 500 Cards of Membership and addresses— Cit Dupont also gave notice of his intention to propose Cit Coraz as the Corre spondent of the Association in New York— A discussion took place as to the late Soiree, the numbers attending it and the j Tickets taken at the Doors; an explanation having been given the subject dropped. Several Friends came and took their Cards of Membership. Cit Bordage nominated Cit H. Johnson as a Member of the CC. The meeting then adjourned till October 10t h. J o hn W e s t on Chairman Pro tem / j 356 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 1 0, 1 8 65 / [ 7 4 ]/ Meeting of CC October 10 th 1865 Cit Weston in the Chair, the minutes of the previous Meeting were read and con firmed. Cit Johnson on the Propositions of Cits Bordage and Dell was elected a Member of the CC, Cit Louis Oborski proposed by Bobczynski and Marx. Cit Bobczynski said that as the Polish ||[75]| association was at present consti tuted they could not well join the I.W.M.A. but they wished to take part in it and to send representatives to the CC, he also stated that they expected to be able to effect the opening of Branches in Belgium, France and Italy; he had been deputed to ask if the Association would cooperate with the Polish Association to celebrate the rev olution of 2 9th November, the question was adjourned till the next sitting. The position of Cit Lewis the nominal Corresponding Sec for America and his re lation to the CC was then discussed and the Secretary was ordered to write to him informing him that if he did not attend to the duties of his Office that his election would be after the present month considered void. Cit Cremer called attention to the Council Meetings and gave notice of a propo sition at the next Council Meeting to adjourn the sitting for a Month—he thought we had too many movements in hand to work any of them effectively unless we met less frequently, he thought all our energies ought to be directed to establish the Workman's Advocate, for without an Organ the Association could never make any great headway; he would therefore suggest that for the next two or three Months the main energies of the Council should be directed to the thorough establishment of the Paper. A discussion took place in reference to the Polish corresponding Sec. The Gen Sec said he did not know that Cit Holtorp had ever done anything as a Secretary, he thought his position as Polish Secretaryship existed only in name. Several Members of the Council expressed similar views after which the Council adjourned till Oc tober 17t h. J. C a r t er President Pro tern | 357 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 1 7, 1 8 65 |[76]| M e e t i ng of CC O c t o b er 1 7th 1 8 65 The President and Vice President being absent Cit Carter was voted to the Chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Cit Holtorp in reference to some remarks contained in the minutes of the last meeting, explained that his reasons for not having brought any correspondence to the CC was that it had chiefly been of a private character, but if the CC thought he had neglected his duty he was quite willing to resign and to propose Cit Bobczynski in his stead who had large connections in Galicia. Cit Bobczynski thought it would be better to allow the Poles to elect their Secretary. Cit Lubez thought Cit Holtorp had mistaken the views of the Council with refer ence to his having neglected his duties; the subject then dropped with the under standing that the Polish Association should recommend to the CC one of their Members as Secretary— Cit Col. Oborski was elected a Member of the CC on the proposition of Cits Bobczynski and Marx. The following were nominated as Members of the CC by Cit Bobczynski: Cit Za- bicki, Cit Werecki, Cit Krynski. Cit Lessner notified to the Council the resignation of Cit Bolleter as a Member of the Council. Cit Bobczynski stated that the Polish Association had decided to celebrate the revolution of November 29 and a deputation of Poles was present to ask if the I. W. M. A. would assist in the celebration. Cit Lubez feared it might detract from our prestige if we were so often engaging in demonstrations with regard to Poland. Cit Fox thought we ought to celebrate the Insurrection every Year, he differed from Lubez, he thought the taking up [of] the Polish cause had already done the Association good, it had brought us a Number of Poles. After a lengthy discussion the following resolution was adopted, proposed by Cits Dell and Lessner, That a deputation be appointed to wait on the Polish League to ascertain if they are prepared to cooperate with us in the demonstration on behalf of the Polish revo lution of November 2 9t h. Cits Dell, Odger and Eccarius were ||[77]| appointed as the deputation—Cits Fox 358 Meeting of the Central Council October 17, 1865 and Marx proposed that if the celebration be determined on, that the Standing Committee shall transact all the business in connection therewith. Carried Unan imously. The General Secretary called attention to the fact that some weeks ago he had announced his intention of resigning, he could no longer with justice to himself perform the duties; he would thank the Council to name his successor, he had asked Cit Lubez to accept the Office—Cit Lubez was sorry to be compelled to re fuse, other Members of the Council were appealed to but all declined; but some of them asked Cit Cremer if he could not longer continue the Office. Cit Cremer replied that to him it was a question of necessity, he had sacrificed so much during the past twelve months that it was for him impossible to sacrifice any more but he would consent to hold the Office till the present pecuniary liabilities were discharged—it was then agreed by resolution to adjourn for a fortnight. The Council then adjourned to October 3 1s t. W i l l i am D e ll President / 359 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 3 1, 1 8 65 / [ 7 7 ]/ Tuesday Oct'r 31 Cit. Dell was voted into the chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed without alteration. Celebration of N o v 'r 29. Cit. Dell gave a report of the meeting of the deputation to Mr Edmond Beales. Mr Beales thought all public demonstrations at the present time inopportune, but the British League for the Independence of Poland would nevertheless cooperate with the International in celebrating the insurrection of January, 23, but the League would not take part in any celebration of ||[78]| the insurrection of 1830. Cit. Fox asked to repeat what he had said at the previous meeting that the insur rection of Nov'r. 2 9t h, 1830 was made by the Poles in favour of Europe contrary to their own former plan which led them to wait for the Revolution in Germany, reaching them and enabling them to fight out their own independence. But when the Czar wanted to invade Western Europe, the Poles being intended to act as a vanguard against France and Belgium, they turned round on Russia before their own time and acted as a shield to the former. Le Lubez repeated a few of the things which he said at the last meeting: He thought that this Association ought to occupy itself with resolving social problems and the extinction of pauperism. Cit. Carter said that the question was a simple one: would we help the Poles to celebrate the anniversary of the most unselfish, the most Republican movement that ever took place in Poland. On the motion of Cit Fox, it was resolved "That the question of the celebration of Nov'r. 29, stand over until we hear the wishes of our Polish members." 360 Meeting of the Central Council October 31, 1865 Courrier I n t e r n a t i o n a l. Cit Fox read an article from the International Courier (French side) criticising the doings of the Conference and declaring that every political association of working men was, under present circumstances, a conspiracy. The sense of the article and the spirit in which it was written were thought by the meeting to be highly inimical to the Association. / /[98]/ On the motion of Citizen Cremer it was resolved to insert an advertisement of the International Association in the Workman's Advocate, on the terms of pay ing the price of setting. On the motion of the same it was resolved that the members of the Council should be written to and informed that henceforth they would only receive notice of the sittings of the Central Council through the Workman's Advo cate. Citizen Morgan stated that the deputation to the bootclosers did not attend as they were detained till late at another meeting in Chelsea. Citizens Werecki and Krynski were unanimously elected members of the Central Council. Citizen Za- bicki was objected by Citizen Le Lubez, and the question of this election was ac cordingly adjourned. The Secretary then made a financial statement: He stated that the Association was £12 in dept; That M. Dujoncquoy of the New York Hotel was the principal cred itor to the extent of £8 l is 8d, that he was pressing for payment; that the Associa tion was also indepted to Citizen Jung and to a printer named Kelly and to Citizen Kaub. Per contra that many outstanding accounts were due to the Association for tickets sold at our two soirees. Citizen Çremer also thought that ||[99]| money ought to be forthcoming from France, as the Central Council had sent over there so many cards and addresses and received back only £4. The meeting then adjourned to that day fortnight. / 361 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 1 4, 1 8 65 \{79]\ Tuesday Nov'r. 14. The Central Council met at 18, Greek-street, Soho, Vice-President Eccarius in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed without alteration. M i n u t es A u d i t. On the motion of Citizen Fox, Citizens Coulson and Lessner were appointed to au dit the accounts of the St. Martin's Hall soiree. F r a n ce and Spain. The Secretary for France stated that the report of the proceedings of the Conference drawn up by the Parisian delegates had been inserted in all the Republican and Lib eral journals of Paris; and that in the Siècle M. Henri Martin had written a preface (see below) which he desired to read, and did read to the Council. M. Martin had joined our Association, and a sudden demand had sprung up for cards, 1,000 of which the Paris delegates demanded the immediate transmission. He also stated that the Parisian centre was in correspondence with Spanish democrats, concerning which they would communicate at length to the Council at a future date. He con cluded by laying the aforesaid report on the Table. 362 Meeting of the Central Council November 14, 1865 Polish Celebration. Citizen Bobczynski stated that as the British League for the Independence of Po land would join the International in celebrating the anniversary of the late insurrec tion of January 23rd, 1863, but would not join to celebrate that of November 29th, 1830, the Polish members had abandoned the idea of asking the International to observe the 29th instant. Nevertheless, the Poles in London intended to celebrate the same among themselves in a quiet manner, and they would be pleased to have the company of their friends. When the arrangements were completed notice would be given of time, place, etc., in the columns of the Workman's Advocate. Place of m e e t i n g. 5 10 The Lessee of the premises demands £12 per ann. for the front and £10 per ann. for the back room, a month's rent in advance and a monthly notice on either side. As the Council desired ||[80]| to have as large an attendance of members to consider this question of location as possible, resolved to let the matter stand over till next 15 Tuesday. This question was accordingly made the order of the day for the next meeting. A conversation ensued about the expediency of resuming our weekly meetings and a resolution to do so was carried nem. con. The Council then adjourned till Tuesday next. The following document was ordered to be inserted in the minutes. 20 Henri Martin's preface to the French delegates' Report. We have read the narrative of what lately took place at London with profound emo tion. We have a presentiment that something great has just been begun, and that St. Martin's Hall will be famous in history. The elevation of the sentiments and the language of this report, the breadth of 25 view and the high moral, political and economical conceptions which have decided the choice of questions composing the programme for the International Congress of Working Men, which is to assemble next year, will strike with a common sympathy every friend of progress, justice, and liberty in Europe. 30 following Leaving to our friends and coadjutors the task of studying it in its details, and of in its course, this new-bom effort of European fraternity, we will only draw attention from among- such profound social questions as "The labour of women and children in factories from the moral and sanitary point of view," "The reduction of the hours of labour; object and moral consequences of the same," "Re ligious ideas, their influence on the social, political, and intellectual movement," We will only, I say, draw attention to the ninth question laid down for the considera- tion of the future congress. 35 "The necessity of annihilating Muscovite influence in Europe, by the application of 363 i I t Ï fi ; |. Γ The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. the principle of the right of nations to dispose of themselves, and the reconstruction of Poland upon a democratic and socialist basis." We will take the liberty of re marking that the expression "democratic and socialist basis," is a very simple one as regards Poland, where the social framework needs reconstruction quite as much as the political framework, and where this basis has been laid down by the decrees of the anonymous government of 1863, and accepted by all classes of the nation. | |[81]| This then is the reply of true socialism, of social progress in harmony with justice and liberty, to the advances of the Communist despotism of Muscovy. This "secret of the people of Paris," which our friend Corbon has revealed in his noble book, is becoming, then, the common secret of the peoples of Europe. We were well persuaded that this cold, as of death, which is spread over the sur face of our modem society, had not reached to the bottom, had not frozen the soul of the people, and that springs of life were not exhausted. It was in England that the rich and powerful gave but yesterday the most melan choly examples of international egoism and of indifference to the lofty duties, to the grand interests of European society. It is, indeed, in Britain that, for the honour of the British people, these noble re prisals of Young Europe ought to commence; it is thither these clasped hands must go and plant the flag of the fraternity of peoples. "Let those who have faith march forward, and soon the sceptics will run after them."* Our ears had grown unused to such words; they thrill us to the depths of our heart. Henri Martin. / * Quoted from the concluding sentence of the Delegates' Report. 364 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 1, 1 8 65 / [ 8 1 ]/ Minutes. Tuesday, Nov'r. 21. Citizen Shaw in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed without alteration. A letter dated Nov'r. 7 was read from the Secretary of the Council of the Cord- 5 wainers' Association asking for some rules and addresses to be forwarded to Branch Societies at Birmingham. It was ordered that Citizen Fox should forward 24 copies to Thos. Hallam of No 3 Second Court, Latimer St., Birmingham for distribution among the four Branch So cieties in that town; also that this remittance should be accompanied by a letter ex- 10 plaining the cause of the delay which had arisen in responding to the appeal. The Secretary for Germany stated that, in view of the ||[82]| sudden demand for cards that had arisen at Paris, he and the Sec. for Switzerland had guaranteed the printer for the cost of preparing 2,000 cards, of which number 1,000 should be sent to Paris, 500 reserved for the French Provinces and 100 reserved for Germany. He 15 desired the sanction of the Council to this arrangement. It was moved by Cit. Morgan and seconded by Wheeler and carried nem. con., "that we sanction the arrangement made by Cits. Marx and Jung with the Printer of the cards and that the allotment of them be as proposed by Cit. Marx." G e n e r al Report. 20 Cit. Marx stated that on his proposition it had been resolved at the Conference that a Report should be drawn up of the transactions of the Association on the first year of its existence. He ||[83]| now advised that the resolution for preparing such Report be rescinded on two grounds: (1) because the French delegates had already publish ed a Report, (2) that its publication at the present moment was not opportune and 25 should be delayed until May. He had, however, communicated copies of the resolu tions and programme to our Correspondents in Belgium and to Cit. Jung. The resolution for drawing up a Report was accordingly rescinded. 365 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. P r o p a g a n da in G e r m a n y. The Sec. for Germany said he was glad to be able to report that our Association was at length making headway in Germany, where it had obstacles to overcome greater than those which existed in France. Steps were being taken to form ||[84]| branches in Berlin, Mayence and Leipsic by men for whom the speaker could vouch. These Societies would probably be represented at the Geneva Congress. 5 N ew Correspondents. Cit. Marx proposed that Dr. Coullery of Chaux-de-Fonds in the Canton of Neu- chatel be nominated Correspondent of this Association and receive a letter of cre dence. This proposition was carried nem. con. 10 The Sec. for France proposed that Léon Toutain of Condé-sur-Noireau, in the department of Calvados, be appointed Correspondent. Resolved accordingly. Letter from Lyons. The Sec. for France read a letter from our correspondent at Lyons stating that he held 200 francs at our disposal and would shortly transmit same, also ||[85]| desiring 15 to know if the report of the Paris delegates was accurate in every respect or "Cooked" so as not to offend the Government, also thanking the Council for the transmission of the Courrier International and desiring the largest possible amount of information concerning the doings of the Central Council. Location. 20 The Council agreed with Mr.Corbett to take the back room at 18 Greek St., Soho, for Tuesday nights at 4s. a week payable in advance, with a month's notice on either side. Celebration of the 2 9th Nov'r. On the motion of Cits Fox and Wheeler it was resolved that should the Poles in 25 London carry out their project of celebrating this event by a dinner, those members of the Council who should attend the same be authorised to do so as a deputation from the Central Council. '· The Council then adjourned. | 366 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 8, 1 8 65 j[86]| Minutes. Tuesday Nov'r. 28. President Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed without alteration. T he Treasurership. Cit. Dell stated that he and Cit. Wheeler had spoken together about the Treasurer- ship which the latter was willing to resume and the former desirous of resigning in consequence of the distance of his abode from town. He stated that Wheeler's of fice was in a central place near the Strand and recommended the transference of the office. It was moved by Howell and seconded by Dell that Wheeler resume the office of Treasurer of the Association. Carried nem. con. \ I [87] I Switzerland. In the regretted absence of the Sec. for Switzerland, Cit. Marx stated that Cit. J. Ph. Becker had issued a proclamation to the German Swiss, concerning the Asso ciation, portions of which he thought should be translated and published in our re port. In it it was announced that the Branch Societies in Switzerland were about to issue a paper in German and French which would be the organ of the Association in that country. T he tulle question. The Secretary for France stated that it would have a good effect on the Lyonnese if any member of the Council could procure the desired information concerning the wages earned by English operatives in this branch of manufacture. | 367 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. I[88]preparations for Congress. Cit. Fox gave notice that he intended to prepare, against the forthcoming Congress, a paper on the 9 th question of the programme, relating to Poland, which would ad dress itself to the merits of the question and to the necessity of its retention as one of the aims of the Association. He intended to get it translated into French and hoped to lay it in English before the Central Council by the first Tuesday in April. The Council then adjourned. | 368 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [86]. Handschrift von Peter Fox M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 1 9, 1 8 65 |[89]| Dec'r. 19, 1865. Vice-President Eccarius took the Chair. The minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. T he M i n u te Book. Cit. Fox brought before the Council the unregistered state of the records of our three last meetings and begged that the Council would take action therein. After some conversation Cit. Dell moved, Lessner seconded and carried nem. con., "That Cit. Fox address a letter to the late Secretary requesting him to leave with Mr. Corbett the Minute Book of the Meetings of the Central Council." C h a n ge of location. President Odger stated that a room could be had in Bouverie St. for £10 per annum, that its expenses might be shared with the Workman's Advocate Company. A general feeling was expressed that it was highly desirable that the Association should pos sess a continuously accessible location. Citizen Dell was appointed to make the necessary arrangements with the Industrial Newspaper Company for taking this room. Secretaryship a nd the Cards. In consequence of the vacancy of the office of General Secretary to the Association and the difficulty of getting the cards of membership stamped which had arisen therefrom, it was resolved on the motion of Citizen Marx that henceforth the Con tinental Secretaries would stamp their own ]][90]| cards, that the said cards should not be numbered and that the said Secretaries should give receipts only for the gross number of the cards they received. 371 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit. Fox repeated the assurance he had formerly given that it would be impossi ble for him to accept the office of Secretary. Cit. Dell then mentioned the name of a friend of his who, he thought, would be willing to undertake the office. It was ac cordingly agreed to adjourn the question of electing a Secretary until Dell had spo ken with his friend. C o n t i n e n t al Correspondence. Cit. Marx stated that Societies in Basle and Zurich had joined the Association. Also a Benefit and a Cooperative Society connected with the Association had been formed whose seat was in Geneva. Cit Dupont read a letter from our correspondent at Condé-sur-Noireau, Calva dos, dated Dec'r. 6, complaining that he had not received any cards. Also one from Cits Limousin and Fribourg giving reasons why they had not sent money to London for the cards and asking that full confidence and entire liberty be accorded to them until the Congress. The Propaganda. Cit. Jung made an appeal to the British members to be up and doing to collect mon ey for the Congress and declared that the dolce far niente of the British members paralysed his efforts among his own countrymen in London and Switzerland. | |[91]| President Odger observed that working men's spare political energies were absorbed in the agitation for Manhood Suffrage and the Ballot. Cit. Fox replied that the reawakening of political life among the London masses was a symptom of favourable augury for the Association. He was ready to address a Trade's Society once-a-week for the purpose of collecting money for the Congress. Cit. Morgan rec ommended that Addresses should be furnished to the Trades' Societies before any deputation was heard, in order that those bodies might be forewarned and have the subject in their programme for the evening. 2( 25 Finally Cit. Odger undertook to prepare a list of the Societies which it would be most advisable to apply to. Standing C o m m i t t e e. Cit. Jung moved that the Standing Committee resume its sittings, but on the State- 30 ment of the Chairman that this was a point to be settled by the Standing Committee itself, the mover withdrew his motion./ 372 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 2 6, 1 8 65 / [ 9 1 ]/ D e c ' r. 2 6. B o x i ng n i g h t! Present Cits Shaw, Marx, Jung, Cremer, Fox, Le Lubez and a friend introduced by the last named as a member of the newly formed French branch of the Association. Cit. Shaw was appointed Chairman. 5 The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed, a slight alteration being made in the last paragraph of the same. | |[92]| T he n u m b e r i ng of the Cards. that the Council should reconsider their resolution of Cit. Cremer thought Dec'r. 19, in reference to the non-numbering of the cards. He argued that the num- 10 ber was a protection against fraud. New cards should be issued Every year with fresh numbers. After some discussion Le Lubez moved and Marx seconded that the Cards just obtained from the printer be numbered by the "numerical printing machine." Cit. Cremer having undertaken to look after that matter on the following day, the mo- tion was carried unanimously. 15 Stamping of Cards. Cremer thought the stamps should be fixed at the new room in Bouverie St. where any correspondent could use it. That was a better arrangement than having it in anybody's private dwelling. He made a motion that it be fixed in Bouverie St. Sec- 20 onded by Jung and carried unanimously. 373 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. R o om in Bouverie Street. Cremer reported that the Industrial Newspaper Company had taken a room in Bou verie St. at the rent of £ 10 per annum and was willing to admit the Association as a co-tenant and sub-tenant at the rent of £5 per annum. Cremer proposed that we close with this offer. This proposition was carried unanimously. | I [93] I A u d it of A c c o u n t s. Cremer introduced the subject of the audit of our accounts. He recommended that the next audit include down to the 1ST Jan. 1 8 6 6. A motion to this effect was made and carried. Raising of F u n ds for t he Congress. Fox thought that the remarks of the Sec. for Switzerland at our last meeting ought to be heeded. He had accordingly drawn up an Appeal to the Workingmen of Great Britain which he proposed to issue in the name of the British members of the Cen tral Council and which should be printed and sent round to the Trades' Societies before receiving a deputation from the Council. He then read the Address. Cremer then delivered his opinions on the mode of raising the funds required and on the Address. He pledged himself to exert his influence to raise them. An address should be printed in circular form and sent to the Trades' Societies in suffi cient numbers to allow of their being delivered to every individual member. An address merely sent to the Chairman would not reach or act upon the members. Also subscription lists should be printed with a notification that the receipts would be acknowledged in the Workman's Advocate. The address of Fox was referred to the Standing Committee which appointed Sunday at 2 . 30 p.m. in Cleveland Hall Cof fee-Room to assemble. | I [94] I J o u r n al de Verviers. Cit. Le Lubez laid on the table the first of a projected series of attacks on the policy of the Central Council published in the Journal de Verviers (Belgium). Cit Marx made some observations in defence of the Council. Organ of the Association in F r e n ch Switzerland. The Sec. for Switzerland laid on the table a copy of NQ 1 of the "Journal de l'Asso- ciation internationale des travailleurs pour la Suisse romande." / ; 3 74 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 2, 1 8 66 /[94]/ 1866. (January 2.) President Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. State prisoners in Ireland. 5 Fox read from the "Cork Daily Herald" the Appeal of Mrs. O'Donovan Rossa and Mrs. Clarke Luby to the women of Ireland for funds for the families of the State prisoners now or lately in Ireland and also evidence from the Dublin Irishman that collections were ||[95]| being made for this purpose in the manufacturing towns of the North of England. He remarked on the liberty granted by the British Govern- 10 ment to Irishwomen, who were allowed to proclaim themselves Fenians without be ing prosecuted. He finished by moving that the Appeal be sent to the Workman's Advocate by the Central Council with a request for its publication. This motion was seconded by Weston, who thought Ireland had been as much oppressed as any of the nations on the Continent with which Englishmen were wont to sympathise and, although he was something of a moral force man, yet he was beginning to think that unless moral force had some physical force in the background, it was "perfect weak ness." Motion carried unanimously. 15 Organ for F r e n ch Switzerland. Fox gave a summary of the contents of the Journal of the International Association for Romance Switzerland. 20 Dell said that it reflected great credit on the workingmen of Geneva who had got up such a creditable performance in a small town and unaided by the middle class. Such facts were very encouraging. He moved that "the Central Council having read the first number of the said Journal express their high approbation of its character 25 and contents and beg to accord to the Conductors their best wishes for its perma nent success." The above motion was seconded and carried unanimously. 375 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. E c ho de Verviers a nd proposed Constitution. Le Lubez laid upon the table two copies of the ||[96]| Echo de Verviers, one of which contained the conclusion of the attack on the Central Council mentioned in the min utes of the last meeting; the other contained a copy of the proposed Constitution of the Association which would be submitted by the First Branch of the Association in London to the Central Council and possibly afterwards to the Geneva Congress. Le Lubez observed that he did not represent the First Branch on any official capac ity, but he was a member of the same. The Branch thought that any body who came to the Congress with well digested ideas and a cut and dried plan would have a great advantage over those who went there in a fog or like the foolish virgins of the 10 ' Parable, without oil in their lamps. 5 The Constitution was then read by Fox in English but the translator excused himself from reading the second part of the attack as the first part was not then in the room. A p p e al for F u n ds to the British Democracy. 15 Fox stated that the Standing Committee had met on Sunday afternoon and had considered his proposed Appeal; that Cremer had then stated that he thought he could produce one which if not so well composed would tell better with the working classes and obtain more funds; that he would produce an appeal on Tuesday. Under those circumstances the Committee agreed to report both appeals to the Council, 20 leaving the larger body to select the one best suited to the occasion. The Standing Committee also recommended the two following methods of agitating the working classes for the aforesaid object, viz, 1. That ||[97]| Subscription sheets should be got up and distributed, in which it would be stated that all monies would be acknowl edged, in the Workman's Advocate. (2.) That whichever appeal be accepted, it be cir- 25 culated with the Address and mies of the Association and in sufficient numbers to reach individual members of the Societies. That as there were not sufficient num bers of the Address in print to meet this exigency, it would be necessary to ask the Directors of the Workman's Advocate to reprint it in that Journal and so bring out a new edition. 30; Fox and Cremer then read their respective appeals. Jung demanded that the Council should first decide about the reprinting of the Address. Howell moved and Jung seconded that the Directors be requested to reprint the Address of the Asso ciation. This motion was carried after discussion, with one dissentient. 1 A general discussion then ensued on Cremer's and Fox's Appeal. Eventually 3' ; Cremer's was preferred by a vote of 6 against 5 (one neutral). It was then unanimously voted that Fox be requested to recast his Appeal in the shape of a leader with certain suggested additions for publication in the Workman's Advocate. Í 376 Meeting of the Central Council January 2, 1866 Change of location. Cremer reported that the room in 18 Bouverie St. was ready for the reception of the Council. He moved that we meet there next week. The Chairman then went down to Mr. Corbett to see if he required a week's notice. On his return he stated that Mr.Corbett did not require any notice. Cremer's motion was ||[98]| then carried and Fox was directed to call on Mr. Corbett during the ensuing week and bring the ac count to the next meeting of the Council. / 377 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 9, 1 8 66 / [ 9 9 ]/ Jan'ry 9, 1866. President Odger in the Chair. Minutes read and, after an alteration demanded by Le Lubez, confirmed. Proposal of m e m b e r s. Jung proposed and Dupont seconded the preliminary nomination of Citizens Charles Longuet and Crespelle as members of the Central Council. 5 Correspondence. A letter from our correspondent at Condé-sur-Noireau was read complaining that through non-payment of postage his cards were stopped in the English Post Office. Belgium. 10 An extract was read from the Tribune du Peuple stating that the "Society of the Peo ple" and the Brussels section of the International Workingmen's Association had amalgamated, so that the Tribune had, in fact, become an organ of the Association. Vesinier's attack in t he E c ho de Verviers. Marx thought that the Constitution published in the Echo de Verviers as emanating 15 from the French branch in London ought to have been laid before the Council be fore publication. He then alluded to the attack which he said was written by Citizen Vésinier. Jung denounced the attack as an infamous one and exposed some of its misstate ments. Such a manifesto ought to have been signed. | 20 378 Meeting of the Central Council January 9, 1866 |[100] I He moved that Vésinier retract these falsities or be expelled from the As sociation. Le Lubez admitted that Vésinier was the author of the attack. Marx took occasion to defend our Paris Correspondents from the aspersions made upon them. They had left with the Council all their accounts and correspon- dence and had behaved in the most honourable manner. 5 Dupont thought the Council could not overlook the matter for sake of its own dignity. He seconded Jung's motion. Bobczynski said the Council must not condemn a man unheard. Let him be in vited to explain his attack before proceeding to extremities. Marx objected to the 10 word "retractation." Vésinier should be called upon to substantiate or to make his exit. Le Lubez demands that the articles impeached be read in English. Fox accordingly read both articles in French and English. Odger stated that they were a tirade of abuse. Weston was disposed to admit that Vésinier was justified in 15 blaming the remissness of the Central Council in not having discussed a single so cial question. The Council had had too many irons in the fire. That was its best ex cuse. Jung then withdrew his motion and Marx moved and Jung seconded that Vé sinier be called upon to substantiate his accusation or, failing to do so, be expelled. Le Lubez moved as an amendment that the subject be referred to a Committee of three to conduct a correspondence with Vésinier. He objected to the harsh measure of expulsion. This amendment was not seconded. | 20 |[101]| The motion of Marx was carried with one dissentient and one neutral. Polish Insurrection of J an 22. 25 Bobczynski stated that the Poles were intending to celebrate this event. He invited the cooperation of the Council. The Council having previously resolved to celebrate this event, the arrangements were referred to the Standing Committee. Secretaryship. 30 Cremer stated that the Appeal for Funds which the Council had resolved to emit must be sent out by somebody. Anxious to forward this business, he would resume the Secretaryship until after the Congress. As his resignation had never been ac cepted and as no one had manifested any disposition to accept the office, he pre sumed no further formality would be necessary. The Council then adjourned. / 379 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1 6, 1 8 66 / [ 1 0 1 ]/ Meeting of CC January 16 1866 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the former Meeting read and confirmed. Citizens Longuet and Crespelle were nominated members of the CC. Marx communicated that Fox had received a letter from Mrs O'Donovan Rossa thanking him for his articles on Fenianism in the Workman's Advocate and the re print in the same paper of the ladies' appeal for the support of the convicted Fenians. Marx proposed the appointing of Longuet in his place as the Corresponding Sec retary of Belgium, seconded by Jung. Carried Unanimously. Jung read a letter of Möns Dujoncquoy ||[102]| (Hotel New York) requesting the payment of 7£ 17s due to him since the September conference. Jung proposed Lessner seconded That Dupont should be empowered to tell Du joncquoy—that on Wednesday next he should receive an instalment and a definite answer. Carried Unanimously. Jung read a letter from Talbot (Caen) enclosing one pound in payment for 20 Cards—the letter stated that the propaganda is proceeding actively in different towns of the departments of Calvados, Ome and Manche. Wheeler proposed Jung seconded That notice be given to every member of the Association in this country that failing to pay his Contribution by the 1 3th February his name will be struck out of the lists of Members. Carried Unanimously. Werecki explained the absence of the Poles at the Standing Committee on Mon day; they had a Meeting and got the necessary money together. After some discus sion the public meeting in commemoration of the last Polish insurrection was set tled for Monday 22 January in St Martin's Hall— Cremer read an appeal to the British Members of the Association, On the motion of Wheeler seconded by Marx it was unanimously agreed 1st That the appeal ought to appear with the signatures of such British members of the CC as took part in its proceedings and were sufficiently known to Cremer as men not likely to repudiate their names being used, 2nd That subscription sheets ought to be printed, 3rd That the money sent was to be directed to 18 Bouverie St. The Council then adjourned. President | 380 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 2 3, 1 8 66 |[103]| Meeting of the CC January 23 1866 Odger in the Chair. The previous Minutes read and confirmed. The bill for the New York Hotel expenses was brought forward and discussed. -;: 5 Dell agreed to advance two pounds towards paying an instalment which, with 1£ 10s held by Wheeler, Cremer was ordered to pay. Marx read a letter from the Leipsic Correspondent Liebknecht, they had formed a small branch there, he also referred to a visit he had recently received from the Editor of the Social Democrat, - 10 « Marx also read Letter from De Paepe explaining his long silence, he was sorry they had not increased in numbers but they had now confederated with the People and had made the Tribune of the People their Organ; they wished to exchange with the "Workman's Advocate." Dupont read letter from Neufchâteau from correspondent there Lefebvre. Jung 15 also read extract from "Forerunner" [and] another Paper "The Voice of the Future" published in the French language in Chaux de Fonds; in Basle they had also formed two branches of the Association and were expecting a number of branches to join in Germany, they had read in a French Paper that in Paris they had made 1,000 Adherents in last month, 20 Cremer called attention to the fact that Coraz who had some time since sailed for New York had been entrusted with 400 Cards of Membership but no returns had been received—Dupont stated he expected soon to hear from New York. Dell nominated John Hales a Member of the CC. Dell thought that instead of issuing fresh cards, if the Contribution was entered : 25 on the back of last year's card and signed by the Financial Secretary that would be | |[104]| sufficient, (Agreed to). Weston thought the CC ought to begin to discuss the principles contained in the programme of the Congress, Marx agreed but thought we ought first decide the mode in which they ought to ' 30 be discussed—he proposed, "That the general purposes and ruling principles of the Association as laid down in the address and statutes be first defined before entering upon the discussion of H 381 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. the questions proposed by the Conference." Weston seconded, Eccarius replied to Weston urging the necessity for Political Agitation now, they could not push two ways or they would succeed in neither, on the Continent they would not talk or write Politics so they had nothing to interest them but Social and Religious ques tions but here political agitation was a primary necessity. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned. ROBERT SHAW President / 382 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 3 0, 1 8 66 /[104]/ M e e t i ng of CC J a n 'y 3 0th Shaw in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed. Cremer reported that he had paid Cit Dujoncquoy £3.10.0 as a part of the Hotel bill owing him. Dupont read a Letter from Talbot of Caen, Jung read a Letter which he had drawn up in reply to Cit Vesinier's attack on the Association, referred to Standing Committee. Cremer called attention to the fact that a Meeting of London Trades Delegates were about to assemble to consider the question of Boards of Arbitration for the settlement of disputes between employers and employed. In the last session of parliament Lord St Leonards had given notice of a bill for that purpose, and it was ||[105]| to consider the provisions of that bill that the Meeting were about to assemble. In France there had been for years in active operation Boards of Arbitration and he thought if the Council were to appoint Delegates to attend that Meeting that val uable information would be given to that Meeting as to the Working of the French councils. Citizens Dupont and Jung were elected to attend the Trades Delegates Meeting. The Council then adjourned. R. SHAW President Pro tern/ 383 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 6, 1 8 66 /[105]/ Meeting of Central Council Feb'ry 6th Citizen Shaw in the Chair, Citizen Fox Secretary pro tem. The Secretary read a Letter from the "Reform League" requesting the Council to send a Deputation to the forthcoming Conference. The appointment of a Deputa tion was postponed untili the next Meeting of the Council. Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Lyons, containing amongst other information the following: That the proceeds from the sale of 250 cards had been disbursed in the following manner viz. £1.19.0 for Printing, 2/8 for Postage, a Check sent to the Central Council for £8.0.0 leaving the sum of 1/8 to stand to the credit of the Branch. Citizen Jung read extracts from the 2nd Number of the International Journal pub lished in Geneva containing the Address and Rules of the Association for the first time in the French Language; also, that 54 new members had joined the Branch up to the 3rd Jan'y, ||[106]| that The members of the Society there had tendered for, and obtained the contract for certain Parish works to the amount of, from £800 to 1,000; also that the members of the Society had call'd a Public Meeting to review the late revision of the Federal Constitution. Citizen Jung read from the Bulletin of the Paris Journal, L'Association, that in December last a congress of working men (representing 40 corporations) was held at Barcelona, They were unanimous in favour of a federal union between their members, The centre of the Union will be in Barcelona. The newspaper El Obrero was appointed the Official organ of the Association. It was moved by Cit. Jung and seconded by Cit. Dupont that correspondence be opened with the President of the Barcelona Congress, Citizen Dupont was invited and undertook to take upon himself this labor. Cit Marx being absent from illness Cit Weston as the seconder of the motion for the discussion on the objects of the Association said he was unwilling to open the discussion in the absence of the mover and accordingly proposed that the discus sion be deferred untili Cit Marx be able to attend, A motion to that effect was carried unanimously. 384 Meeting of the Central Council February 6, 1866 Answer to Cit Vésinier Cit Weston moved and Carter seconded that whereas the standing Committee had not met to revise Jung's answer to Vésinier and as it was stated there was no imme diate probability of their assembling for that purpose Jung's answer be forthwith transmitted to the Echo de Verviers. Carried Unanimously. The Council then ad journed. JOHN GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President | 385 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 1 3, 1 8 66 |[107]| M e e t i ng of t he CC F e b ' ry 13 1 8 66 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed. First question: The appointment of Delegates to the forthcoming Reform Confer ence. Cremer proposed and Weston seconded That six Delegates be elected; a long discussion took place as to the policy to be pursued at the Conference. Citizens Shaw, Fox, Carter, Williams, Jung, Lessner, were elected as Delegates to attend the Conference— Cit Dupont nominated Cit Ortiga as a Member of the CC. Jung read a Letter from Duhamel our Lisieux Correspondent stating they were not making much progress as they—the Members—had been threatened by their employers with being discharged if they belonged to the Association. Duhamel re plied That his opinions were those of the Association and he should persevere, he had also been threatened by the local Attorney-General and the Justice of the peace, to them he gave the same answer as he did to employers. They had no mon ey at present but he hoped soon to be able to send some. Jung gave report of his and Cit Dupont's Delegation to the Trades Meeting at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey, he believed they had succeeded in doing good and making propaganda for the Association, Cremer confirmed Cit Jung's statement as to the good impression which Cit Du pont and Jung had produced at the Meeting—the same testimony was borne by Cits Fox and Eccarius. Lessner and Fox proposed That Cits Dupont and Jung be requested to attend the adjourned Meeting to be held on Wednesday the 2 1ST Feb'ry. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned. JOHN GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President! 386 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 2 0, 1 8 66 |[108]| M e e t i ng of CC F e b r u a ry 20 1 8 66 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed, Cit Fox brought under notice the treatment of the Irish state prisoners in Penton- ville Prison. Pope Hennessy had recently called attention to the matter in a Letter which appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette and the Lancet had also denounced the system as tending to insanity, he thought that a Deputation ought to wait on Sir G. Grey for the purpose of procuring a better mode of treatment for these unfortunate men, Cit Fox read a Letter from Mrs O'Donovan Rossa thanking Cit Fox for his exer tions on behalf of Irish liberty, A long discussion took place on the question taken part in by Citizens Lubez, Bordage, Cremer, Howell, Weston, Eccarius and Dell, Citizen Fox having replied to all objectors, proposed the following resolution, That Sir George Grey be asked to receive a deputation from this Council to re quest him to mitigate the treatment now inflicted on the Irish State Prisoners in Pentonville Prison, Cit Weston seconded the resolution which was Carried Unanimously, Cit Howell proposed Cit Lessner seconded That Members of the CC be written to informing them that their subscriptions for 1866 are due and requesting them to pay immediately. Carried Unanimously. Election of Ortiga Cit Dupont proposed and Cit Jung seconded That Cit Ortiga be elected a Member of the Central Council. Carried unanimously. 387 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen K a u b 's L o an Cit Dell proposed Cremer seconded That Kaub's loan to the Council be paid. Car ried Unanimously. A u d i t i ng t he A c c o u n ts Cit Shaw proposed Cit Jung seconded That the accounts be audited forthwith. Car ried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned. Confirmed as amended. P. Fox I 388 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 2 7, 1 8 66 |[109]| T u e s d ay F e b. 2 7. Citizen Shaw in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and con firmed. Cit. Dupont proposed Cit. Lafargue as a member of the Central Council. Cit. Longuet read a letter from our Paris correspondents in reply to Vesinier's charge of Buonapartism, published in the Espiègle of Brussels. Cit. Jung brought forward a letter from Gen. Paz in reply to Marshal Forey's ob servations in the French Senate which had been published in the Morning Advertiser and desired the Council to send it to the Commonwealth with a request that it be re published. Cit. Fox objected and thought it best simply to submit it to the Editor's discretion without recommendation of any kind. This suggestion was adopted and a letter was written to the Editor of the Commonwealth enclosing a copy of Paz's let ter. A long conversation on the affairs of Mexico then ensued and the Council then adjourned. / 389 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 6, 1 8 66 / [ 1 0 9 ]/ Tuesday, March 6. President Odger in the chair. Cremer announced the receipt of a letter from Sir George Grey refusing to re ceive a deputation from this Association anent the treatment of the Irish State pris oners. 5 Fox stated that he had drawn up a statement of the arguments and facts which he read and proposed that it be signed by the President and sent for publication to the Editor of the Commonwealth. Lessner seconded the same. Carried unanimously. Cit. Dupont proposed, Jung seconded the election of Cit. Lafargue, one of the ex pelled students of Paris ||[110]| as a member of the Central Council. He was elected 10 unanimously. Fox then made a speech in French informing of his election and of the unwonted pleasure the Council had in receiving him among them. Cit. Lafargue replied in suitable terms. Cit. Louis Wolff then brought before the Council the article written by Jung in ; the name of the Central Council and published in the Echo de Verviers. He com- 15 plained of the introduction of his name into the controversy as Vésinier had not mentioned it, and of the statement that he and his Italian friends did not enjoy the \ confidence of the workingmen of Italy. It was false to say he had ever been at Na- pies. He further alleged that there were four falsehoods concerning Mazzini, viz, i that the règlements were not drawn up by him, that he did not know of Marx's ad- 2Q¡ dress and, lastly, that had he known of it he would have opposed its adoption. Fourthly that Mazzini did not oppose the translation of the Address but only ob- jected to certain passages therein amounting in all to about 9 or 10 words. ; ; Cit. Jung defended his letter and said that the Italian Socialists had no confi dence in Wolff & Co. Wolff rejoined that the word "Socialist" was nowhere used and that there were no Socialists in Italy in the French sense of the word. After a discussion in which Cits. Cremer, Odger, Weston, Howell, Le Lubez, Fox, and Eccarius took part, the follow ing resolution was passed (with two dissentients): ι "The offensive expressions with regard to an eminent writer of Latin race written "¡ in the name of the Central Council in reply to Vésinier's attack on the ||[111]| Asso ciation and published in the 'Echo de Verviers,' having arisen through a misunder- 390 25 j Meeting of the Central Council March 6, 1866 standing, the Central Council willingly withdraws such expressions and also any ex pressions of similar character in relation to Cit. Wolff and his friends." On the motion of Cit. Fox it was ordered that not less than 3,000 copies of the Address for funds be printed. The Council then adjourned to the 1 3t h./ 391 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 1 3, 1 8 66 / [ 1 1 1 ]/ Central Council Meeting March 13 1866 Cit Eccarius in the Chair. The reading of the minutes of the previous meeting was postponed by common consent. T he Reform Conference 5 Cit Fox gave a report of the International Association's deputation to the Reform Conference so far as he and Cit Shaw were concerned. Eccarius confirmed the accuracy of the same. Switzerland Cit Jung made a report of the doings in that Country. 10 Cit Dupont asked for Credentials for some of his correspondents in France. F r a n ce Cit Marx, Wolff a nd M a z z i ni Cit Marx made a speech in reference to the proceedings at the previous meetings, He said it was not true as Major Wolff had stated that Mazzini had written our Sta- 15> ; tutes. He (Marx) wrote them after discussion in Committee—several draughts were í discussed Wolffs draught among the rest. On two points they were quite distin- ' guished from each other. Marx spoke of ||[112]| Capital oppressing Labour. Wolff wanted centralisation and understood by Working Men's Associations only Benefit - Societies. Mazzini's statutes were printed at the time of the Conference in Naples. 2(1 392 Meeting of the Central Council March 13, 1866 It could hardly be true that Mazzini had seen Marx' address before it was printed as it was in Marx' pocket, unless Mazzini saw it after it had been put in Le Lubez' hands and before it had been taken to the Bee-Hive—Again Mazzini wrote to Brus sels to Fontaine a letter which was to be communicated to the Belgian Societies, in which he warned them against Marx' Socialist views, this was stated by De Paepe at the Conference. Major Wolff was not a member of the Council. Major Wolff ought to have sent a letter informing the Council that he intended to prefer his complaint. He [Marx] protested against the proceedings at the last meeting in the name of himself and the other Continental Secretaries—he desired a note of this to be taken as it might be brought before the Congress at Geneva. Le Lubez said there were two documents of which [one] was not exclusively Marx's. Something was taken from Mazzini's man uscript. He explained how Vesinier's mistake arose, he insisted that Major Wolff was a delegate of the Italian Society at our Board. 5 10 15 Dupont protested against the attitude of the Central Council and against its reso lution, he admitted the error of fact in Jung's letter about Major Wolff being at Na ples. 20 Citizen Orsini asserted that there were socialists in Italy and that Mazzini held a reactionary attitude towards Science. Charles Cattaneo and Ferrari were Socialists. Fox made a speech in which he stated that he was not a worshipper of Mazzini as a European leader, neither did he think that the majority of the British members had any decided leanings in that direction. The meeting then adjourned. | 393 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 2 0, 1 8 66 |[113]| C o u n c il M e e t i n g, M a r ch 2 0th 1 8 66 Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. On the motion [of] Citizen Dell, seconded by Citizen Buckley— .; Citizen Shaw was elected pro tem the Secretary. The President having stated that the minutes of the last meeting could not be read in consequence of Citizen Fox being engaged at the "Reform League." Citizen Jung said, he was sorry the minutes of the last meeting could not be read, because Citizen Orsini who was about to start for America was anxious that what he had said regarding Mazzini should not be misconstrued as he had the greatest re spect for Mazzini. 10 Citizen Jung then said, that Citizen Orsini would leave Letters of introduction to the leading Socialists of Spain, Portugal and Italy; also that he had recommended a friend who, when he became a member of the Council would act as Secretary for Italy. Citizen Dell, the Financial Secretary, presented Citizen Orsini with 24 Books of 15 the Laws of the Association for him to distribute on his travels. Citizen Jung read extracts from Swiss Correspondence and expressed a strong de sire that the Standing Committee should resume its weekly sittings. Citizen Buckley was then appointed to wait upon Citizen Cremer to obtain the proof copy of the Council's appeal to the Societies and to forward the same to the 20 Printer. The Meeting then adjourned to March 27t h. | ì 394 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M a r ch 2 7, 1 8 66 |[114]| Council Meeting March 27t h/66 Citizen Eccarius in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tern. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed on the Motion of Citizen Jung seconded by Citizen Lessner. Citizen Buckley having reported that he had not been able since the last meeting to get the proof sheet of the Council's appeal from Citizen Cremer. It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by Citizen Lessner: That President Eccarius be empowered to get 5,000 Copies of the Appeal printed as soon as possi ble—Carried— Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Lyons asking for 100 Cards, and complaining at not having received per return of Post an answer to a Letter sent to him on the 15th of March, which Letter he (Citizen Dupont) had not received. Citizen Jung read extracts from the German Journal of the Association as fol lows, That during the month of February 67 new Members had joined the Geneva section of the Association, That New Branches had been formed in the following places, Viz 1 in Pinneberg (Schleswig-Holstein), 1 in Solingen (Rhenish Prussia), 6 in Wüste-Giersdorf (Prussian Silesia), 1 in Aubonne (Swiss Land), 2 in Peterswal- dau, 2 in Langenbielau, 1 in Emsdorf, the last 5 being situated in the Weaving dis tricts of Silesia. The Tailors' Strike was then introduced by Citizen Hansen, who said that Mr Poole of Savile Row intended to get men from the Continent to supplant those on Strike. It was then proposed by Citizen Shaw and seconded by Citizen Lucraft, That the Continental Secretaries be instmcted to inform ||[115]| their respective Correspondents, with a view to keep Continental Workmen away from London dur ing the Struggle now pending. Citizens William Ayres and William Gardner paid 1/2 each for Rules and Cards for 1866. Citizen Dupont proposed and Citizen Jung seconded That Citizen Lafargue be appointed Secretary for Spain. The sum of 6d was paid to President Eccarius to pay the postage of Letters to Germany on the Tailors' Strike. Citizen Le Lubez wished to know what had been done on the Resolution of the 395 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Council on the 6th March which authorized the withdrawal of certain statements pub lished by the Council in the "Echo de Verviers." The President said in answer, That the Council had on the following meeting repudiated the whole affair as being irregular and that the matter would be brought before the Council again shortly. The Meeting then adjourned to April 3r d. / 396 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 3, 1 8 66 / [ 1 1 5 ]/ Central Council Meeting April 3rd Citizen Eccarius in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and slightly altered were confirmed. 5 The President then said, that before acting on the Resolution of the Council with respect to the Tailors' Strike he had waited on the Tailors' Executive Committee who informed him that they had written to Germany. Consequently he considered that there was no necessity for him to proceed any further in the matter. Citizen Jung said, that since the last meeting ||[116]| he had had an interview with the Tailors' Executive Committee and the result was an expression of kind feeling towards the Association and a promise to join it. 10 Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Correspondent De Marckel of Granville in Department of Manche, stating that he had enroll'd 30 members and, that he wished to have Citizen Madiot appointed as Correspondent for the Town Rennes in the Department of Ille et Vilaine. 15 It was then proposed by Citizen Dupont and seconded by Citizen Jung, that Cit izen Madiot be appointed Correspondent for Rennes. Citizen Jung read correspondence from the Lausanne branch, whose members are the most active and practical in Switzerland, stating, that they have for some time past been discussing the propriety of building Workingmen's houses in Lau- sanne on the plan of those erected in Guise in France; they had agreed upon a scheme for raising the money and wished to have their plan discussed at the Con gress. 20 He also read two Letters; one from Citizen Becker and the other from Citizen Dupleix, both reminding the Central Council that the date fixed for the assembling 25 of Congress was drawing nigh and complaining that, for months past the Central Council had given no signs of Life; they observed that, if the inactivity continued much longer it would be fatal to the Association; they asked a number of questions and required answers immediately, 1st the precise date of the opening of Congress, 2nd how the expenses of the Delegates ||[117]| were to be defrayed, and other ques- tions of an administrative kind. They wished the Central Council to issue a Circular in the different Languages, clearly setting forth the questions to be discussed at Congress. 30 397 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Hales said, that the Coventry Ribbon and Smallwares Weavers' Associa tion were desirous of joining our Association, they numbered 1,000 members. It was then proposed by Citizen Hales and seconded by Citizen Le Lubez, That the Cov entry Ribbon and Smallwares Weavers' Association, held at the Elephant & Castle, Hill Fields, Coventry, be admitted as an affiliated Branch of this Association. Carried Nem Con. The Standing Committee having recommended that the appeal to working men for Funds for the Expenses of the Congress be sent out immediately, President Ec carius was appointed to send them out and Citizen Buckley was appointed to draw two Pounds from the Treasurer to purchase postage Stamps with. A Letter from Citizen Wolff was read stating that he should bring certain matter before the Council on the 10th instant. A Letter from Citizen Cremer was read stating that on the 10th instant he should state the Courses he intended to pursue in relation to the Association. Cash Statement: received 1/1 from Citizen Wolff, 1/0 from John Jenkins, 6 Little Dean Street, 1/0 from R. Kelly, 36 Little Pulteney Street, 5/0 from the Coventry Weavers, making a total of 8/1. The meeting then adjourned to April 10t h. | 398 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 1 0, 1 8 66 |[118]| Council Meeting April 10^/66 Citizen Fox in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem. Members present Citizens Hrabje, Werecki, Hansen, Williams, Bobczynski, Hales, Carter, Lafargue, Dupont, Jung, Le Lubez, Marx, Lessner, Eccarius and Buckley. The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Dupont seconded Citizen James Traini as a member of the Council. Citizen Lessner proposed and Citizen Hrabje seconded Citizen Maurice as a member of the Council. After some discussion—It was proposed by Citizen Dupont and seconded by Cit izen Jung, That a Deputation be sent to the Tailors' Executive Committee. It was then proposed by Citizen Shaw and seconded by Cit. Le Lubez, That Citi zens Dupont, Fox, and Jung do wait upon the Tailors' Executive Committee at the Green Dragon, King Street, Golden Squ. Citizen Jung read extracts from the Journal de l'Association chiefly referring to the Coming Congress. The President having expressed an opinion with regard to the Financial position of the Council. It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by Citizen Marx, That Citizens Shaw and Le Lubez do wait upon Citizen Cremer, for the purpose of getting a State ment on the Books. The President then reported that The West-end Womens' Bootmakers' Society had granted One Pound for the use of the Council; and, that they had proposed Cit izen Odger as a Delegate to Congress, but he ||[119]| had advised that the subject should be dealt with by The Amalgamated Cordwainers' Society. After a Lengthy discussion, It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by Citizen Dupont, That the Congress do assemble on the first Monday in June next; and, that the sitting of Congress extend Five Days. Citizen Eccarius said, that since the last meeting he had sent the appeals of the Council to the following Societies, Viz The Amalgamated Cordwainers, The Amal gamated Carpenters and Joiners, The Operative Bricklayers and to the London and 399 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Manchester Branches of the Amalgamated Engineers etc. He also said, that not having a sufficient number of Subscription Sheets he had got 100 extra printed. The Letter addressed to the Council on April 3rd by Citizen Wolff was read by the President but no action upon it. The Meeting then adjourned to April 1 7t h./ [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S. 399.27-29] The Commonwealth. Nr. 163, 21. April 1866 The Congress will be held at Geneva, and the sitting will commence on Monday, June the 4th. The Swiss members are already engaged in preparations for the event, and from the general interest evinced on the question—it is expected that nearly all the workmen's associations on the Continent will be represented there—any Eng lish societies wishing to be represented must without delay apply to the Central Council. 400 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 1 7, 1 8 66 / [ 1 1 9 ]/ Council Meeting April 17th 66 Citizen Odger in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem. Members present, Cit izens Fox, Cremer, Carter, Weston, Le Lubez, Coulson, Buckley, Wolff, Marx, Less ner, Hrabje, Maurice, Jung, Dupont, Eccarius, and Lafargue. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and after a slight alteration were confirmed. On the motion of Citizen Jung [seconded] by Citizen Marx Citizens Maurice and Traini were unanimously elected members of the Central Council. Mr Barry said he was deputed by the Executive Committee of Tailors' Associa tion [|[120]| to inform the Council That their Association had decided upon joining our Association and that on their special meeting in May a Vote of money would be proposed for the use of the Council. He also tendered the thanks of their Asso ciation for the services rendered during their late struggle. On the motion of Citizen Jung, The Tailors' Association was admitted as a Branch of our Association. Citizen Marx reported that he had received £3.0.0 from Germany for Members' Cards which he paid to the Financial Secretary. Citizens Weston and Jung were deputed to attend the Plasterers' Committee on Thursday evening next in Leather Lane. Citizens Odger and Cremer were deputed to wait upon the City Women's Shoe Makers at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey. A Letter was read from Hartlepool by the Financial Secretary which he had re plied to by sending the Laws of the Association. On the motion of Citizen Dupont seconded by Citizen Lafargue Citizens Pru- dhomme and Buzon were elected Correspondents for Bordeaux. Citizen Cremer said he was now prepared to resume his duties as Secretary untili the Congress and that he should be ready with his financial statement on next meeting night. Citizens Fox, Le Lubez and Coulson were elected to audit the accounts on Tues day next at 6 o'clock precisely. | |[121]| Citizen Wolff then renewed the Subject which had been discussed on the 6th of March by the Council, and read a Letter from Citizen Fontana to strengthen 401 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. his view of the matter; A long discussion then took place in which Citizens Odger, Marx, Jung, Cremer, Fox, Le Lubez, Weston, Shaw [took part and] which ended af ter mutual explanations had been given with the following resolution Proposed by Citizen Marx and seconded by Citizen Dupont, That Citizen Lon guet do translate the Resolution pass'd by the Council on the 6th of March and for ward the same for publication to the L'Echo de Verviers. The Meeting then adjourned to April 2 4t h./ [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S.401.11-18] The Commonwealth. Nr. 163, 21. April 1866 At the sitting of the Central Council on Tuesday evening, Mr. Barry, deputed from the Tailors' Protective Association, attended to thank the Central Council for the invaluable aid which they had rendered to the tailors in their late strike. It was be yond a doubt through the influence and agency of the International Association that the master tailors had failed to procure men on the continent; he had also the pleasure of announcing that the tailors had decided to join the International Asso ciation. (Cheers.) A resolution was subsequently carried to admit the Tailors' Association as an af filiated branch. [.·] The correspondent in Belgium, Cit. De Paepe, forwarded a copy of the organ of the association in Belgium, which contained interesting reports of the agitation now going on in Belgium for universal suffrage. 402 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A p r il 2 4, 1 8 66 /[121]/ Meeting of Central Council April 24, 1866 Cit Dell in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The Chairman asked Cit Shaw if he was willing to resign the office of Secretary 5 Pro tern which he had filled for some weeks. Cit Shaw said he was. Cit Cremer said he was quite willing to stand aside to make way for Cit Shaw; several members spoke on the question and ultimately it was agreed on the proposition of Cit Shaw seconded by Cit Eccarius That Cit Cremer resume his duties as Secretary. 10 Mr B. Patis, Delegate from the wire workers, attended to thank the Council for the efforts which they had put forth to prevent their employers getting workmen from the Continent to supply the places of the men on Strike; he also stated the Wire Workers would join the Association. Jung read letter from Dujoncquoy asking for the ||[122]| balance of his account— ordered to be paid. Cit Jung read Letters from Dupleix and Becker urging the ne- 15 cessity for the postponement of the Congress to the last week in September; they also announced that the Central Committee of the Italian Societies had given in their adhesion to the principles of the Association and stated they would have a central gathering in June when the necessity for joining the Association and send ing Delegates to the Congress would be discussed and decided— .20 Cit Traini suggested that Cit Jung should enquire of Cit Becker and Dupleix what the Italian Societies were who had so expressed themselves and where they were located— Jung proposed Wheeler seconded that Cit Dupont write to Paris urging on the Pa ris Administration the necessity of postponing the Congress. Carried Unanimously. 25 The Secretary brought up the report of the Standing Committee. Their first recommendation was the Reprint of the Address and Statutes. Jung proposed Wheeler seconded that Cit Leno be asked to print 1,000 more Copies of address and rules. Carried Unanimously. 30 The President read Credentials from the Tailors' Protective Association stating that Cit Barry had been deputed by that Body to represent them on the Central Council. Cit Eccarius and Wheeler proposed That Cit Barry be accepted as the Tai lors' representative on the Central Council—Carried Unanimously. 403 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. The further consideration of the propositions from the Standing Committee were postponed till the next sitting— The Council then adjourned. J. CARTER President Pro tern I 404 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 1, 1 8 66 |[123]| Meeting of Central Council May 1st 1866 Cit Carter in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Cits Jung and Dupont proposed that Cit Giacomo Traini be elected Secretary for 5 Italy. In proposing Cit Traini Cit Jung eulogised Cit Traini's devotion to the principle of liberty and the cause of progress generally. Cit Longuet, the Secretary for Belgium read from the Brussels Tribune du Peuple an exhortation to the wire-workers of Belgium not to engage with the London mas- ter wire-workers at the present time. 10 Citizen Fox laid upon the table copies of the St. Louis Miner and Artisan contain ing extracts from the London and Continental organs of the Association. 15 Cit Dupont read a letter from De Marckel of Granville, Manche, asking for the names of those who desired copies of the "Congrès Ouvrier." He had been visiting the Workmen in their dinner hour making propagandism for the Association, he had assured them that the Association was not political but that all was fair and above board, he expected to be successful in his locality. Cit Lafargue read a letter from Prudhomme of Bordeaux asking where he should send the money received for Members' Cards; Lafargue was instructed to advise 20 him to send it to the Central Council. Dupont read a letter from Fribourg (Paris) stating the Paris Administration were opposed to the further postponement of the Congress for the following reasons 1st That the September Conference had given a solemn pledge to Europe to con voke the Congress in May.- 25 2nd That very many were waiting for the assembling of the Congress which would decide them as to giving in their adhesion to the Association. 3rd That three months delay will not make the Association and might destroy • iM |[124]| In Paris they had begun to prepare for the election of their Delegates, as 30 yet they could not say how many would be elected but they might at all events count on a score, the Delegates would carry with them a complete plan of organiza tion for the Association as well as the results of their deliberations on the proposed 405 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. questions. They were glad to hear of the progress the Association was making in England and finally they did not believe that the convocation of the Congress on the 4th of June would interfere with the prestige of the Association— The letter concluded by referring to the correspondence from the Provinces as be ing indicative of a desire for the assembling of the Congress on June 4th but if the Central Council determined to postpone the Congress for three months they in Pa ris must make the best of the decision.— Cit Lafargue said he thought Fribourg exaggerated somewhat the injuries that would arise from the postponement of the Congress, the decision of the CC might cause a panic in Paris but such would not be the case in many other parts of France where the Association had only just begun. Dupont thought the Lyonnese would be favorable to the further postponement of the Congress, he judged so from past correspondence— Jung thought it essential to decide when the Congress should be held—supposing that it was decided to further postpone it he feared we must override the views of our Parisian Friends—he would prefer August to September as in the latter month men generally would be too much engaged to attend— Some of the Council having expressed a desire to (if possible) convoke the Con gress on the Anniversary of the Association viz the 2 8th September, Cit Jung replied and expressed fears that such date ||[125]| would be almost fatal but he would pro pose the first Monday in September as the Day for the assembling of the Con gress—Cit Maurice seconded the proposition which was Carried Unanimously. T he a n n o u n c e m e nt to the C o n t i n e nt Marx proposed Fox seconded That the Secretaries of the respective nationalities announce as quickly as possible to their Correspondents the above decision. Car ried Unanimously. N o m i n a t i on of C o u n c i l m en Cit Frank Robert and Ralph Dutton were nominated by Cremer and Lessner. R e p o rt of Standing C o m m i t t ee The Secretary then brought up the report of the Standing Committee adjourned from the last sitting of the Council but as the Council had decided to postpone the Congress the immediate adoption of the propositions from the Standing Committee had been obviated and their further consideration was again adjourned with the ex ception of the two following which were Carried Unanimously on the proposition of Cremer and Le Lubez, "That each member of the CC hold himself in readiness to visit organised bodies 406 Meeting of the Central Council May 1, 1866 to induce them to join the Association and to contribute towards the expenses of the Congress." "That all Societies sending Delegates to the Congress must pay the expenses of the Delegates." R e p o rt of D e p u t a t i o ns Jung gave report of his and Cit Lafargue's visit to No 2 Lodge of Operative Bricklay ers—they had been most enthusiastically received and had received promises of support. The members had also expressed surprise that they had not been waited on before. Cremer reported that he had waited on the City of London Ladies' Shoemakers who were ||[126]| compelled to adjourn from pressure of business consequently he did not get a hearing but they had invited him to their next meeting and promised him a hearing. Cremer also reported that he had made arrangements with the Secretary of the Day Working Bookbinders for a deputation to wait on their next meeting. Citizen Dupont stated that the French branch in London of the International As sociation had resolved to form a co-operative association. T he Tailors a nd their late Strike Lessner reported that as a number of German Tailors had been imported into Edin burgh and as it was currently reported that some of the London employers were making arrangements to bring several here—The German Tailors resident in Lon don had formed themselves into a Committee and wished to cooperate with the Council of the I. W. M. A. to checkmate the designs of the Employers and their Agents which they had in Germany. Marx stated that if Lessner would send him the facts that he would directly com municate with the German Papers. The Council then adjourned. G. W. WHEELER Chairman / [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S. 405.13-406.22] The Commonwealth. Nr. 165, 5. Mai 1866 The Secretary for France read an encouraging correspondence from Bordeaux, in which it was stated, that the Association, when once it became known, would carry all before it in the South of France. Also letters from Paris and Granville (Nor mandy). 407 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. T he G e n e va Congress. The date of the assembling of this congress was postponed by a unanimous vote from June 4, to Monday Sept. 3. The reason assigned being the unpreparedness of the Genevese to receive the members of the Congress at present, particularly in view of the large delegation which is announced as likely to attend from Paris, the necessity of having further time for preparing papers on the programme question, and the desirability of having Italy represented thereat. 408 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 8, 1 8 66 / [ 1 2 6 ]/ Meeting of Central Council May 8 1866 Cit Wheeler in the Chair. The minutes of the former Meeting read and confirmed. Election of C o u n c i l m en Citizens Ralph and James Dutton were elected on the proposition of Cits Cremer 5 and Lessner. N o m i n a t i o ns for C o u n c i l m en A. Haufe nominated by Cit Lessner; J. D. Prior nominated by Cit Cremer. | I [ 127] I Secretary for Poland The Gen Sec asked for instructions on the above question as another edition of the 10 address and statutes were being printed and as the present nominal Secretary for Poland had not attended the Council for months, he wished to know if his name was to be allowed to remain as Secretary. Cit Marx proposed Cit Bobczynski—Cit Fox seconded the proposition. Carried Unanimously. A m e r i c an Secretary Cit Fox was elected Secretary for America in place of Cit Leon Lewis. 409 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. D e p u t a t i o ns Cits Jung, Dutton, and Cremer were elected to wait on the Amalgamated Engineers' Council. Bookbinders Cits Wheeler, Jas Dutton and Hales to wait on Bookbinders. Cremer, Dupont and Jung. To Coopers R e p o rt of D e p u t a t i o ns Jung reported the result of his visit No 1 Lodge [of] Operative Bricklayers' Society, they had warmly received him and had promised to urge on their Executive the ne cessity of sending a Delegate to the Congress. Correspondence Dupont read a Letter from Lyons. On the 3 0th of April they had held a meeting at which 210 members attended, when five members were elected to attend the Con gress—A Committee of 5 was also elected to consider and report on the various 15 questions in the programme. They wished to know whether they were to retain the | |[128]| money they received for Members' Cards till the Congress or if they were to send it to the CC—they hoped soon to have from 2 to 300 members in Lyons. They had lately received a request from Villefranche for permission to open a new branch there. 20 Cits Fox and Hales proposed "That the Lyonnese be requested to send to the CC one-fourth of the contribution they receive for Members' Cards." Cits Marx and Jung proposed That Cit Dupont write to the Lyonnese telling them they are at liberty to use the money they have in hand if they do not obtain sufficient to pay the expenses of the 25 Delegates by Voluntary Contribution. For Fox's resolution 6—For Amendment 8. Amendment carried. Cits Howell and Cremer proposed that all Branches of the Association remit to the CC not less than one-fourth of the money they receive from Members' Contri- butions. ; 30 Amendment proposed by Marx and Jung—That the question of Branch contribu tion to the CC be referred to the Standing Committee except the case of Lyons. 410 Meeting of the Central Council May 8, 1866 5 10 For resolution 5—For Amendment 4. Cit Jung in the absence of the Secretary for Italy read a letter from Citizen Ca- nessa, of Genoa, the editor of a working men's paper in that seaport. It gave an ac count of the federation of working men's associations in Genoa, and expressed a desire for further information concerning the principles and procedure of the Inter national Working Men's Association. Cit Jung laid copies of the last number of the Vorbote on the table, and read ex tracts from its monthly bulletin. From this it appeared that fifty-three members had joined the Association in Geneva in April last, and notice of adhesion had been re- ceived from the following recently-founded sections, namely Biel (Canton Berne); Lausanne (Canton Vaud); in Grafrath (Rhenish Prussia); in St.Imier, a mixed body of German and Latin race, in Pruntrut (Canton Berne). The mixed (Teutono- Latin) section of Chaux de Fonds had increased, sixty in April last, and the pure Latin section [in Lausanne] by forty-five members. 15 The same Secretary announced that the central committee of Geneva had re ceived the following letter from Gaspare Stampa, of Milan, in the name of the cen tral committee of Italian working men's associations:— 20 25 Respected Committee,—The fraternal bond of the Italian working men's associa- tions was formed in Naples in October, 1864, and at the same time a committee was appointed to bring this union to the general cognisance, and to set it into op eration according to the resolution sent herewith. Our aims are your aims, and the more extensive our relations, the more powerful "Milan, April, 1866. is our life. The central committee, whose organ I am, would not be doing its duty if it did not claim your co-operation. The death of Professor Savi in Genoa, who was one of the most indefatigable propagandists of the working class question, as well as the distance from each other of the members of the committee, who live in different places, have been in this, the first year of our existence, the cause of much hin- 30 drance to our work. We hereby give our full and entire adhesion to your programme, and we beg you at the same time to gladden us with your fraternal intercourse, and to send us your organ the Vorbote, in order that our Moniteur may make use of its important and praiseworthy contents. 35 in the name of the Central Committee, Fraternally yours, Gaspare Stampa." The Gen Sec read correspondence from the Darlington Shoemakers expressing their deep interest in the Association and promising future support. Also from the W Darlington Tailors sending in their adhesion and 5s. ||[129]| Cit Fox gave notice that at the next meeting of the Council he should call attention to a passage in the last Letter of Cit Engels which passage involved the question of Nationalities. 411 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Excursion to Ireland. Citizen Weston brought before the Central Committee the project of Mr. Lilley to form an excursion party of 300 persons to Ireland in July or August next. As this body had at heart the amelioration of the relations between the English and Irish peoples, he thought it was opportune to bring the matter beneath their notice. Mr. Lilley had communicated with the manager of the London and North-Western Railway, who had responded favourably to Mr. Lilley's overtures. The Council then adjourned. President Pro tem / 412 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 1 5, 1 8 66 / [ 1 2 9 ]/ Meeting of Central Council May 15th 1866 Cit Shaw in the Chair. The minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed. B r a n c h es a nd their C o n t r i b u t i o ns Cits Marx and Jung proposed "That the resolution with regard to the Branches sending one-fourth of their income to the Central Council be rescinded." Carried Unanimously. Election of C o u n c i l m en The following were unanimously elected as members of the Council Cit Haufe proposed by Lessner and Hrabje Cit J. D. Prior proposed by Cremer and Fox. A u d i t i ng A c c o u n ts | |[130]| On the motion of Cits Carter and Hales it was agreed that the Standing Com mittee were to audit the accounts. N ew Branches The following were admitted as affiliated Branches of the Association The Darlington section of the Amalgamated Tailors 62 in number. The Darlington section of the Amalgamated Cordwainers 60 in number. 413 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Report from Standing Committee The Committee recommend "That for the Future all resolutions passed at the CC be translated to the Continental members." Carried Unanimously. C o n t i n e n t al Reports Cit Marx read extracts from Leipsic Journals cautioning German Tailors against coming to England to supplant the English Tailors who were on Strike. | 414 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 2 2, 1 8 66 |[132]| Meeting of Central Council May 22 1866 Cit Le Lubez in the Chair. The Sec stated he had been disappointed in [not] receiving from Cit Fox some re port of the proceedings at the last meeting and it was unanimously agreed to defer reading the minutes till the next Meeting. 5 Reports from the C o n t i n e nt Cit Jung read extracts from the "Vorbote" which stated that 7£ 10s had been sent by a Social Democrat in Rhenish Prussia to the Geneva section towards the ex penses of the Congress. 10 Correspondence Switzerland Cit Jung read correspondence from Geneva. The bootmakers of Geneva, owing to the low price of their wages, the increase of rent and every necessary of life, have re solved to ask for an advance of wages. They presented a tariff to the masters. The 15 men have applied to the Geneva section of the International Association, asking them to inform the men in other countries. The Geneva Committee have informed the men of Paris, Lyons, Switzerland, and Germany, and they hope we on our part will do the same. France Cit Dupont read a letter from Cit Tolain complaining about the Congress being postponed and stating that the result would, he feared, be very injurious to the As sociation. After a great deal of discussion on the question and the contents of the Letter 415 The Minute Book of the Provisionai Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Cremer and Shaw proposed "That after reconsidering at the instance of the Paris Administration the question of the postponement of the Congress the CC cannot see any reasons to induce them to depart from their decision, viz, to convoke the Congress on the 3rd of September next." I |[133]| English Correspondence Cit Dell read Letters containing remittances from Nottingham Cordwainers, Wolverhampton Bricklayers, Dewsbury Cordwainers, Birmingham Cordwainers, Tunbridge Wells Do, Cheltenham Do. The Gen Sec read Letters from the Engineers and Cabinet Makers, Cits Lubez. 10 Dutton and Shearman were appointed to wait on the Stratford Lodge of Bricklay e r s- Cits Weston, Hales, Jung and Dupont were appointed to wait on Cabinet Makers' Society. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns 15 Cit Jung gave a report of a visit to the Coopers' Society. Cit Lafargue thought a report ought to appear weekly in the Commonwealth of the doings of the Council. Cit Dell thought there ought to be a division of Labor, he would propose Cit Shaw as minute Secretary with Cit Jung to assist him in translating Foreign corre- 20 spondence. Cit Buckley seconded the proposition. Carried Unanimously. Cits Haufe and Hansen reported the result of their mission to Edinburgh in con nection with the importation of German Tailors to supplant the Scotch Tailors— they had succeeded in making propaganda for the Association. Report from Standing C o m m i t t ee 25 Cremer brought up the report of the Committee. They recommended that as there were liabilities to discharge that a Ball should be held at Cambridge Hall. The Council did not endorse the proposition which fell through. The Committee also recommended | |[134]| That Cards and Rules be left with the Secretaries of Societies that are wait 30 ed on by deputations. Agreed to. They also recommended that each Member of the CC take 6 Cards each and try to dispose of them. (Agreed to.) Cit Dupont nominated Cit Amedee Combault as a member of the CC. 35 The Council then adjourned. GEO ODGER President/ 416 Meeting of the Central Council May 22, 1866 [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S. 416.7-9] The Commonwealth. Nr. 168, 26. Mai 1866 The Financial Secretary of the International Working-Men's Association hereby ac knowledges the receipt of the following sums, contributed to defray the expenses of the forthcoming Congress of Working-Men at Geneva: — 5 Eight Dewsbury Shoemakers, per William Tinkler Operative Bricklayers' Society (Wolverhampton Lodge), per F. W. Jones 10 Men's Section of Amalgamated Cordwainers, Birmingham, per Tho mas Hallam £ s. d. 0 7 0 0 4 9 0 5 0 West-End Ladies'Shoemakers'Society, per Mr. Wallace 1 0 0 Tunbridge-Wells Section of the Amalgamated Cordwainers, per Peter Knight 0 8 0 15 Cheltenham Section of Amalgamated Cordwainers, per John Saunders 0 2 6 417 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il M ay 2 9, 1 8 66 / [ 1 3 4 ]/ Meeting of Central Council May 29, 1866 President Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. N o m i n a t i o ns for C o u n c i l m en Citizens Harry and Harvey proposed by Cremer seconded [by] Dutton Do. Joseph Jayet proposed by Dupont and Lafargue. Election as C o u n c i l m en Cit Amedee Combault proposed [by] Dupont—Lafargue. R e p o r ts of D e p u t a t i o ns Cit Weston reported result of visit [to] Alliance Cabinet Makers, very enthusiastic ally received and requested to attend again on 30 inst. Cit Dutton reported result [of visit to] Stratford Bricklayers; had been well re ceived, had arranged with Cit Shearman to attend another Lodge on Saturday next, reports received. Extracts from Public Press Fox read extract from the International Journal ||[135]| approving the principles of the Association and urging its claims on the American Workmen. 418 Meeting of the Central Council May 29, 1866 Correspondence Cit Dupont read Letter from Cit Fribourg requesting a copy of the minutes in refer ence to the postponement of the Congress— Cit Jung undertook to translate the minutes and forward them to Paris. Letter read from the "La Gironde" showing that Cit Bouzet was appealing to the Men of that department to join the Association. Cit Le Lubez read extracts from the "Courrier Français" containing sentiments which he considered too liberal to enable that Paper to live long under the present French Government. The Publisher of "La Rive Gauche" having asked for information concerning the Association, Citizens Fox, Cremer and Jung were appointed to forward said infor mation for publication in that Journal. A m a l g a m a t ed Carpenters A suggestion for sending a circular to the members of the above was referred to the Standing Committee. T he Conference P r o g r a m me It was resolved that the discussion of the above be commenced at the next sitting. The Council then adjourned to June 5t h. Vice President | 419 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 5, 1 8 66 |[136]| Meeting of Central Council June 5th 1866 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit W. Harry proposed by Cremer and Dutton F. Harvey proposed by Do J. Jayet Do Dupont Do Lafargue. N o m i n a t i o ns for C o u n c i l m en Cit M. Lawrence proposed by Maurice —Lessner Lafargue—Dupont. AlexBesson [Do] 10 Correspondence Cit Jung said he had received a Letter from Cit L.D. Canessa, Genoa, offering to in sert anything in the [Giornale delle Associazioni Operaie Italiane] concerning the I.W.M.A. That Citizen was about to leave to go and fight for the liberation of Ve nice. 15 Reports from D e p u t a t i o ns Cits Weston, Jung, Dupont reported the adhesion of the Alliance Cabinet Makers, they had promised to join not only in Name but Action. Cit Dutton reported from Bricklayers in Commercial Road; had been well re ceived. 420 Meeting of the Central Council June 5, 1866 Jung reported what he had said to them, he had appealed to their sense of "Broth erhood" with other Peoples. Address from F r e n ch B r a n ch in L o n d on Cit Lafargue then brought before the Council the address of the French Branch in London in answer to the Address of the French Students to the Students of Italy and Germany. The Address Citizen Lafargue ||[137]| laid before the Council is addressed to the Students of all Nations by the I. W. M. A. in the name of the Workmen of all na tions. Citizen [...] proposed and Citizen Dutton seconded that "It is opportune for the Central Council to issue an address." Citizen Weston proposed as an amendment and Citizen James Dutton seconded that the Central Council endorses the senti ments expressed in the address, but that it be issued by the French Branch of Lon don, with whom it originated. A long discussion ensued on the Proposition. Citizen Carter spoke at some length appealing to the Council not [to] pass the resolution, and in favour of the amendment. He said it would be a bad precedent to hurry through any Address as emanating from the Council in the absence of a good number of its members. 6 voted for the amendment 6 for the proposition— The President gave his casting vote in favor of the Amendment. A request for settlement of claim was received from Cit. J. B. Leno. Referred to Standing Committee. The Council then adjourned till June 12t h. / 421 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 1 2, 1 8 66 / [ 1 3 7 ]/ Central Council Meeting June 12 1866 The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit Lawrence proposed by Maurice and Lessner Cit Besson proposed by Lafargue and Dupont. | |[138][Nominations for C o u n c i l m en Pierre Leroux nominated by Jung and Marx. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns Jung and Dupont reported an interview with West End Cabinet Makers, had been well received, invited to attend again. F u t u re D e p u t a t i o ns Cremer and Lessner to visit French Polishers. Yarrow suggested deputations to several societies whose names he mentioned. Sheffield Conference Fox proposed sending Delegate there. Carried Unanimously. Selection of Man deferred. 422 Meeting of the Central Council June 12, 1866 Correspondence Lafargue read from "La Rive Gauche" a summary of the doings of the Central Council. Cit Marx read a Letter from Leipsic which stated that all the Saxon Working Men's Associations had joined the International. T he W ar in G e r m a ny The President suggested that at the present crisis the Council should discuss the question of the German War and its probable influence on the peoples of Europe. Cit Eccarius proposed that the question be debated at the next sitting. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned till June 19t h. President Pro tem | 423 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 1 9, 1 8 66 |[139]| Central Council Meeting June 19th 1866 Cit Weston in the Chair. The debate on the war attracted a large concourse of members. It was ably opened by Cit. Eccarius, who illustrated his address with a map of Germany, made for the occasion. He was followed by Cits. Le Lubez, Fox, Lafargue, Marx, who made an highly interesting speech, Carter, Dutton, and Hales. Speeches were made in French and English. The debate was adjourned until Tuesday evening next at the same hour, when the question of Nationality will be treated of. Cit. Le Lubez has given notice that he will propose the following resolutions: — 5 1. "The Central Council of the International Association of Working Men recom- 10 mend to their fellow working men in arms not to waste their strength in slaying each other, but to economise it for the defence of their rights against their only en emies, the enslavers of the working class. Their opinion is that no man need obey any power he has had no voice in electing, or any law he has had no voice in mak ing. Therefore, (2.) every soldier, who has not made the cause he is fighting for, his 15> own by being convinced that it is just, is relieved from his obligation to fight for it. (3.) If that right should be denied him and that force be used to coerce him, he has a right, and it is his duty to defend that right, which is the right of the people, by us ing force himself." Before the debate began, the Courrier Français of the 17th inst. was brought before 20 j the council and the rejoinder of the students was read and given to the Editor of the Commonwealth to translate and publish the same. For the previous correspondence see the Commonwealth of June 9. ] To the Workingmen of ail Countries! of Youth The France. 25 Brethren,—You have understood that war was a violation of the most sacred rights of humanity, and you have responded to our appeal. Thanks, a thousand thanks! United for the noblest of causes, we shall continue to claim in common the rights for which humanity has ever combated; labour and universal peace will guide us in this path, the harmony of minds and hearts will recompense us for our efforts. 30 424 Meeting of the Central Council June 19, 1866 "The masters of the world" will in vain endeavour to revive the obsolete quarrels of the past, the traditional rivalries of nations. Universal Reason will respond to the appeals of the fife and drum by a prodigious cry of peace, by a warm grasp of all hands and all hearts. 5 We are pleased to have been understood by those upon whom we base all our hopes, we are proud to have contributed our small share to the advent of that bright day in which all men, united by science, will march with one accord to the final conquest of liberty. Our forefathers, led astray and enslaved, had for their war-cry "God and our IO country!" Let us, the great grandsons of 1793, have for supreme aim to inscribe on the one only flag of the people these two words, which are the symbols of our convictions and our hopes, "Reason and Fraternity!" It is for you, working men, to realise in the future these vast projects—it is for 15 you to cement the union of mankind by your labour, the firmness of your princi ples, and your inflexible devotion to the salvation of the human race. Be assured that your brothers will not abandon you in the struggle. (Signed), Alfred Verliere, clerk; Raoul Rigault, clerk; Nestor Richet, shawl cleaner; Albert Kellermann, shopman; E. Lemoine, student; Dawsta, law student; 20 Niemann, sculptor; Battaille, clerk; A. Breuillé, employé; A. Jeunesse, student; Louis Guyon, employé; Humbert, employé; Leon Sornet; employé; Paul Seruzier, student; C. Dacosta, professor; Tremblay, merchant; Léonce Levraud, student; H.Villeneuve, student; Bellet, employé; Lavallée, student; Landowski, bookseller's clerk; Brochur, painter on glass; Boula, do.; Barthélémy, Julien, Wartelen, Bruno, 25 do.; etc., etc. The Central Council has received the following letter of adhesion to the Working- men's Response: — 30 "Bedlington, June 13th, 1866. 'Friends,'—We, the undersigned men of this place, endorse every sentiment from the young students of Paris, and likewise the response of the men of all nations; and we hope and trust that the time is not far distant, when every man will know his position in society as a man.—Yours, in the cause of freedom. (Signed) Thomas Hailston, Alexander McLeod, David Graham, John Scott, Ro bert McDonald, David Lofthouse, George Steel, John Ramsay, Robert Fairbaim, 35 James Cole, of Bedlington, Northumberland." The Council then adjourned. | 425 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ne 2 6, 1 8 66 |[140]| Meeting of Central Council June 26 1866 Cit Fox in the Chair. Cit Marx introduced to the Council Cit Fontaine of Brussels; he also announced that Fribourg would publish week by week in the "Courrier Français" their elabora tion of the questions to be submitted to Congress. 5 Correspondence Dupont read Letters from Tolain and Fribourg announcing the seizure of the "Courrier Français" and blaming the Council for postponing the Congress. R e p o rt of D e p u t a t i on Jung reported West End Cabinet Makers fully agreed with our principles and would 10 join. F r e n ch Revolution J u ne 1848 Lessner asked would the Council take part in celebrating the event, question post poned. Italian Secretary 15 Cit Fox read Letter from Cit Traini stating he had corresponded with several Italian Societies but as yet had not received an answer. The present position of his Country placed him in an awkward position; he also complained of an attack in "Rive Gauche" by Cit Lafargue who had placed Mazzini and Garibaldi side by side with and declaring them as bad as Bismark. He believed 20 426 Meeting of the Central Council June 26, 1866 Mazzini and Garibaldi were both good Socialists—In consequence of such attack he must tender his resignation as Italian Secretary, Cit Lafargue replied that what he had written he had written in his individuall |[141]| capacity not as a Member of the CC who were in no way responsible for his 5 opinions. Cit Fontaine said he had expressed the same opinions only in a stronger manner; after some discussion Cremer [proposed] Dutton seconded That we pass to the or der of the day and that Cit Traini be written to and told that the Council are not re sponsible for Cit Lafargue's views. Carried Unanimously. 10 T he adjourned debate The debate was resumed by Cit Bobczynski who said that though Mazzini, Gari baldi and Bismark were acting together they were acting from different motives. If the Association was only to be Social it would never be great, its first duty was to get rid of tyrants on the Continent. 15 Cit Jung thought that although Garibaldi's heart was undoubtedly right his head and sword were in the wrong place; he was sorry to see him and Mazzini in alliance with Bismark, he thought the upshot of the war would be revolution. The debate was continued by Cits Bobczynski, Lafargue, Cremer, Fontaine. Cit Dutton said that Workmen of all countries could work out their Political and 20 Social independence without fighting for nationalities. Cits Bobczynski and Carter then gave notice of the following resolution "That the London members of the International Working Men's Association con sider the present conflict on the Continent to be one between tyrants, and advise working men to be neutral, but to associate themselves with a view to acquire strength by unity and to use the strength so acquired in striking a final blow at all the tyrants of Europe and proclaiming their own liberty." 25 Cits Cremer and Dutton also gave notice of the following series of resolutions 1. That the war now being waged in Europe between the Prussian and Austrian governments is a war for Empire, and as such is not calculated to benefit the peo- 30 pies, as whichever becomes the victor it will be but the substitution of one despot for another. 2. The Council regrets that the Prussian people should have allowed their ener gies to be diverted from the extension and consolidation of their liberties by the war policy of Bismarck who has thereby succeeded in rivetting still stronger their politi- 35 cal fetters. | |[142]| 3. The Council also expresses a hope that the Italian people, while endeav ouring to give liberty to the Venetians, will not enter into an unholy alliance with the Prussian government, and so be guilty of moral and political suicide by at the same time fighting to rescue the Venetians and assisting the Prussian government 40 to enslave the German people. 4. That as all wars not waged on behalf of liberty and justice are cruel and unjus tifiable, we therefore recommend the peoples of Europe to abstain from taking any active part in the present unrighteous struggle. 427 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Cit. Fox gave notice of the following resolution:— "That the Prussian government is responsible for the miseries caused by the pres ent war on the Continent." The Council then adjourned to July 3r d. | [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S. 427.10-428.3] The members of this Association mustered again in large numbers on Tuesday evening last, to hear and take part in the adjourned debate on the War and the principle of Nationality. Cits. Bobczynski, Le Lubez, Jung, Dupont, Marx, Fon taine (from Brussels), Lafargue, Dutton, Weston and Cremer spoke. The Commonwealth. Nr. 173, 30. Juni 1866 428 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 3, 1 8 66 |[143]| Central Council Meeting July 3rd 1866 VP Eccarius in the Chair. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit. Ayres of N o .l Lodge of the Operative Bricklayers, and Cit. F. Yarrow of the Al liance Cabinet Makers' Association, were elected members of the Central Council, after having been nominated by their respective Corporations. The declaration of adhesion of the Nottingham section of the Amalgamated Cordwainers' Society, representing 140 men, was read. Cit. Maurice brought before the attention of the Council the following advertise ment which appeared in the Times of the 6th ult.:— 'To the Master Tailors of Great Britain and Ireland. Your attention is called to the present relations between the masters and journey men tailors of the United Kingdom, and it is suggested that, in the interest of the trade generally, a Conference be held in London, or elsewhere, in August, in which masters from every town in the kingdom may take part, and the present and future prospects of the labour question be thoroughly discussed, a more satisfactory ar rangement among themselves arrived at, and a system adopted by which work may be efficiently carried on in case of strikes." A letter from Mr. G.E. Harris was read, giving his adhesion to the response to the Paris Students. T he adjourned debate on the G e r m an W ar An article was translated from the last number of the Rive Gauche as containing the sentiments of Cit. Lafargue, a member of the Council, on the attack of the king of Italy upon Venetia, and its reaction upon French politics. Cit. Fox gave notice of the following resolution: — "That the Prussian government is responsible for the miseries caused by the pres ent war on the Continent." 429 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W. M. A. The debate was continued by Cits. Bobczynski, Cremer, Fox, Hales, and Ecca rius, and the debate was adjourned until Tuesday next. The Financial Secretary was instructed to pay to the "Commonwealth" the first quarter's rent due for our present meeting-place. Cit. Lessner proposed W. Massman as a member of the Council. The Council then adjourned to July 10. | 430 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 1 0, 1 8 66 |[144]| Central Council Meeting July 10th 1866 VP Eccarius in the Chair. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit Massman proposed by Lessner and Marx. 5 Correspondence Jung read for Dupont correspondence from Fleurieux-sur-Saône near Lyons an nouncing the opening of a new Branch there, also thanking the CC for the high mission they had undertaken. 10 He also read a Letter from Rouen expressing their regret at the delay which had taken place on their part; they were now making amends for the past and were working for the future. Letter from Lyons hoping the Council would not again postpone the Congress, also asking if the travelling expenses of the Delegate who went around Lyons mak ing propaganda could be taken out of their funds derived from the sale of Members' 15 Cards. The answer was found by a former resolution of the CC. Q u e s t i on of Congress Cit Cremer introduced the question asking the CC if they would take active steps to ensure the success of the Congress. M Cits Carter and Fox proposed That not less than 4 delegates be sent to Geneva from the CC—Carried Unanimously. It was further agreed to retain the services of one Man during the day time to make active propaganda. 431 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A. Cit Cremer was elected for that purpose. Cits Lawrence and Barry ||[145]| proposed That the Members of the CC belonging to the various trades hold themselves in readiness to assist the Gen Sec. Carried. R e p r e s e n t a t i on in t he Press Cit Marx asked Cit Fox how it was that no report of the Council's doings had ap peared in the last number of the Commonwealth. Cit Fox entered into a long explanation and a discussion took place taken part in by Cits Dell, Weston, Cremer, and others. Eventually Cits Bobczynski and Yarrow proposed That for the future we do not confine our reports to any journal but send them wherever they are likely to be in serted. Carried Unanimously. T he Sheffield Conference Cremer proposed That Cit Odger and in the event of the Tailors sending a Delegate to the Conference that they be appointed to represent the Association at the Confer ence. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned to July 17. JOHN WESTON President Pro tem | 432 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 1 7, 1 8 66 |[146]| Meeting of Central Council July 17 1866 Citizen Weston in the Chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Cit Howell com plained of that part of the previous minutes what he said reflected on him. The re flection having been denied. Cit Cremer said it was he that had made the state ments which Cit Howell complained of and what he had said he was prepared to stand by. The Chairman having ruled that the discussion was out of order the affair dropped. T he Secretary for Belgium Cit Lafargue reported that Cit Longuet having gone to Paris, had unfortunately been arrested and committed for eight months. Cit Lubez also announced that Cit Vesinier had been arrested in Belgium. Reports of D e p u t a t i o n s. Cits. Cremer and Jung reported the result of their visit to the Hand-in-Hand So ciety of Coopers, the members of which had convened a special meeting to receive them. After listening for some time with a deep interest to the deputation many of the members spoke warmly in support of the principles of the Association, and as an earnest of their deep convictions they agreed to join in a body and levied each member one shilling towards defraying the expenses of the Geneva Congress. The General Secretary also reported that the West-end Cabinet Makers had sent in their adhesion to the Association, and asked to be admitted as an affiliated Branch. A resolution for their admission was unanimously agreed to. 433 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. F r a n c e. Cit. Dupont, French Secretary, read a letter from Neuville-sur-Saône near Lyons, asking permission to open a branch there. The Secretary thanked the Council for the high mission they had undertaken. The request was agreed to, and Cit. Louis Baudrand, E.Beniere and T.M. Colomb were appointed correspondents of the Asso ciation for that locality. A letter was also read from Lyons asking for information in regard to malleable castings. The Secretary was instructed to make some enquiries. T he T r e a t m e nt of the Irish State Prisoners at Portland. Cit. Fox stated that before the expiration of the six months' term the Irish state 10 prisoners lately confined in Pentonville prison were removed to Portland jail, where alone their friends were allowed to visit them. He then read the following extract from a letter received from the wife of one of the said prisoners. This lady states the conditions under which these prisoners may be seen by their female relatives and the crushing treatment to which they are subjected—treatment to which one of 15 their number has already fallen a victim. "Mrs. Luby and O'Leary's sisters have been to Portland. They were much disap pointed in having to see the prisoners through wire screens. It seems to me that the English Government must have an exalted opinion of the ingenuity and cleverness of Irish women, when even with all the safekeeping that bars and bolts and jailors 20 can insure, it will not trust a prisoner's wife to touch that prisoner's hand or even see his face unscreened; or is such precaution used as a refinement of cruelty, which it certainly is whether intended to be or not. Here are a few facts as to their treatment given by Luby and O'Leary. At labour from five a.m. to eight p.m. Break fast of cocoa and heavy unpalatable bread, supper of thin gruel half enough at each meal. Dinner, two days five ounces meat, five potatoes and bread; two next days, a pint of something called soup, and bread; two days again, they dine on suet pud ding and on Sunday they have bread and cheese. They have no chaplain. Their la bour is quarrying, washing the convicts' clothes, and scrubbing; by turns. It is easy to understand that many of these men will sink under such treatment combined 30 with all the petty tyranny practised on them by the more brutal of their jailors, and without the consolation of either letters or visits from their friends. Luby and O'Leary wished this put before the public. I have not seen my husband, I will go to see him in a few weeks, and I know he too will wish this course the government takes with state prisoners to be published. 35 Mrs. J. O'Donovan Rossa." The Central Council by a unanimous vote ordered that the extract should be as widely published as possible. 434 Meeting of the Central Council July 17, 1866 T he E u r o p e an W ar Cit Fox translated from the "Courrier Français" a letter signed by Fribourg in rela tion to the war and the Social question. | |[147]| T he Discussion on the W ar was then resumed. Cits. Dutton, Bobczynski and Marx were the principal speakers. Cits. Cremer and Fox withdrew their respective amendments, and the wording of the Bobczynski—Carter resolution was amended and ultimately passed, nem con, in the following form. "That the Central Council of the International Working Men's Association con sider the present conflict on the Continent to be one between Governments and ad vise working men to be neutral, and to associate themselves with a view to acquire strength by unity and to use the strength so acquired in working out their social and political emancipation." T he Congress P r o g r a m m e. It was then agreed that at the next and subsequent meetings of the Council the questions to be submitted to the Geneva Congress should be discussed and elabo rated. The questions to be discussed on Tuesday next are as follow.—Organization of the Association; Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different national struggles between capital and labour. The Council then adjourned to July 24. JAMES BARRY/ 435 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 2 4, 1 8 66 / [ 1 4 7 ]/ M e e t i ng of C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 24 1 8 66 Cit Barry in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. N o m i n a t i o ns for C o u n c i l m en Cit W. Stockey nominated by Yarrow and Jung Cit W. Colonieu nominated by Dupont and Combault Cit Lemaitre nominated by Lafargue and Marx. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns Cit Barry reported that the Coachmakers had not met, they would meet next month Aug 8. Cit Jung reported the result of visit to Packing Case Makers, they wished for a deputation at their Delegate Meeting. Correspondence Cit Jung read correspondence respecting the manufacture of Tulle by which it was ascertained that the English Operatives received higher wages than ||[148]| the Lyons Operatives. Cit Dupont read a Letter from Sur-Saône thanking the Council for Cards of Membership and asking for Credentials for the Correspondents; ordered to be sent. Jung read a Letter from Geneva which stated they had elected a committee to make arrangements for the reception of the Delegates who would attend the con gress. They also wished to know in what manner the questions were to be proposed and discussed at the congress. They thought the CC ought to appoint a Member to 436 Meeting of the Centrai Council July 24, 1866 bring forward questions and formally propose them. Also that reports of proceed ings should be taken and printed in three languages and distributed amongst all the sections of the Association. They also hoped the CC would communicate to all the Branches the assembling of Congress and the questions to be submitted. Ordered that the recommendations should be submitted and discussed by the Standing Committee for report to the CC. Q u e s t i on of Italian R e p r e s e n t a t i on Cremer and Marx proposed that the Secretary and any Member of the CC take whatever steps they may deem advisable to get Italian Societies represented at the Congress. Carried Unanimously. Also ordered that Cit Jung write to the Geneva Administration urging them to exert themselves to the same effect. Cit Lubez gave reasons why the Italians in London abstained from returning to the Council. T he Order of the D ay was then ||[149]| discussed, led off by Cremer who proposed as recommendation to Congress That the CC should sit in London, seconded by Marx. Carried Unanimously. The next question discussed was ways and means. Cremer proposed for discussion "That Corporate bodies joining the Association should contribute one halfpenny per Member per Year to the CC for the purposes of propaganda and administration expenses." A long discussion ensued on the question taken part in by Cits Marx, Jung, La fargue, Dutton, Yarrow, and others and ultimately it was decided to adjourn the question till the next meeting. Several deputations were then appointed to wait on Societies and the Council then adjourned to July 3 1s t. J. GEORGE ECCARIUS Vice President/ 437 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il J u ly 3 1, 1 8 66 / [ 1 4 9 ]/ Meeting of Central Council July 31, 1866 VP Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit Stockey proposed by Yarrow and Jung. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns Cit Lawrence gave Cit Barry's report of his visit to Silver Spoon Makers, They agreed to the terms of % d per Member and promised to recommend the whole of the Trade to join. Cit Lawrence stated the Tailors' Executive would recommend to their members whatever was agreed on by the Central Council or the Congress. The Secretary reported that the Engineers' Council had received a deputation and after listening to the ||[150]| deputation and discussing their views had prom ised to communicate the result of their deliberations. The Compositors had also received the deputation and appeared heartily to en dorse their views. Cit Le Lubez reported that the Carpenters' meeting at the Silver Cup had well re ceived the Deputation and voted One Pound towards the expenses of the Congress promising to consider the propriety of joining the Association. Cit Eccarius reported that the Tailors' Committee had issued an appeal to the Journeymen urging them to elect a Delegate to the Geneva Congress. 438 Meeting of the Central Council July 31, 1866 T he Atlantic Cable Cit Fox referring to the laying of the above said it was an event too important for the I. W. M. A. to pass silently by, he would therefore propose the following 5 lò "That the Central Council hails the successful laying of the Telegraph Cable be- tween Ireland and Newfoundland as a grand triumph of science and perseverance over formidable physical difficulties and as adding facilities to the intercourse be tween the Cisatlantic and Transatlantic members of the European Family and this Council further hopes that the present Cable is only the precursor of many others." Cit Dell in seconding the resolution said the Peoples had nothing to gain by iso lation and secrecy but everything to hope for from increased communication with each other. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously. R e p o rt of Standing C o m m i t t ee Cit Marx brought up the report of the Committee on the questions to be submitted to Congress 15 1st They recommended the order as published in ||[151| the French programme with the single amendment That the last question be amalgamated with the first. Fox and Carter proposed That the report on this point be adopted. Carried Unan imously. 20 2nd That the Secretary be instructed to make out a report of the number of mem bers and a general statement of income and expenditure. Carried Unanimously. 3rd They recommend the Congress to make an enquiry into the condition of the working classes according to the following schedule of enquiries 25 1 Occupation, name of 2 Age and sex of the employed 3 Number of the employed 4 Hiring and Wages. A Apprentices. Β Wages. Day or piece work. Whether paid by Middlemen etc. Weekly, Yearly Average earnings 5 Hours of Labor. In Factories. Hours of small employers and home work if the 30 business carried on in those modes. Nightwork. Daywork 6 Meal times and treatment 7 State of Place and work, overcrowding, defective ventilation, want of Sunlight, use of gaslight, etc., Cleanliness etc. 8 Nature of the occupation 9 Effect of employment upon the Physical Condition '5 10 Moral Condition. Education 11 State of Trade, whether Season Trade or more or less uniformly distributed over Year, whether greatly fluctuating, whether exposed to Foreign Competition, whether destined principally for Home or Foreign consumption etc. W The recommendations were unanimously agreed to. | 439 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. |[152]| C o n t r i b u t i o ns Cit Marx then reported "That a Yearly Contribution of % [d] per Member be paid by Societies joining, cost price of Cards or livrets to be charged extra." The Secretary to have power to negotiate with poor Societies on easier terms. The recommendation Carried Unanimously. The Committee recommend that the Council advise members to found Benefit Societies and to organise an International Exchange between Benefit Societies. A debate arose on this point, the recommendation was amended so as to require that the Swiss members take the initiative at the Congress on this question. The resolution in its amended form was Carried Unanimously That the local Committees keep reports of the state of trade in their districts and act as intelligent officers for Working Men. The Council then adjourned. J. GEORGE ECCARIUS Vice President/ 440 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 7, 1 8 66 / [ 1 5 2 ]/ Central Council Meeting August 7 1866 Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns The Gen Sec reported that the London Society of Compositors had elected their Secretary Mr Self as a Delegate to the Geneva Congress. Mr Cremer also read a Letter from the ||[153]| Gen Sec of the Amalgamated Engineers stating, their Council declined to send a Delegate or to give permission for deputations to visit their Branches. He also reported that the Bookbinders (Day Working) had agreed to join the As sociation. The Vellum Binders had adjourned the question till their next General meeting. Jung reported that the Brush Makers had also deferred the question to their next Meeting. Le Lubez reported That the Chair makers and Carvers had also deferred the ques tion till they had a larger attendance. Correspondence Cit Marx read a Letter from Belgium asking information in regard to the Congress. R e p o rt of Standing C o m m i t t ee Cit Marx reported That at the last sitting of the Committee only himself, Cits Jung and Dupont were present, he requested the attendance of the British members at the next sitting. 441 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. T he Sheffield Conference The President reported That a resolution had been passed thereat urging all Trade Societies to join the International Association. Transatlantic Postage Cit Fox brought forward this subject and stated some facts to show the exorbitant rate of Letter postage between Britain and the United States, he said that the Brit ish rule governed the continental rates and he advised that after the Geneva Con gress the Central Council should send a deputation to the Postmaster General to ask him to concur ||[154]| in the American proposition for a Sixpenny letter rate. The subject then dropped. Fox stated that the "Vorbote" was publishing Memoranda of the discussion of the Geneva Branches on the Congress programme. The Council then adjourned. HN JUNG. President Pro tem / [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] [Zu S. 442.1-3] The Commonwealth. Nr. 180, 18. August 1866 Mr. Odger reported, that the great Conference of Trades' Delegates at Sheffield had taken into their most serious consideration the principles of the International Asso ciation and passed the following resolution. "That this Conference, fully appreciating the efforts made by the International Association to unite in one common bond of brotherhood the working men of all countries, most earnestly recommend to various societies here represented, the ad visability of becoming affiliated to that body, believing that it is essential to the progress and prosperity of the entire working community." Proposed by J. Constantine, Halifax; seconded by W. H. Harry, London, and car ried unanimously. 442 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 1 4, 1 8 66 / [ 1 5 4 ]/ Central Council Meeting Aug 14 1866 Cit Jung in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Reports of D e p u t a t i o ns The Secretary reported his visit to the Coach Makers with the result as expressed in the following letter 29, South Street, Manchester Square, W., Aug. 8, 1866. Sir,—The result of your attendance on the Coachmakers' Friendly Society, Berwick Street, to-night has been, that we have appointed ten Delegates to wait upon the ten Societies in connection with our trade, to lay before each Society your circular and explain it to them, taking your own lucid statement as our "model." I have been de sired by the sub-committee (the ten) to request you to forward twenty-four circu lars, addresses, and rules, so that we may forward a copy to each of those Societies and so that each of us may have a copy to "read up" in before we wait upon them; our object is to endeavour to get each to act, as we intend to try and make our So ciety act in unity with you. I suppose you will receive a note from our secretary (Mr. Todd), explaining that your circular and explanations cannot be brought be fore our Society, until its general meeting in January, when we intend that the In ternational Working Men's Society's claims shall have the preference to all other business, and, if in the meantime, the other Societies can be urged to do likewise, the time will not have been altogether wasted. I hope to come amongst you as a united body. Wishing you every success in your (our) undertaking, allow me to subscribe my self, your well-wisher, and hope to be your obedient servant. Edward Reaveley. For the committee of ten appointed by the London Coachmakers' Friendly So ciety, to forward the objects of the International Working Men's Association. To Mr. Cremer, 18, Bouverie Street, E. C. 443 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. The Secretary also stated That the Packing Case Makers had joined the Association and would collect subscriptions among their members for the ||[155]| Geneva Con gress. They were too poor to vote money from their funds. Cit Jung reported that the Plumbers' brass finishers had given their word to join the Association but had formally deferred their decision till their next meeting. Messrs Reynolds and Long for the Hand in Hand Coopers handed in Six Pounds as the contribution of that Body to the expenses of the Geneva Congress. Cremer and Yarrow proposed That the above body of Coopers be admitted as an affiliated Branch of the Association. Carried Unanimously. Cit Yarrow stated the Alliance Cabinet Makers would hold a general Meeting on Thursday next and the question of the Geneva Congress would then be discussed. Cits Jung and Cremer promised to attend. Correspondence Cit Dell read a Letter from the Sec of Operative Bricklayers' Society stating they would not pay their contribution as the accounts had not been audited. The Gen Sec stated that it was not his province to prepare balance-sheets al though he had done so months ago and Mr Coulson had been appointed Auditor but had never attended. If there was any neglect or delay it was with those who had been appointed auditors but had not performed their duty; such complaints came with a bad grace from Mr Coulson. A u d i t o rs Cits Weston and Buckley were appointed to audit the accounts on Friday next at /2 past 6. Secretary Salary Cremer stated there were some arrears owing to him and asked that it should be paid or that ||[156]| he should be released from his appointment as a paid Officer, Carter and Fox proposed that 25s be paid Secretary. Carried Unanimously. Correspondence Cit Fox read a Letter from Lyons of which the following is a translation. 444 Meeting of the Central Council August 14, 1866 Lyons W o r k m e n, the War, a nd the British Reform M o v e m e n t. The Lyons correspondent of the International Working Men's Association writes to the Central Council of this Association as follows:— "Lyons, August 9, 1866. In respect to the war, opinions are unsettled. However, workingmen are beginning to throw off that narrow patriotism which made them embrace the quarrels of pot entates and edged them in to sacrifice themselves for the interests of the former. All are beginning to see that their interests and ours are not identical, and that all working men have a common interest, and that their greatest enemies are the para sites of their own nation. We received some numbers of the Courrier Français, and we liked well the ideas it propagated. Our enemies found a pretext for annihilating it, but they could not annihilate the ideas it represented. We live in hopes that other journals will resume the work it left unfinished. The arbitrary rule which governs us does not wish the truth to penetrate into the prov inces. We beg the English working classes to persevere in the attitude which they have recently assumed; let them show themselves determined and courageous, let them confront all menaces and they will obtain that reform which is the first step towards social amelioration. You will oblige us by giving us some details concerning what has taken place in London, and indicating to us clearly the spirit which animates this movement, for journals suppress the essential part of it. I cordially salute you, An. Scheitel." Cit Fox also read Letters from Bordeaux and Vienne (Isère). The latter asked for 130 Cards of Membership, also that the following should be appointed Correspond ents for that department Citizens Ailloux, Waguenay and Marcheval. Cits Dupont and Le Lubez proposed their election. Carried Unanimously. Election of C o u n c i l m en Cit Lafargue proposed Cit Le Maitre as a Member of CC. A discussion took place on the proposition, his election having been on a former occasion opposed by 5 of his W o r k m e n- Cits Marx and Lubez proposed That an official Letter be sent to the five Men ] |[157]| and the election postponed. Cits Hales and Yarrow proposed That they be written to to come before Standing Committee at 8 o'Clock. Carried Unanimously. 445 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. R e p o rt of Standing C o m m i t t ee Cit Marx gave report. They suggested that the General Secretary be paid 40s per Week and to be ap pointed by the Geneva Congress itself. A discussion took place on the proposition which was opposed by Cit Dell who preferred a graduated scale of payment. An amendment was proposed to the effect that 30s be the rate of payment but the amendment was withdrawn and the resolu tion was Carried Unanimously. Cit Dell read a Letter he had written in reply to Mr Coulson, the letter was en dorsed by the Council and ordered to be sent. T he Tailors a nd the G e n e va Congress Cit Eccarius reported that the Tailors had that night decided to send a Delegate to the Geneva Congress. The resolution had been carried with enthusiasm. The Council then adjourned. GEO ODGER President / 446 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 1, 1 8 66 /[157]/ Meeting of Central Council August 21 1866 President Odger in the Chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. The first business was the R e p o r ts of D e p u t a t i o n s. Cit. Jung reported that he had waited on the Cigar Makers' Committee, who had convened a general meeting of the members to receive a deputation from the coun cil. He had also waited on the Scale Makers, and had arranged to visit them a sec ond time. He further reported visits to the Tin Plate Workers and Curriers, both committees courteously received him and promised to bring the question before the next general meeting. | |[158]| The general secretary, Cit. Cremer, reported that himself, Citizens Lessner, Haufe, Massman, and Yarrow had waited on the Organ Builders and Upholsterers, and had been requested to attend their next general meetings. The secretary also stated that the Alliance Cabinet Makers had at a general meeting recommended a levy of 6d. per member towards the expenses of the Geneva Congress. Citizens Weston and Hales reported that they had waited on the Brass Finishers, and discussed with the members the principles of the association. They had been invited to attend again. Cit. Le Lubez reported his visit to the Stove Makers. They had urged him to at tend their general meeting. T he G e n e va Congress. Some further arrangements, in connection with the above, were then made, when the Council proceeded to discuss the report of the disturbances between the English and Belgian excavators at Eastbourne. The general secretary was ordered to get all the information possible on the matter, if necessary to take action, and to report at the next sitting of the Council. 447 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. T he M a n c h e s t er Tailors' Lock-out. Cits. Lessner and Lawrence reported that 700 tailors were locked out in Manches ter, and fearing their late employers might try to get men from the Continent, they invoked the assistance of the International Working Men's Association on their be half. As some doubts were expressed in relation to the continuance of the lock-out, it was agreed to suspend any continental action until the arrival of confirmatory in telligence from Manchester; but in case of danger, the secretary was to act immedi ately. I n t e r n a t i o n al Postal R a t e s. The following resolution was then proposed by Citizens Cremer and Lessner— "That the delegates at the Geneva Congress be requested to urge on their respective governments the necessity and advantages of a system of International and Ocean Penny Postage." In proposing the resolution Cit. Cremer said that the realisation of such a project would greatly facilitate the efforts of the association in bringing into fraternal intercourse the workmen of the world. At present the postal rates were so high as to preclude the possibility of frequent communication. The resolution was carried unanimously. Report of Standing C o m m i t t e e. Cit. Jung brought up the report, which report contained a proposition to be submit ted to Congress recommending That 9 Hours per Day including 1 hour per Day for Meal-times be the standard Day's w o r k- As an Amendment Cremer proposed and Lawrence seconded That Eight Hours be recommended as the standard for Daily labor. The Amend ment was Carried Unanimously. After some further discussion in reference to that part of the report which con tained recommendation as to the employment of Women and Children, the further consideration of the report was deferred till the next sitting. The Council then adjourned till Tuesday evening next, at 7 o'clock, then to meet for the purpose of discussing and finally deciding on the Congress programme, and to elect the delegates from the Central Council. The Secretary was ordered to summon all the members. J. GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President | 448 M e e t i ng of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 8, 1 8 66 The Commonwealth. Nr. 182, 1. September 1866 International Working Men's Association. The Central Council met on Tuesday evening at 18, Bouverie-street, when Mr. Lee, the secretary of the Excavators' Society, attended to report to the Council the cause of the late disturbances between the 5 English a nd Belgian Excavators. Mr. Lee said an agent of Waring Brothers had succeeded in inducing 430 Belgian workmen to come to England and work for less wages than the English workmen were being paid, and the result had been that several Englishmen had been forced out of employment to make way for the cheaper labour of the Belgians. The 430 0 were made up of excavators, carpenters, and Blacksmiths. The Belgians were receiv ing from 2s. 4d. to 3s. per day, while the wages of the Englishmen were from 3s. 9d. to 4s. per day. This lowering of wages by the Belgians had caused the late disturb ances, which he and his brother members regretted. They were ready to receive the Belgians into their society. He also wished to ask on what terms the excavators' so- ciety which numbered several thousands could join the International Working Men's Association, after the question had been answered, and the whole matter fully discussed, it was resolved—"That in case the excavators' society take steps to form a branch in the district where the disturbance occurred, that the central coun cil send a delegate speaking the Belgian language to accompany the excavators' del- '0 egates to induce the Belgians to join the excavators' society, also that the central council use its influence to prevent the importation of any more Belgians at such reduced prices." 5 Reports of D e p u t a t i o n s. Cit. Jung, reported that the Cigar Makers' Association had agreed to join and had 25 sent citizens Walker and Church as their special delegates, they had also voted five pounds towards the Geneva Congress. 449 The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A. Cit. Cremer, reported that the Amalgamated Society of Saddlers and Harness Makers had joined and elected Cit. G. Peate, as their delegate to the central council, they had also voted four pounds towards the Geneva Congress. Resolutions admitting both societies as affiliated societies and their delegates to the council were carried unanimously. T he G e n e va Congress. The delegates to the above from England, will be Cits. Lawrence, Dupont, Carter, Cremer, Jung, and Eccarius. Cit. Odger was also appointed if circumstances would permit him to attend. The delegates leave London on Saturday morning, arriving in Geneva on Sunday evening, and the Congress will open on Monday morning, at 9 o'clock. The following sums of money have been received by the council during the past week: — Alliance Cabinet Makers West End Ditto Cigar Makers' Association Amalgamated Saddlers and Harness Makers Arbeiter Bildungs Verein Spoke's Tin Factory, Tottenham Court Road £10 5 5 0 5 5 0 4 4 0 2 2 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 450 J o h a nn G e o rg E c c a r i us W i e d e r g a be e i n er R e de v on K a rl M a rx a uf d em 2 5. S t i f t u n g s f e st d es D e u t s c h en A r b e i t e r b i l d u n g s v e r e i ns in L o n d on Der Social-Demokrat. Nr. 24, 19. Februar 1865 Aus den Reden, welche auf dem Stiftungsfest gehalten wurden, will ich nur einiges von Karl Marx erwähnen. Ueber die Streitfrage von Selbst- und Staatshülfe, sagte er, beide Parteien sind im Irrthum. In der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft gehören alle Lebens- sowohl als alle Arbeitsmittel den Kapitalisten, daher ist die Selbsthülfe 5 Unsinn. Auf der andern Seite ist es selbstverständlich, daß unter einem Ministe rium Bismarck von keiner Staatshülfe die Rede sein kann, - die Arbeiter können sich nicht an das Ministerium Bismarck verkaufen. Die Staatshülfe kann nur von einem Staate ausgehen, in welchem das Proletariat die Oberherrschaft führt. Die Emancipation der Arbeit innerhalb der preußischen Monarchie zu predigen, hieße •0 den Sturm in einem Glase Wasser beschwören. Die Emancipation der Arbeit be dingt die Befreiung Deutschlands, diese die Herstellung Polens und den Sturz der preußischen Monarchie. Auf die Vorwürfe der Fortschrittspartei in Bezug auf das Betragen der Arbeiter gegen die Bourgeoisie, sagte Marx, daß zur Zeit, wo er ge schrieben, daß sich die Arbeiter mit der Bourgeoisie vereinigen müßten gegen den 15 Absolutismus, man vorausgesetzt habe, daß die deutsche Bourgeoisie wenigstens so viel durchsetzen werde, als die Bourgeoisie von England durchgesetzt habe, dies sei jedoch nicht der Fall. In Deutschland, speciell in Preußen, bestehe ein Preßgesetz, wonach alle Schmähungen und Verläumdungen von oben nach unten frei seien; er fügte hinzu, daß die Arbeiter-Zeitungen, sowie die Arbeiterbewegung, nur mit poli- 20 zeilicher Bewilligung existirten und man die Regierung nur mit Sammt-Pfoten an greifen dürfe. Unter solchen Umständen sei eine gemeinsame Aktion zwischen den Arbeitern und der Bourgeoisie unmöglich, um so mehr, da die Bourgeoisie zu feig sei, ihr eigenes Programm durchzuführen. 451 M i n u t es of t he L o n d on C o n f e r e n ce of t he i n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on S e p t e m b er 2 5 — 2 9, 1 8 65 M e e t i ng of t he S u b c o m m i t t ee w i th t he C o n t i n e n t al D e l e g a t es S e p t e m b er 2 5, 1 8 65 [l| Meeting of the Standing Committee with the Continental Delegates Sept'r 25 Present of the Standing Committee Cits Jung, Marx, Dell, Weston, Howell, Bob czynski, V. P. Eccarius and the Hon Gen Sec. From Paris Cits Tolain, Fribourg, Li- 5 mousin, Schily, Varlin, Clarion and Dumesnil-Marigny, Switzerland Cits Dupleix and Becker, Belgium Caesar De Paepe. The Meeting having waited till a % past 3 for the arrival of the President and he being still absent Cit Jung was voted to the Chair. He began by stating that the first business was the financial position of the Association. 10 The Gen Sec stated that the accounts of the Association had been audited up to March last and at that time the Accounts stood as follows: Income Expendi , since that period there had been ||2| no audit but there ture would be another at the end of this month and then the Balance Sheet would be sent to the different Branches, probably up to the present time the income of the Balance 15 Association was about 32 or 33£. Cit Fribourg gave account of Financial position in Paris, the administration had disposed of a large number of Cards but as they had been compelled to keep up a Central Office and had been put to great expense by the travelling of the Delegates etc. there was little or no balance to hand over to the CC, still the prospects were 20 hopeful as the chief expenses had been defrayed and the future contributions would be chiefly clear income to be handed over to the CC, they still had about 400 Cards of Membership undisposed of. A great drawback to their progress had been the postponement of the Congress, also that many of the workmen were doubtful if any thing could be done under the present regime, they were constantly met with the 25 statement show us you can act and we will join you. He, Cit Fribourg, ||3| wished the English particularly to understand their difficul ties, they could only meet in small numbers of not more than 20, if more met they were liable to be arrested, a short time ago they had a Meeting of 60 and they had the greatest difficulty to keep them together from 8 till 10 o'clock, they kept looking 30 at the door expecting to see the Police enter to arrest them, he mentioned this to show the difficulties they had to contend with, the books and accounts of the Paris Administration they had brought with them and they invited the Treasurer to in- spect them. - 455 Minutes of the London Conference of the I.W.M.A. Cit Tolain stated they had enrolled Members in Rouen, Nantes, Elbceuf, Caen, Lisieux, St. Denis, Pantin and Puteaux but in all those places their progress had been hindered by the postponement of the Congress. Cit Schily said they had a great advantage in Switzerland where they met and contributed monthly while in. France they had to get together as best they could and collect the Funds in the same manner. | 5 \4\ Cits Cremer and Marx proposed That Cits Dell, Jung, and Dupont go over the Paris accounts and report to the next Meeting of the Standing Committee. Carried Unanimously. Cit Dupleix reported of doings in Switzerland, they had been formed but 10 6 Months but had been successful, the Contributions at present were 5d per Month but the Members were willing to pay if necessary Is per Month, they would have had a good surplus to pay over to the CC but for the expenses of the Delegates trav elling. They had enrolled in Geneva 250 Men, in Lausanne 150, Vevey 150, the Men were quite impressed with the necessity for contributing to the CC and were 15 even willing to dissolve their own organisations and to belong alone to the I.W.M.A. Cit Schily called attention to the Necessity for facilities being provided whereby the Workmen of different countries in removing their domicile would receive as sistance and also that the Secretaries in different Places should be able to assist Workmen, members of the Association, to obtain employment. | 20' |5| Cit De Paepe gave report of doings in Belgium, they had been constituted but 1 month but had already 60 Members who had agreed to pay not less than 3 francs or 2s 8d per year and out of that they will contribute Is per year to the CC, they had but 24s subscribed when the question came before them of electing a Delegate but even with their small organisation and limited means they had elected him to come 25* to the Conference. Cit Fribourg objected to the Belgium proposition as to a fixed contribution of Is per Member to the CC, he thought some years there might be a large contribution, in fact a plethora, and in other years there would be a dearth, that when the funds were large they would be used locally. 30; Cit Marx replied that the Congress would decide year by year as to the disposal of Funds. Cit Tolain said that in Switzerland and Belgium they could meet openly, discuss any question and openly enroll Members but in France they could only meet by stealth and had no means of openly propagating the principles of the ||6| Associa- 35;. tion and therefore could not reach or inspire with Confidence those to whom they were personally unknown. This concluded the report of the Financial position. The question of ways and means was then discussed. Cit Becker representing the German section in Switzerland proposed Cit Schily 40*· seconded that a medal should be struck commemorative of the Meeting of the Con ference, such Medals could be struck off for about Id and could be sold for say ód which would leave a good margin of profit for the Association and help to pay its expenses and be a means of propagandism. -;. Fribourg thought it better that an approximate estimate should be formed as to 45j 456 Programm der Londoner Konferenz der IAA (1865). Flugblatt mit Marginalien von Marx Meeting of the Subcommittee with the Continental Delegates September 25, 1865 the probable expenses of the Central Council up to the period of the Congress, also the expenses of the Congress, and that an attempt should be made to raise the money through the members. 5 Cremer agreed with Fribourg and thought if they stated what the amount was likely to be and then issue Collecting Cards for Subscriptions of Id then by that means they might ||[7]| raise the amount, he did not think the assembling of the Conference was of sufficient importance to impress the masses with a wish to com memorate it, he thought the question of striking off a medal should be left till the Congress when the Association would be more known and when it should have 10 done something worth commemorating, he thought the medal a premature ques tion, and as it was by collecting Pence that the Religious Bodies raised the greater part of the money for propagandista, he thought that in this instance we might with benefit borrow their plan of action, ||[8]| there were hundreds who would give one Penny but would not give a Shilling, he had no doubt as to their being able to raise the necessary amount if they went earnestly to work. 15 Limousin supported Fribourg's view. The proposition for a Medal was also sup ported by Dell and Weston who said that it had been done with success in Robert Owen's movement. Bobczynski supported the issue of a medal but would have different qualities and 20 prices, to those who should subscribe liberally to the Association and become life Members, he would charge 2s 6d so that they might wear it on public occasions. Eccarius opposed the issue of a Medal and said as we were about to engage in a battle we had better wait and see if we had a victory to commemorate. 25 Marx was against fixing any amount as proposed by Fribourg. Howell opposed the Medal, he thought it would be unsuccessful. Finally the following Resolution was agreed to on the propositions of Cit Marx and Dupont: That the propositions of the Belgian Delegate to send Is per Member per annum, the Swiss a fixed amount, the French the main proceeds of the sale of cards (in- 30 eluding the 400 they have in hand) to the Central Council, be accepted and that the further consideration of the financial position be adjourned till after the soiree. Carried unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned till tomorrow at 2 o'clock. | 4 59 S i t t i ng of t he C o n f e r e n ce S e p t e m b er 2 5, 1 8 65 |l| Sitting of the Conference Monday, Sept. 25th 1865 The Sub-Committee having sat with the Delegates till half past 5, the members were not present in large numbers until near 8 o'clock, when the proceedings com menced under the Presidency of Citizen Odger, Citizen Jung being elected Vice- Chairman to interpret and translate. Cit. Odger rose and addressed the Meeting. He said there [were] present repre sentatives of France, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Poland and Spain. He said that the English Workmen were seeking for the Franchise and it was difficult to make them think of anything else—thence the slowness with which the Associa tion has progressed in England. When we have shown to the English people that we are doing some work, they will have confidence in us and join the Association but they have been so often deceived that they are slow in giving their confidence. He then declared the Conference duly open. A proposition was put and carried unanimously that the Meetings of the confer ence take place at 8 o'clock. Cit Cremer addressed the Meeting on the position of the Trade Societies in Eng land. People on the Continent may think them very rich and able to contribute to a cause which ||2| is their own, but they are tied down by petty rules which confine them to very narrow limits. They are difficult to move and, but for a few men that are among them, they are not worth anything for what they may do for their own emancipation or that of their fellow-men. They know nothing of Politics and they are difficult to be made to understand that there is such a science. However, there was a beginning of progress. A few years ago, Delegates from our Association would not have been allowed a hearing; now we are well received, listened to and our principles unanimously approved of. That is the first time that an Association hav ing anything to do with Politics was accepted by the Trades Unions. Cit. Fribourg, French Delegate, said that the Association had been well received in France; 1,200 cards of membership had been taken in Paris, though they could not meet, but they act individually and they hope the Association will acquire a great extension. Cit Dupont read the following letter from Lyons—Also a Letter from Citizen Tal-- 460 Sitting of the Conference September 25, 1865 bot, of Caen, who approves of the intervention in favor of Poland but especially in sists on curtailing the power of Russia—He shudders at the idea that by rail it only requires 47 hours to come from St. Petersburg to Strasburg. | |3| Citizen Tolain, from Paris, spoke of the state of Societies in Paris—He said that whereas in '48 the Political events urged the people on to move and to act, now, events are against action, but action takes place notwithstanding and even against the force of events. The Social questions are being studied and elaborated. People, he said, undergo two phases: the Political and the Social. They are perfect ing the latter. Cit. Dupleix, from the French part of Switzerland. He said the Branch began with 60 members; it now numbers 400—They feel that the time has come when work men must work their own emancipation by their own exertions. At Geneva, they have made an appeal to the Benefit Societies. 3 Societies have already joined—He related that at Montreux an act of reparation had been done by the influence of the Association. Herr Becker, the Representative from the German part of Switzerland, said that in Geneva alone 1,500 had already joined. Benefit Societies started last summer and were organising themselves into an union of Societies, but hearing of the Inter national Association, they took that as their connecting link. His speech was full of warmth and eloquence and much applauded by those who understood the German Language. | |4| Citizen Cesar De Paepe, Delegate from Belgium, related a History of the va rious Associations. Two years ago, an International Association was formed, but it had too much of the Middle Class element in it—It broke up. Now, there are three kinds of parties in Belgium: the Revolutionists who simply want to upset the exist ing state of things—the Socialists who make a study of the miseries of the people, their causes and the means of bringing a remedy to them—then, some other Socie ties very like the Trade Unions in England, who limit their aspirations to being ready to strike for a few halfpence. Then there are a large number of Societies of Freethinkers whose sole mission seems to be to oppose the Clergy.—He, the worthy Delegate, said that he looked on co-operation as only a partial remedy—Then, there was the Credit-Mutual. But, he looked upon Landed Property as the question to be taken in hand. As it stood, pau perism must go on increasing according to a law now known "that pauperism in creased in the same ratio as wealth"! Land like air belonged to all, its fruits must belong to those who cause them to be produced—but land itself must not belong to anyone. | |5| C o n t i n u a t i on of M o n d a y 's Conference The question of the Newspaper was then discussed. Cit. Vésinier said that the Newspaper ought to appear once a month in a double number—the extra part being published in three languages and reporting the doings of the Association. Cit. Schily said that the Workman's Advocate should have a sub-title as the or- 461 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. gan of the Association. Citizens Marx, Bolleter, Le Lubez and others took part in the discussion after which Citizen Becker proposed and Le Lubez seconded that the Workman's Advocate be recognised as the organ of the Association. On the question of Foreign Correspondence it was decided that foreign Corre spondence sent by Delegates should be received for our Newspaper, compiled by a Commission and published—The Foreign Delegates took the engagement to send Correspondence. | [Auszug aus The Workman's Advocate] The Workman's Advocate. Nr. 134, 30. September 1865 A Conference of Delegates from France, Belgium, Switzerland, Poland, Germany, and Italy, and the English representatives from the various societies, affiliated with the central body in England, opened on Monday last. The delegates of the several nationalities first met at 3 o'clock, at the Freema son's Arms, Long Acre, for mutual introduction, and preliminary matters of busi ness and finance. The following delegates gave in their credentials:—France, Messieurs Schily, Fri bourg, Tolain, Varlin, Limousin and Clarion; Switzerland, Dupleix and Becker; Belgium, Cassar De Paepe; also Dumesnil-Marigny, Dr. Marx, Eccarius, Lessner, Kaub, Schapper, Vesinier, Dupont, Le Lubez, Jung, Major Wolff, Bobczynski, Lochner, Bolleter, etc., from the various French, German, Italian, Swiss, and Polish societies in this country; together with the various English delegates, as Cremer, Dell, Odger, Weston, Howell, Shaw, Wheeler, etc., etc., representing their central and affiliating bodies. After some business of a preliminary character, the delegates adjourned to 8, Adelphi-terrace, Strand, where the Conference was held. The Conference assembled in the large room of the Reform League, at 7 o'clock. Mr. Geo. Odger, in the chair. He stated that delegates were present from France, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Spain, and Italy, together with the English repre sentatives of the various affiliated bodies. Their progress (he continued) had been most encouraging, and their prospects were most favourable. Their efforts had been directed to the various questions stated in the programme before the Confer ence, and he had no hesitation in saying that their progress had been so far satis factory. Mr. Cremer, the General Corresponding Secretary, explained the position of the English sections of the Association; he said, that for many years the English work men had not taken an active part in politics, having confined their efforts to social questions, and those more particularly affecting the interests of capital and labour. But the leading spirits of the English societies had now identified themselves with the leading questions of the day, and were steadily but surely moving great masses of their fellow-countrymen in the same direction. They had already done something in international movements and he had no doubt of their ultimate triumph. 462 Sitting of the Conference September 25, 1865 Möns. Fribourg (Paris delegate) said, the difficulties of the French members were very great. They could not meet as in England, for if twenty only met together the eye of the Government was suspiciously upon them. They had once as many as sixty of their members at a meeting, but had the greatest difficulty in keeping them together, for they were continually expecting to see the police enter the door. They had no trades' or political organizations as in this country, so it was to them a pur suit of progress under difficulties. 5 Möns. Dupont next reported from Lyons, they were glad that the intended Con gress in Belgium had been postponed till next year, and this Conference was being 10 held in its stead. They wished their brother delegates (Confrères) to understand that their own efforts must work out their own redemption. The principles to be em ployed were moral force, justice, and truth. They had great difficulties but labour would conquer them. In Lyons they would work to that end, and give the fraternal hand of fellowship to their brother toilers all over the world. . 15 Another French delegate (Talbot, the correspondent of the department of Calva dos) reported from that part of France. In reference to the topics on the programme, there is but one feeling on the sub ject of Poland. They felt that no great good could be done for Europe till the power of Russia was crippled. Finland should again be given to the sea, and Poland re-es- tablished in her independence. They shuddered at the thought of Russia's vast and still increasing power in Europe. Her vast armies make peace but a dream. 20 Möns. Tolain (the late working men's candidate for the department of the Seine) said: Of late years the workmen had been impelled onward in the path of progress by an irresistible force; they had now arrived at that point that they were themselves 25 pressing forward in spite of a considerable force, tending to keep them nailed to their present position. In France they were paying great attention to social ques tions, which he (the speaker) looked upon as most important just now, under the present regime, and likely to produce the most momentous political results. (The translator to the Conference said the speech just made was a most beautiful and . 30 eloquent one, and he felt ashamed of his own feeble attempt at translation.) Möns. Dupleix, one of the Swiss delegates, next reported from Switzerland. They had large societies in Neuchâtel, Geneva, Montreux, Vevey, and Lausanne. They had already done much good in Switzerland, and in one town—Montreux—had been the means of bringing an employer to justice for a breach of contract, and an infringement of their laws. 35 M. Becker, from the German part of Switzerland, said they had three nationali ties and three languages in their country, and had published their address in French, Swiss, and German. They had already done good service in their country, through the International Association, and would work still harder in the future. 40 They were in favour of Polish nationality as a political question, and of co-operative labour as a social one, capable of great good for working men. They were opposed to private property in land. M. De Paepe (Belgium) said they had only fairly started about six weeks, but they anticipated great results. Their country, unhappily, was very much divided into »'· 45 classes of different shades of opinion; but they hoped to make this a great move- 463 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. merit. They were not prepared to say that co-operation would regenerate humanity, but it might aid their cause. They were not quite in favour of the Polish movement, as some were; for it seemed so powerless that the sacrifices were all on one side. On the whole they thoroughly favoured the movement of the International Association. Several foreign delegates spoke in favour of a recognised international organ, to communicate their views to their fellow workers throughout Europe, and indeed the world. Arrangements were then made to adopt an organ, and make it the medium for disseminating their views. Several delegates remarked that no weekly paper had a foreign correspondence, whereas their paper would be able to produce the best in the world. Dr. Marx and others were elected as conductors of this department. 464 M e e t i ng of t he S u b c o m m i t t ee w i th t he C o n t i n e n t al D e l e g a t es S e p t e m b er 2 6, 1 8 65 |l| Meeting of Standing Committee with Continental Delegates September 26 Citizen Jung in the chair, present of the Standing Committee Eccarius, Marx, Wes ton, Cremer, Howell and Jung, the whole of the Continental Delegates were present. The question of finance was again discussed. Cremer proposed Howell seconded—That we recommend to the Conference to pledge itself in the name of the Association to raise 150£ for the purpose of propa- gandism and the expenses of the Congress, and that it be left to this Body to appor tion the respective amounts to be raised by the different Nationalities. Carried Unanimously. The question of a General Congress was next discussed. Marx in the name of the Central Council proposed that the Congress assemble in Geneva. Dupleix seconded the proposition. Fribourg wished it recorded that the French Delegates had received instructions to propose Geneva instead of as hereto fore decided Belgium as a protest against the law passed in Belgium with regard to foreigners. The resolution was Carried Unanimously. De Paepe proposed Tolain seconded That the following be submitted to the Con ference this evening: That the Conference transfer the place of Meeting of the Congress from Belgium to Geneva as a solemn protest against the Law concerning Foreigners passed in Bel gium. Carried Unanimously. The period for the assembling of the Congress was next discussed. Marx and Cremer in the name of the Central Council proposed that it take place in September or October of next Year unless unforeseen circumstances shall occur to necessitate its further postponement. The Delegates from Paris as an amendment proposed, That the Congress assem ble on the first Sunday in April next year. They all declared that to longer postpone the Congress would be fatal to the Association in France, and Tolain opposed any discretionary power being given to the Central Council on the question. Schily thought the French Delegates exaggerated ||2| the urgency for the Con gress. De Paepe said that if the Congress was held too soon they could not send Del- 465 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. egates from Belgium, they were now in debt and it would take them some time to recover themselves, he supported the resolution. The French Delegates were willing to give a little further time, they would agree to the Month of May. Marx was impressed by the statements of the French Delegates and was inclined to withdraw the resolution. Cremer thought we had not made propagandism in Germany, Spain, Italy and that our efforts should be exerted in that direction as a Congress of the Working Men of Europe would be incomplete without representatives from those Nationali ties. Schily thought the Paris Administration were putting the knife to the throat of the Association and if they were not very careful they would kill it. Limousin said the present regime caused the Workmen to distrust each other and thereby increased their difficulties. Jung said French Delegates must take all the responsibility on themselves if the Congress was a failure, he would suggest June instead of May as the spring was late in Switzerland. The French Delegates would so far yield as to agree to the last week in May. Marx having withdrawn his proposition for September the amendment became the resolution and was unanimously agreed to. The following were then appointed to speak at the Soiree, Tolain, Dupleix, Becker, Bobczynski, and Jones. The next question discussed was the organisation of the Association. Dupleix wished to know how the Association was to be formed. Limousin thought it was not within the province of the Conference to decide the question, he thought a Congress alone could decide it. Fribourg and Dupleix proposed That the organisation of the Association is a question for the Congress. Carried Unanimously. Marx and Fribourg proposed That the following questions be submitted to the Congress "Cooperative Labor", "Reduction of the number of the ||3| hours of labor", "Female and Child labor", all present voted for them as questions but Weston— Marx and Fribourg proposed the following for the Congress "Direct and indirect taxation", agreed to. The following questions marked 3, 4 and 10 on the programme were also agreed to. 3.—Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different national struggles between Capital and Labour. 4.—Trades' unions—their past, present, and future. 10.—Standing armies: their effects upon the interests of the productive classes. The Members then adjourned till tomorrow, the 27, at 2 o'clock. | 466 S i t t i ng of t he C o n f e r e n ce S e p t e m b er 2 6, 1 8 65 Meeting of the Conference Tuesday evening, at 8 o'clock Cit Odger in the Chair, Citizen Jung Vice Chairman and interpreter. Cit. Cremer read the reports of the two previous sittings of the Sub-Committee, and the questions resolved upon in that department were submitted to the Confer ence— Is' That the sum of £150 be raised for the purpose of Propagandism and to get up the Congress. Carried unanimously— 2nd That the Congress be held in Geneva. Carried unanimously— 3rd That it be recorded that the cause why the place where the Congress was to be held is changed from Brussels to Geneva, is the Uncivilised and Inhuman Law passed in Belgium for the expulsion of illustrious Foreigners. Carried Unani mously. 4th That the Meeting of the Congress be fixed for next May. This was strongly opposed by Cit. Le Lubez who said there was not time suffi cient to make the Congress a success by that time; a long discussion followed—The Paris Delegates insisting on the absolute necessity of having it not later than that. Carried by a large majority—Citizens Hansen and Lessner voting against it. Cit. Le Lubez abstaining from voting. 5th The questions that are to be discussed at the Congress. Cit. Le Lubez asked that each question be put separately. The Is' question was supposed to have been disposed of, so the 2nd was submitted to the meeting and carried. But Cit. Le Lubez having asked to return to the Is' of the questions in order to decide what would be the mode of admission to the Con gress— Cit. Vésinier asked what would be the rights of those who would attend and who were to vote? The Paris Delegates said that all those who have a card must be enti tled to all the rights of Discussion and of voting—They made it a matter of princi ple and said it was universal suffrage. Citizen Cremer urged that the Congress should be composed exclusively of Re presentative men and he made a Resolution to the effect that all the Adhering Branches of the International Association might send Delegates and that any other society of Working-men, having been established more than 3 months previous to 467 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. the Assembling of the Congress, might send Delegates who would have the same rights as the Delegates of the International Association. The Paris Delegates, | )[2]| then, withdrew their proposition. A great deal of opposition was shown to the latter part of Cit. Cremer's proposition, "the admitting of Representatives of any or ganised Societies who had not adhered to the Principles of the International Asso ciation, to vote and to have the same influence on its destiny as the Delegates from the Central Council and of the Branch Societies". Citizen Vésinier then proposed that any member of the Association, having his card, or any well known Citizen who shall be proposed by two members to the Cen tral Council or to the Council of any of the Branches, and who is accepted by them or any one of them, shall be entitled to all the rights of the Delegates to the Con gress. Citizen Dupleix said that in Geneva they invited members of other Societies to their Meetings and that they allowed them to take part in the Discussion but not to vote. He recommended the same course for the Congress—He also said that special cards should be issued and charged for to those who wished to assist at the Con g r e s s- Citizen Caesar De Paepe proposed that the right of voting be given to Delegated Members of the Association—that everyone be admitted to speak but not to vote. Citizens Carter, Eccarius, Tolain, Fribourg, Limousin (who said that all those who attended should vote), Wheeler, Leno, Lassassie and others took part in the discus sion when Cit. Cremer's proposition was divided; and, the first part being put was carried—Citizens Vésinier and De Paepe voting against it. A discussion then followed with regard to the second part of the proposition—the admission of all Delegates, of any Workmen's Society, to have the right to attend 25 "i and to vote— ,. Cit Vésinier made an earnest appeal to the members to beware of Bonapartists who most certainly could get any number of their partisans elected as Representa tives and out-vote us at the Congress. Cit. Tolain said he did not think Bonapartism was so dangerous as some people would make it—he thought it was much magni- 30 fied. Eventually Citizen Cremer withdrew the second part of his proposition— Each of the remaining propositions, the 3 r d, 4t h, 5t h, 6th, 7t h, 8th and 10th were put and voted—the 9th was put off till the next day— The Meeting then adjourned. | [Auszug aus The Workman's Advocate] 35; ' ' i \ The Workman's Advocate. Nr. 134, 30. September 1865 [Zu S. 467.14-19] The following resolutions were passed: [...] "That the congress assemble in May of next year." 468 Sitting of the Conference September 26, 1865 Upon the last mentioned, considerable discussion took place, some being in fa vour of September of next year, instead of May. But ultimately the resolutions were adopted. The haste was chiefly due to the French delegates, who insisted that the postponement of the congress would be fatal to the association in France. They cannot meet to plan and discuss, but must at once either abandon a scheme, or put it in practice. They therefore are in favour of May next. It having been explained to the delegates that it was a matter of life and death to the French Association that the Congress should be no longer delayed the resolution was carried unanimously. 5 [Zu S. 467.22-468.32] 10 It was then moved by Mr. Cremer, seconded by Mr. Eccarius,—"That the congress shall consist of representative men only, who shall bring credentials properly au thenticated by the citizens deputing them; and further, that each delegate shall rep resent a branch of the Association or not less than thirty working men, who shall have been organised for not less than three months previously to the assembling of 15 the congress." Upon this resolution an animated discussion took place. Fribourg opposed any society being present, except those belonging to the Association. But would allow all members the privilege of attending and taking part in the deliberations of the congress. 20 Vesinier thought every member should have the right to meet and vote. Cope said every delegate attending the congress should send his credentials at least seven days [beforehand] to the nearest branch of the Association. [De] Paepe, was in favour of all members attending and speaking but delegates only should vote. They would be able to accommodate the Conference with five 25 hundred voters from across the French frontier, if it were open voting. Limousin was in favour of open speaking and open voting. Lassassie, was not in favour of open doors; the French people knew little of open discussion or they would not support it. With open doors it would last six months. No, delegates only must speak and vote. ) Dupleix thought no harm would be done if members attended the congress, but they should take no part in the proceedings. Mr. Cremer was in favour of open doors in the same sense as our House of Com mons, but none but representatives should take any part in speaking or voting. The plan advocated by the French delegates would destroy its representative character 5 altogether. If it were representative in its character, the people of Europe would pause to listen to its deliberations, but if not it would be looked upon with derision and scorn. He could not understand the Parisian delegates objecting to such a sys tem, for upon any other basis the congress would be a farce. Tolain was in favour of perfect equality, both to speak and vote. If Bonapartism 0 sought to influence their deliberations, they would grapple with it in open congress. But it was not so bad as it appeared, or as it was painted. Carter was in favour of Mr. Cremer's amendment, but desired to see the question postponed. 469 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. Schily would vote in favour of the proposition. Bonapartism, if it sought to influ ence our deliberations, would sail under our colours. Howell urged those present to well consider before they destroyed the representa tive character of the congress. Would it be right to allow a man who only paid his shilling, and had no delegated authority, to outvote another man sent by five hun dred members? Would they have been satisfied if the Conference had been filled with English delegates, so as to overpower the voice and authority of the continen tal representatives? Yet this was the meaning of the proposition. He should vote for the amendment. The question was further discussed by Mr. Weston and others, ultimately the fol lowing amendment of Mr. Shaw was carried unanimously (Mr. Cremer having with drawn the last clause of his amendment), "That the congress shall consist of repre sentative men only, who shall bring credentials properly authenticated by the branches of the association deputing them." 470 S i t t i ng of t he C o n f e r e n ce S e p t e m b er 2 7, 1 8 65 |[1]| Conference of Wednesday evening Sept. 27th 1865 Cit. Odger in the chair, Cit. Jung translator and Vice Chairman. Cit. Marx read the report from the meeting of the permanent Committee and the Delegates. Cit. Le 5 Lubez read the minutes, and, at the request of the Paris Representatives, translated them. They were passed unanimously. The following resolutions came from the preallable meeting of the afternoon and proposed as fit questions to be put before the Congress: 1st Res. That a Meeting be held in Geneva after the Congress—Carried unani- 10 mously. 2nd That the question of giving relief to the sick, orphans and old people be sub mitted to the Congress. Citizen Cremer supported that idea very strongly, saying that material benefits are the greatest link, for the present, to hold out to Societies in this Country. He hoped the Association would seriously take up the question. 15 Carried unanimously. 3rd The formation of International Credit Societies. It was said that those Socie ties might be of immense service—It appears that in France these Societies are al lowed, but as under an absolute Government no funds were safe from its grasp, they would be glad of finding a secure place for their funds in England. Carried Unani- 20 mously. 25 4th That it is imperative to annihilate the invading influence of Russia in Europe by applying to Poland "the right of every people to dispose of itself", and re-estab lishing that country on a Social and Democratic basis. Cit. Le Lubez proposed that the latter part of the proposition only be retained, i.e. "that peoples have a right to dispose of themselves". He said that it would be affirming the same principle, but upon a broader, in fact a universal basis. Citizen Weston, in seconding the amendment, said he was opposed to the introduction of any but social questions. He said we ought to do one thing at a time, and do it well. Cit. De Paepe said that he did not think the question ought to be introduced at all. The re-establishment of 30 Poland could only benefit 3 classes: the High Nobility, the low Nobility and the Clergy—As to the serfs they had little to hope for. "You want to check Russian in- fluence," said the orator, "which influence? That of the Government? Then I ask 471 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. that the influence of all governments in Europe be checked. Is the influence of the Prussian, Austrian, English and French Governments less baneful ||[2]| than that of Russia? I say no. But if you mean to check the influence of the Russian people, then I say that they are the same as any other people. Indeed there is a movement going on among the working peasants by which they claim 'the land and liberty'. Then, there are so many people who suffer that it is almost unjust to name but one." He moved that the question be not entertained. Cit. Wheeler warmly sup ported the resolution—He said that Russia had always been a stumbling block in the way of progress. Despotism was horrible anywhere, but that of Russia was the most cruel. Cit. Lassassie thought we had better see the intense misery and tyranny under which the people in these countries laboured than go so far to look for wrongs. Governments wished for our minds to be directed to far-off questions, it prevented us from seeing the tyranny at home; he insisted on Ireland being freed from English yoke. Capt. Bobczynski in a very able and eloquent speech answered the objections that had been raised against the Resolution. Poland, he said, had fought the longest, had been the longer oppressed, her sons had shed their blood on every battle-field where right was struggling against might. Poland is the key-note to European freedom—she must be Democratic and she declares for the freedom of all. The President said that it was at a meeting in favour of Poland, held at St. James' Hall, that the French and English Workmen first met fraternally together; we must support Poland: to us, it was the type of oppressed Nations. Cit. Carter said that to deal with social questions and leave political ones untouched, was to deal with a headless body, or a body without a soul—He did not know where Despotism would stop if the voice of humanity was not raised against it. He was in favour of the proposition. After a very long discussion, the Chairman put it: That it be not en tertained, only seven voted for, and 10 against. For Cit Le Lubez' proposition 10—for the original proposition 23. Citizen Vésinier asked the following names be added to Poland—Rome, Venice, Hungary, France, Ireland, Mexico and others, but the Chairman told him he was out of order—that the question was settled. 5th Res. The Religious idea; its relation to social, political and intellectual devel opment of the people. Cit. Carter moved that it be not entertained. He said that we had nothing to do with dogmas or creeds, that each individual must have full lib erty to judge for himself, and that there should be no interference between a man's conscience and his god. Cit Le Lubez said that he wished there was no interference, then we should have no priests or parsons, but the latter existed, the other side of the question must be made known— Cit Fribourg supported the Resolution—Cit Holtorp also supported it. Cit. Wes ton made an earnest appeal to the Meeting not to entertain the question. Cit. Ho well said it was our duty to study this question, not in narrow, sectarian point of view, but as a philosophic principle. In England, it had been the custom to con demn all discussions of Religious or Political questions. |([3]| that is the reason there were so few who understood those questions: thence our slow progress. But we must have them carefully studied as they greatly affect our welfare. Cit. De Paepe said that the men who in Catholic countries go and kneel to a fellow man are not the men to be relied on for the carrying out of their own emancipation—Those who 472 Sitting of the Conference September 27, 1865 believed in a Being of some kind who was always above them and whose humble in struments they believe they are, always feel themselves low, and are not the likely men to become independent. Cit. Tolain said that the programme would be incomplete without that proposi- 5 tion. Cit. Weston again appealed to the Meeting not to admit that apple of discord. For the amendment 13—for the proposition 18. The Meeting then separated. | [Auszug aus The Workman's Advocate] 10 [Zu S. 471.21-472.29] The Workman's Advocate. Nr. 134, 30. September 1865 Proposed by Bobczynski, seconded by Wheeler, "That it is imperatively necessary to annihilate the influence of Russia in Europe by applying to Poland the right of every people to dispose of itself, and to re-establish that country upon its native democratic basis." 15 Proposed by Le Lubez, seconded by Weston, in an energetic speech, "That the latter part of the proposition only do pass, that is, in reference to the right of every people to settle its own form of government." Weston would have no proposition embodying a political question, but stick to social ones, as he believed that to do things well, they must do one at a time. He thought the political would introduce dissention. 20 De Paepe said the watchwords of the Russian peasants were "Land and Liberty", and should be the watchwords of the Polish peasant also. But he wished to know if it was the power of the Russian people or the Russian government, that strove to blot Poland from the map of Europe? If it be the Russian government, then the 25 French government was quite as dangerous to liberty as the Russian. It was their in fluence which procured the passing of that abominable act against foreigners in Belgium which rendered necessary the removal of the Congress to Geneva. He moved "That the question be not entertained." Seconded by Bordage. Wheeler, in an eloquent speech, supported the resolution, as Russian despotism 30 was the most blighting in the world. It rested not till its opponents were blotted out, as in Circassia, and Poland, was now being done. He denounced despotism every where; but Russian was most cruel and dangerous to Europe. Lassassie thought we need not go to Poland, as there was plenty of work to be done at home. Misery and tyranny were in our midst; let us first reform these, and then attack foreign questions. 35 Bobczynski very ably and eloquently answered the objections against the Polish question. They had the first claim, on account of their long and earnest battle against might; their arms had served in every other cause. In France, Hungary, and Italy, her sons fought heroically in the cause of European liberty. Her sons wanted 473 Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A. to be free; that was the key to their earnest, but, alas, almost useless struggles. Inter national sympathy makes no distinction between peoples; but we select Poland be cause she has striven most in her own cause. She had tried to fulfil the condition of the poet—"A nation to be free, herself must strike the blow"—if she had failed, cowardice was not the cause, for she had struck nobly and well. They must not sepa rate social and political questions, for political reforms must be the precursor of so cial advancement, they are inevitably bound up together and cannot be separated. Poland is the key note to European freedom; she is democratic or nothing; she de clares for freedom for all. This speech was very warmly applauded. The Chairman explained that in reality Poland brought their Association into ex istence, as they would see by the following extract from their address:—"Let our first united efforts be for the freedom of Poland; the justness of their cause de mands it, treaty obligations make it imperative, and duty points the way." We must, he said, stand or fall by the Polish cause. Carter thought Poland eminently deserving the first consideration. Their case was the worst, and was infecting the whole of Europe. It was their political plague spot, and should at once receive attention, to prevent the spread of the disease. To adopt social questions, and leave political ones untouched, was to deal with a head less body, or a body without its animating soul. Poland must be dealt with. The Chairman then put it to the vote. That it be not entertained was lost by a large majority. That the latter part only of the proposition be taken, was also lost by a large majority. For the proposition in its entirety, the majority was overwhelming. Vesinier wanted to protest against Poland being accepted when so many other nationalities were in a similar position. But the Chairman ruled that it was out of order. He had already taken six votes on the question, and heard nearly two dozen speeches. [Zu S. 472.30-473.7] "The religious idea: its relation to the social, political, and intellectual develope- ment of the people." [...] Fribourg supported its discussion. They were neither materialists nor brutes. The question was an important one, and must be entertained. Holtorp supported its retention in the programme. Howell favoured the discussion of this question, not as a narrow and sectarian one to be tabooed, but as a philosophic principle underlying all other questions. In England it had been the custom to condemn all polemical and political discus sions; this was one reason of our slow progress. If it were to be made the means of attacking men's religious opinions, he would condemn its introduction. But the time must come when they would have to calmly consider religion as an ethical and philosophic principle inwoven with every social and political movement. Weston strongly condemned it, as tending to destroy the association. De Paepe was in favour of the proposition, but it must not be viewed through a fanatic's eye belonging to either the Romish or Protestant churches. 474 Sitting of the Conference September 27, 1865 Tolain thought if it were left out it would be a sign of weakness. It was necessary to retain it to complete our programme. We shall then stand on the broad basis of social, political, and religious progress. It was then put to the conference, and carried by a small majority. 475 M e e t i ng of t he S u b c o m m i t t ee w i th t he C o n t i n e n t al D e l e g a t es S e p t e m b er 2 9, 1 8 65 F r e e m a s o ns A r ms S e pt 2 9th M e e t i ng of S t a n d i ng C o m m i t t ee a nd d e l e g a t e s. General proposition to send copies of address to the whole of the Branches. Sup ported by Dupleix and De Paepe and Carried unanimously. That the £150 be raised by the different Nationalities in the following propor tions: English £80, French £40, Swiss £10, German £10, and Belgium £10; and if the last £10 cannot be raised in Belgium, to [be] raised in equal proportions [by] the other Nationalities. Unanimously. In future the Delegates of the different Nationalities shall be empowered by their constituents to deliberate definitively and in proportion to their numbers, on all fi nancial questions. Carried unanimously. Suggested by Dupleix and others That Vesinier's name be struck out of our Offi cial report. Tolain proposed a vote of regret at the absence of Mr Peter Fox, such expression to be sent by the Central Council on account of his services to the Association. Schily seconded on behalf of the French Delegates and the standing Committee. The Protocol [was] read by Dr Marx and carried unanimously. | I [2] I The following suggestions were read and left for the Central Council. We beg to express on behalf of the English members of the Association the great pleasure and satisfaction we have felt at the cordial way in which the Conference has been conducted, and the friendly sentiments expressed by all the assembled delegates. That the thanks of the Conference be tendered to Citizen Jung for his consider ate and impartial conduct as translator to the Conference. | 476 M i n u t es of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on S e p t e m b er 1 8, 1 8 66 to A u g u st 2 9, 1 8 6 7. F r om t he M i n u te B o ok of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 1 8, 1 8 66 to A u g u st 3 1, 1 8 69 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 1 8, 1 8 66 | 1| Central Council Meeting Sept. 18th Citizen Odger in the Chair. Citizen Whitehead was elected as the delegate from the French Polishers' So ciety, which meets at the Black Horse in Rathbone Place, Oxford Street, W. Citizen Fox read a Letter from Mr Lee the Secretary of the Excavators' Society and in consequence of its contents, Citizens Whitehead, Lafargue and Dutton were appointed to form a deputation to wait upon the Excavators' Society on the follow ing Friday. Citizen Marx stated that the notice of the Manchester Tailors' Strike had been inserted in the Democratic Journals in the North, South and Centre of Germany; he gave a list of those Journals. Citizen Lawrence stated that the struggle had closed in Manchester, that in fact, the London Committee had decided that the Manches ter men were in the wrong-they had been too exacting. Citizen Hrabje, who is about to leave London for Hungary, was authorized to act on behalf of the association in t h at country. Citizen Hansen gave an account of what he had been able to do for the association during his recent visit to Copen hagen. He stated that he had found there a trustworthy agent for the association. A Letter from Mr Miall the Landlord was then read demanding that the Central Council should become his immediate tenant for the room in 18 Bouverie Street and pay him directly the quarter's rent which was due last midsummer. The Consideration of the question adjourned. | |2| T he Delegates' Report As it appeared that only Cits. Odger, Lawrence, Eccarius, and Carter had returned, it was thought best to defer the reception of the official report untili after the return [of] Cits. Cremer, Jung, and Dupont; but the delegates were invited to give an unof ficial extempore narrative of what took place. Citizen Odger gave a glowing account of the welcome given by the Genevese to the delegates, and declared that the general results of the Congress had far ex ceeded his anticipations. He declared that Cit. Jung's conduct as president had given general satisfaction. 479 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. After the British delegates had left Geneva they repaired to Berne to have an in terview with the Federal Government of Switzerland on the subject of cheap inter national postage. The delegates saw the Foreign Secretary and the Postmaster-Gen eral. They were first of all very courteously shown over the Federal palace and the picture Gallery, and Museum. Their interview with the Post-Master-General of the Helvetic Confederation lasted about half-an-hour. He entirely coincided with the views of the delegates on this subject, and said that the Swiss Government was of the same opinion as the International Working-men's Association. Cits. Cremer and Jung remained behind at Neuchâtel to help Dr Coullery in propagandist work on behalf of the association. It had been the intention of the del egates to have stayed for a time in Paris to observe the progress of the co-operative companies of production there, and Cit. Lawrence had desired to see some of his trade (the Tailors) there, but the arrest on the frontier of a Parisian delegate return ing from the Congress for having in his possession a "seditious" ||3| anti-Napoleonic pamphlet persuaded the British delegates [to abandon] this portion of their plan. He further stated that although the Parisian delegates had at first been disposed to offer a factious opposition yet towards the end they had acted in a most satisfactory manner towards the British delegates; and had asked their opinions on several of the questions involved. Citizen Carter then made his statement. He said that the Genevese tailors had been addressed by Cit. Lawrence, he, Carter interpreting; the Carpenters by Cremer, Carter interpreting; and the shoemakers by Odger—Eccarius interpreting. The two former meetings had been most enthusiastic and crowded. Citizen Eccarius gave a more detailed account of their interview with the Post- Master-General at Berne. The Swiss Government was ready to enter into an agree ment with any government [provided] that each country should retain its own gen eral postage rate and that the intermediate transit should be charged at half baggage rates. The French Government was the great obstacle to all postal Reform, They would not allow letters to be charged for in bulk but insisted upon charging and in specting the address on every letter. The Postmaster General was of opinion that 31 the letter rate between Great Britain and Switzerland might advantageously be re duced from 6d to 2%d per letter. He had been lately trying to get the ordinary French letter rate raised from % oz to % oz but without avail. He was also in favor of a reform of the regulations governing book and pattern posts. Eccarius had in his "valise" copies of the "seditious" pamphlet for the possession 35 of which the Parisian delegate had been arrested, but the French authorities took no notice of him, presumably because he was looked upon as a Briton. ||4| He added that eight workingmen had appeared (from Paris) at the Congress as oppo nents of the Administrative party. The Congress had refused to hear them as they were not accredited by any organized body recognized by the Association. It would 40- be a suggestion for the Central Council to consider, whether considering the non existence of the right of meeting in France, this Council might not be able to do for these desiderante what they could not do for themselves. ' Citizen Carter added that the number of essays on the several questions in the - programme contributed by members of the association was very large and came 4( 480 The Minute Book of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869. Seite 1. Handschrift von Robert Shaw Meeting of the General Council September 18, 1866 from all parts of Europe. The Congress had resolved that every individual member should pay 3d. per head this year towards the expenses of the Central Council. Citizen Lawrence stated some incidents of recent struggles at Lausanne between the employer and the employed in the shoemaking trade, and how the International association had played a leading part therein. He also spoke of their progress in the career of Co-operative production. He noted generally that on the Continent the working classes were in advance of the British in this respect. In Paris there were 54 Co-operative Manufacturing Associations, and 200 credit Societies. In the business of Co-operative Banking the Continentals were also ahead of us. It had been the in tention of the Parisian members of the International Workingmen's association to have given a dinner to the returning British delegates, but the aforesaid arrest threw a damper over this project. He confirmed what the other delegates had already stated concerning the reign of terror and suspicion now prevalent in the French capital. Citizen Fox complained that the British delegates had not sent from Geneva to the ||5| acting Secretary any information concerning the Congress or the visit to Berne; and the consequence was, that he had not been able to advertise its transac tions in the London Press as he otherwise could have done; also, that several of the Weeklies had copied reports from the French press so that in some respects they were better informed than the Commonwealth of the preceding week. Citizen Ec carius explained that he had sent an account of the visit to Berne to the Times, but that paper had refused to insert it. Odger and Carter explained, that they had not re ceived the Journals sent from London in time to inform them of the publicity given to the transactions of the Congress in the London Press. Citizen Marx moved, and Dell seconded a vote of thanks to the delegates for the able manner in which they had represented the Central Council at Geneva. Carried amid applause. The Council then adjourned untili next Tuesday. / 483 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il S e p t e m b er 2 5, 1 8 66 / 5/ Council Meeting Sept. 25th Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. The Secretary read the minutes of the previous meeting which were confirmed with the alteration suggested by Lawrence. Citizen Marx said he had received £5.0.0, the annual Contribution from Mr Sam uel Moore a Manufacturer of Manchester. Cremer stated that the Model Pattern Makers, who meet at 119 Fenchurch Street, had asked for a deputation from the Council to wait upon them on Saturday night. Weston, Lessner and Whitehead were appointed to respond to this appeal. | |6| Whitehead gave an account of the visit of the deputation (of which he formed a part) to the Excavators, who meet in Bermondsey. He had sold several copies of the Rules. The delegates assembled were so satisfied that they undertook to report on the subject to the different Lodges and they had little doubt that those Lodges would join the ranks of our associated bodies. Jung laid on the table a copy of the Voix de l'Avenir the organ of the Association in Chaux de Fonds; and stated that the Editor desired an authorisation from the Central Council before affixing the words "Organ of the International Association" on the title. He also laid on the table a copy of "L'Ouvrier" of Lausanne. Cremer proposed that the authorisation be given and spoke enthusiastically of Dr Coullery the Editor. Carter seconded the proposition, Coullery had been the ruling spirit of the Congress. The Chairman endorsed what the two previous speakers had said. Without Coullery's aid the London programme could not have been carried. The motion to grant the authorisation was Carried Unanimously. Order of Business As the delegates from London to the Geneva Congress had [not] yet prepared their report Lawrence moved and Fox seconded: That after hearing a viva voce account from Jung and Cremer of the result of their tour after they had separated from the other delegates, the Council should proceed to the election of officeholders. Jung then made his report. On Monday Sept. 10th he went with Lawrence to Lausanne 484 Meeting of the General Council September 25, 1866 5 and attended a meeting. On Tuesday he went to Berne with the other delegates. Af terwards went to Neuchâtel, thence with Cremer to Chaux de Fonds ||7| and St Imier: addressed a meeting at the latter place, went back again to Neuchâtel and had a meeting there. Cremer spoke at these meetings (Jung interpreting). He had also spoken to a leading member of the Grütli Verein in reference to joining the as sociation. Cremer then stated what the Congress had [decided] with reference to the Central Council. Congress had renewed the appointment of every actual mem ber of the Council with the exception of Le Lubez who was excluded on the motion [of] Citizens Fribourg and Tolain because he had continued to stigmatise them as intriguers and Buonapartists. Le Lubez denied having called them Buonapartists. Carter stated that the delegates from London did their very best to retain Le Lubez; and that in consequence of their opposition to the Tolain and Fribourg demand those two Citizens left the Hall, Fribourg in a theatrical manner. The event was de cided by a delegate from Lyons who stated that he had received a letter from Le Lu- 15 bez in which Fribourg and Tolain were abîmé. The Lyonnais stated that Le Lubez's representations had done much harm to the progress of the association in Lyons and that it had only lately recovered from the ill effects of the same. The whole meeting voted with the Parisian party except the London delegation. Only then did Tolain and Fribourg return to the Hall. 10 20 After a short discussion Le Lubez rose and observed that there were two Nation alities absent [from] the Congress whose representatives would have sided with him, namely Italy and Belgium; Fribourg and Tolain did not venture to attack him in London [during] the epoch of the conference. He advised the Central ||8| Council to obey the vote of the Congress. He should not ask for readmission to the Central 25 Council untili the vote of another Congress had reversed the verdict of that at Gene va. He thought the Council ought to pass a vote of Confidence in him. Had the Parisians paid to the Council the debt they owed, or any portion of the £40 prom ised at the London Conference. He understood they had not. Le Lubez then left the room. 30 Election of Officers President Lawrence moved that Marx be President for the ensuing twelve months; Carter sec onded that nomination. Marx proposed Odger; he, Marx, thought himself incapaci tated because he was a head worker and not a hand worker. Weston seconded 35 Odger, a ballot was taken and Odger was carried by 15 v. 3. Vice-President Eccarius was alone nominated and carried nem con. General Secretary Fox and Cremer proposed. Ballot taken. Fox elected by 13 to 4. 40 Treasurer Dell alone nominated and carried nem con. The Secretaries for France, Germany, Switzerland, America and Spain were reap pointed, Hansen was appointed Secretary for Denmark. 485 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Lawrence moved that the appointment of the other Secretaries be adjourned un tili next week, carried by common consent. Marx moved that a Testimonial be presented to Cremer for his almost entirely gratuitous services as Secretary for nearly two Years. Seconded by Carter and by several members and Carried Unanimously. | |9| Standing C o m m i t t ee Marx proposed to constitute this Committee provisionally only, for the present. The Committee to consist of the Officeholders and Secretaries already appointed. Agreed to by common consent. Citizen Mollard of Barcelona made a Statement of what he hoped to be able to do for the Association in Catalonia and in the United States whither he proposed to proceed, He gave an account of his movements for the past twelve months. The Council then adjourned. / 486 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 2, 1 8 66 /9/ Council Meeting October 2nd Lessner in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed with the alteration suggested by Cit. Carter. 5 The Secretary asked for and obtained the permission of the Council to insert in the minutes of Sept 18th a portion of the statement made by Eccarius which had [been] omitted, but which on reflection he thought was important. Fox brought forward the claim of Mr Miall on the Council for rent due and that we should henceforth stand to him in the place of the Industrial Newspaper Com- 10 pany. It was decided to pay the quarter's rent due last midsummer. There being noth ing in the Treasury the Treasurer advanced the quarter's rent by way of a Loan. Fox having asked the Treasurer what had become of the £5 received last week through the hands of Marx; the Treasurer replied that £6 had been paid to cover the unpaid expenses of the Geneva Delegates; Carter complained that he had been un- fairly treated, the agreement was that all the Delegates should share and share alike. I 15 |10| Now although the other Delegates knew that his expenses had been greater than theirs owing to his having to travel by mail Trains. Yet he had only received £8 while the others had received £10. Jung made an explanation. He animadverted on 20 Cremer's Conduct in reference to procuring Tickets before starting. He stated that he had advanced Cremer £2. in Geneva, and had to borrow £4. from a Friend. He offered to refund his own £2. balance. Carter declined with thanks. He did not de sire to make a personal attack; but only to show that an equitable rule had been in fringed in reference to him. 25 Dell observed that Cremer had received £10.12.1 or 12s Id more than any other Delegate. 487 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Report of D e p u t a t i on to M o d el P a t t e rn Makers Citizen Whitehead said he and Citizen Weston had waited upon the Model Pattern Makers. They were well received, but they complained that Mr Cremer had not no tified the advent of the Deputation to the Society. They wished that Copies of Rules be sent to them— They would summon a special meeting to consider the question of joining. Citi zen Whitehead added that it was necessary that some definite instructions should be given to Delegates with respect to contributions from Societies. A m a l g a m a t ed Carpenters a nd Joiners The Secretary said he had received a Letter from the Secretary from this Society an nouncing their readiness to receive a Deputation from our body on Tuesday Eve ning at 8.30. Jung, Lessner, Lafargue and Fox were appointed to attend on this So ciety. The question then arose, what instructions should be given to the Deputation in reference to the terms upon which Societies should be admitted. | Carter alluded to the Rule adopted by the Geneva Congress, which required 3d per member for the expenses of Central Council. Carter contended that Affilia tion and Membership were two different things and that the Congressional rules ap plied only to the latter. Marx on the authority of the minutes contradicted Carter and said that the Con gress refused to recognise any affiliation as distinct from membership. Shaw moved and Lassassie seconded "That the Delegates to the Carpenters and Joiners be in structed to ask for a Levy of 3d per member for the exceptional expenses of 1866 and 1867." Fox moved an Amendment and Marx seconded That the Delegates be instructed to say that they will issue Cards of Subscriptions to the said Society in the following proportion, one Card for every 3d subscribed. Jung suggested that a minimum of Id per Head be asked for. Carter argued that Lawrence had said that Id would be too high. He would prefer y2d per Head. The Amendment of Fox was Carried on a division by 8 to 6. Fox then asked Jung and Carter if they would move their minimum proposition as an amendment to his proposition if put as a substantial motion but they declined and it was agreed that the whole subject must be reargued; that the present decision was only provisional. 488 Meeting of the General Council October 2, 1866 Brussels Letter 5 Fox read a Letter from Vandenhouten the Secretary of the Brussels Section, com plaining of the laches of Citizen Longuet, who had never informed the Brussels Section that he had been elected Corresponding Secretary, nor had he ever corre- sponded with them. The j|12| Brüsselers also complained that they had never been informed of the date of the Congress, consequently they were unable to be present or to send papers. They knew Lafargue and in consequence were more surprised than they would otherwise have been at his silence. Marx defended his conduct while Secretary and carried the war into the Belgian 10 camp. Le Lubez spoke in defence and glorification of the Brussels section and contend ed that they had been shamefully neglected. Lafargue defended Longuet and him self. The nomination of Longuet was known in Brussels because it had been at tacked in the Espiègle. Longuet had corresponded by means of announcements in La 15 Rive Gauche which was received and read by the Brussels Section. The date of the Congress had been given in the address of the Association which had been pub lished in the Tribune du Peuple. Longuet did not know the address of the Brussels men. Carter and Dupont both stated that they had heard Fontaine of Brussels say that he was appointed delegate to the Congress at Geneva in this room. He had r 20 never professed ignorance of the date. Le Lubez stated that Longuet knew the ad dress of the Tribune du Peuple which was the organ of the Brussels Section. Fox re membered an act of laches on the part of Longuet which had come to his knowledge. The resolution this council came to in reference to the apology due to the Italian Delegates had never been communicated to the Echo de Verviers, the Consequence - 25 was that the Italian Delegates had not resumed their seats at our board. Jung de clared that he had given Longuet the address of the Brussels men and told him to forward the resolution to the Echo de Verviers. He proposed that a letter be written by Lafargue |jl3| explaining the hitch of the past and promising amendment for the future. Lassassie seconded the motion. ΐ~ 30 A p p o i n t m e nt of C o r r e s p o n d e nt Dupont solicited the appointment of Andrew Marchet as Correspondent for Bor­ deaux and the Arrondissement of Lesparre in place of another Correspondent who has withdrawn. Appointment made accordingly. Dupont then stated the result of his visit to Lyons. How the Lyonnais members - 35 were divided in two parties, one desiring to make their section chiefly Political, the other exclusively Social in their tendencies— He also visited Fleurieux-sur-Saône and other places where we had branches, many of the members in these parts were cultivators of the Vine and he was surprised to find the faith reposed in the association by these men. He also visited Vienne and found a Co-operative Cloth Manufacturing Company and Flour Mill on the Cash principle, and a Co-operative Grocery and Bakery. 40 489 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Dupont then read correspondence from Vienne, asking for their Carnets or titles of Membership. He also read a report of the state of industry in that place espe cially referring to the hard lot of the Factory women in that place branches of indus try. Jung on behalf of Dr Coullery asked if it would be allowed to form a section ex clusively of Women. The unanimous Resolution was, that it was permissable. Col let a member of the association, said that he was willing to insert reports of our doings in his paper "Courrier International," reserving to himself the right to com ment upon them if he should think proper. Dupont gave Notice of Proposition to bring before the Council in favor of or ganising Workingmen's Excursions from ||14| Britain to the Paris Exhibition of 1867 under the conduct of the International Workingmen's Association. The Meeting then adjourned./ 490 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 9, 1 8 66 / 1 4/ C o u n c il M e e t i ng O c t o b er 9th The Vice-President in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Cremer demand ed the right of making a personal explanation in reference to the 12s Id he had re ceived more than the others. He reminded the Council that he and Jung had stayed longer in Switzerland than the others and had had more expenses. The money he had received did not cover his out-of-Pocket Expenditure. He had not demanded anything for his time. Carter restated his grievance. Jung offered to refund one Pound to Carter, suiting the Action to the word took out his Porte-monnaie, but what passed subsequently in regard to this escaped the Secretary's Notice. Lafargue stated that he had replied to the Belgian Correspondent. Jung stated that a Member of the Association coming from Geneva to London who had been entrusted by Citizens Dupleix and Becker with four parcels of docu ments belonging to the Association had been searched on the French Frontiers and had the Four Parcels taken from him. He read a letter from Giuseppe Dassi of Na ples stating that he had been appointed a Delegate to the Geneva Congress by the Workingmen's Association of Cerignola but that he had received his commission too late to avail of it; at the conclusion he said that if the Council desired to corre spond with General Garibaldi he would deliver ||15| the Letter with his own hands and send back the answer. The Secretary read a letter he had from Mr Applegarth the Secretary of the Amal gamated Carpenters, thanking the Council for the Deputation that had been sent to that body for the agreeable and instructive entertainment they had afforded to their audience. He also read an extract from Becker's opening speech at the Geneva Con gress as reported in the Vorbote and observed upon its openly atheistical Character. He also read from the Journal de Genève of Sept 14t h, a Conservative middle class paper, a tribute to the truly Cosmopolitan spirit which pervaded the Congress. He also brought before the Council a Subscription Sheet for the imprisoned Vesinier. 491 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. D e p u t a t i on from the Hair-dressers' early Closing association 32 Glass-house Street, Regent Street The deputation stated that their trade was engaged in a struggle for the early Clos ing on Saturday Afternoons. Several Middlesized Employers were bringing over men from Paris to nil the Places of those men who had been called out of the recal citrant Shops. The deputation prayed the Council to use its influence at Paris to frustrate the evil designs of these Masters. Carter, Marx and Lawrence spoke in response pleading the Council to use its best efforts in the direction mentioned. I m p o r t a t i on of Tailors Lawrence stated that an Edinburgh Master declared at the late Master Tailors' Con gress that £400 had been spent in bringing over Tailors from the Continent during this Summer. Many of the importations still remained behind in the Neighbour hood of the Scottish Capital affecting the Labor market there. ||16| Stewart another master boasted on the same occasion that he had brought over a live cargo of Tai lors who had hustled the guts out of the Newcastle Strike. On the Motion of Jung the Gen Secretary was ordered to write to Dassi, and to Garibaldi through Dassi. On the Motion of Marx the Gen Secretary was ordered to write to the French Mi nistre de l'intérieur complaining of the seizure of the association's papers and re- 20 questing that they be restituted. Citizen Dupont read a letter from Citizen Fribourg of Paris asking for the min utes of the Congress to enable them to publish a report of the Congress. Marx protested against this latter step, inasmuch as the duty of publishing an ac count of the Congress was devolved by that body exclusively on the Central Coun- 25= cil. Further, the Parisians had kept their Mémoire in violation of the Congressional order which ordained that this and all other documents should be handed over to the Central Council. The General Secretary was ordered to write to Fribourg in this sense. Affiliated Societies 30 Marx brought up a report from the standing Committee to the effect that Societies be taxed Id per Year per Head. The General Secretary suggested that Jung should now report the conversation which took place on this subject with the Secretary of the Amalgamated Carpenters' Society, which was to this effect: Viz That 3d per head laid down by Congress 35 would cost their Society £93.15.0, which they never would pay. The compromise suggested by Fox and adopted by the Council fared no better. Cremer stated that 492 Meeting of the General Council October 9, 1866 when the 3d proposition was before the Congress, the British voted for it as a means of extracting money from the Continentals; but with a mental reservation taken by the said Delegates, not to apply it at home to associations. Lawrence said the scheme ||17| of the standing committee would drive away Societies from the Asso ciation. His Society even at %& rate would have to contribute £14.11.3. To carry this would be a hazardous experiment, the Country branches knowing little or noth ing of the association. He argued that there was the London Trades Council to sup port; and also the National Trades Alliance. This association should not put the screw on too tight. It had better be satisfied with small Grants. Cremer had a plan which he thought deserving of consideration. He moved the adjournment of the Subject, to give him an opportunity of bringing it forward, which was not seconded. Hales moved that the contribution be %d per head. Wes ton spoke in favor of a fixed sum and in opposition to Lawrence's idea. Jung sec onded Hales' proposal. To carry out the Voluntary principle would cause an im mense waste of time on our part. Dell spoke in the same sense as Weston. Marx accepted Hales's proposition but suggested that the words "not less than" should be l/2d. Weston and others objected to this suggestion of Marx inserted before the word and it was not pressed. Hales's proposition of l/2â was then Carried. The meeting then adjourned. The names of the members who voted for the %â Levy: Cremer, Dell, Weston, Hales, Buckley, Lawrence, Massman, Lessner, Gardner, Marx, Hansen, Maurice, Eccarius, Fox, Dupont, Lafargue, Carter./ 493 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 1 6, 1 8 66 / 1 7/ Council Meeting October 16th Vice-President Eccarius in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The names of those who voted for the resolution of October 9th were ordered to be appended to the minutes. Cits James Dutton and Whitehead desired to have their names added to the list as approving of the resolution come to by the Central Council. Weston moved and Jung seconded, That the Secretary ||18| read over the aforesaid resolu tion for several weeks in succession in order to give an opportunity to as many members as possible to adhere thereto. Carried Nem Con. The Secretary mentioned Mr Miall's application to become his tenants-in-chief instead of the Industrial Newspaper Company. Nothing was done on this point. He also spoke about the Cards and Carnets; also of the necessity of definitively consti tuting the standing Committee. Citizen J. Dutton moved that the Standing Committee be appointed for three months from the date of Congress. Seconded by Carter and carried Nem Con. The following members were added to the standing Committee Viz Carter, Whitehead, and Lawrence. Le Lubez asked leave to bring a personal matter before the Council. In the num ber of the Travail dated Sept 30 a Co-operative paper published at Ghent, it was stated in a full report of the congress that one member had been excluded from the Central Council by a Unanimous Vote, having been guilty of calumniating the Paris ian Delegates. Le Lubez said that if his information was correct the vote for his ex clusion was not unanimous; the London Delegates having spoken against the exclu sion, abstained from voting. He demanded that the Council should protect him from this misstatement of the Travail. After Carter, Eccarius, Cremer, and Jung had stated what took place on this point at the Congress, Carter moved and Shaw sec onded: That the matter be referred to the standing Committee. Carried Nem Con. Weston mentioned the debt due to Mr Leno for Printing which was of long stand ing, No action was taken on this point. Cremer brought forward his motion which had been approved of by the standing Committee; it was, That a Deputation be appointed to wait on the Trades Council to solicit them to use their influence to get the Trades Societies connected ||19| with them to join this Association. Carried Nem Con. 494 Meeting of the General Council October 16, 1866 Cremer, Whitehead, Jung and as many other members of the Council that could attend were appointed as a deputation. Cremer reported that the Coachmakers were likely at their ensuing General Meeting to join the Association. A p p o i n t m e nt of Secretary for H o l l a nd Jung moved, That Jacques Van Rijen be Corresponding Secretary for Holland. He recited his accomplishments. Dupont seconded the motion, Carried Nem Con. Correspondence Jung read a letter from Switzerland; asking for Rules and reports of the principal Cooperative Societies of Britain. He was referred to Henry Pitman Editor of the Cooperator. Dupont laid on the Table Correspondence from Bordeaux, Fleurieux-sur- Saône, calling upon the Council to provide Carnets. Carter moved and Shaw seconded, That Dupont be instructed to take this matter in hand and see to their being furnished. Carried Nem Con. Dupont read a Letter from Fribourg of Paris; arguing that they had a right to print their own Essays at their own expense. He also desired Dupont to send over Copies of the Constitution and the amendments as agreed to at Geneva as he wanted them for the Carnets they were about to issue. The Chairman cautioned the Council from acceding to the latter part of the Letter as the Parisians after issuing Carnets would never send us a sou. Fox agreed with the Parisians as to their right to publish their own Essays. The Council instructed Dupont to refuse Fribourg's request as the Council would furnish the Carnets. E x h i b i t i on of 1867 Dupont deferred this question untili the next meeting. | |20| P r o p a g a n da Jung urged the Council to proceed with this question without delay. The Council then adjourned. / 4 95 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 2 3, 1 8 66 / 2 0/ Council Meeting October 23rd Citizen James Dutton in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. James Lee and Richard Overton presented their credentials from the United Ex cavators' Society as Delegates thereof to this Council. They paid the entrance fee of 5/- and stated that when they had obtained their yearly returns they would pay the Halfpenny Levy. On the motion of Carter Lee and Overton were accepted as mem bers of the Council. The Secretary brought up our relations with Mr Miall and it was resolved, That we put ourselves in the place of the Industrial Newspaper Company on the terms proposed by Mr Miall. The Secretary mentioned the fact that in the Syllabus of the Lectures of the Work ingmen's College the President was delivering a course on the History of Europe in the 16th Century. He then read aloud the %d Levy Resolution and it was acceded to by Mr Williams. He gave the address of the Hatters' Society to Mr Williams who undertook to see the Secretary and sound him on the Subject of a deputation. He also read an extract from an American Journal stating that some French men, Hun garians, and Poles in the United States had sent a joint deputation to James Ste phens and were collecting subscriptions for the Irish Republican Cause, Buckley spoke of the want of a Minute Book. The Secretary stated that if permit ted he would purchase one out of the money he had in hand. No objection was made to this. | ]21| T he Le Lubez affair and the Travail The Secretary brought up the report of the Standing Committee on this affair. They found that the minutes of the Congress stated that the ostracising resolution was passed unanimously: on enquiring whether the minutes were correct in so stating,: Jung the Chairman stated that he put the „Contre" and that no hands were held up in response; that as to abstentions from voting he had declared at the Commence ment of the Congress that no notice could be taken of these unless a demand wass 496 Meeting of the General Council October 23, 1866 made that such abstentions be inserted in the minutes. No such demand was made by anybody as the minutes showed. Citizen Carter had also given evidence before the Committee and had stated that the London Delegates purposely and delib erately abstained from voting because they knew they were to be outvoted prodig iously. The standing Committee therefore concluded that the report in the „Tra- vail" was literally correct. There were indeed the speeches of Odger and Cremer which were in favor of Le Lubez which were recorded in the minutes. Those del egates might do as they liked in the matter but they could under the circumstances do nothing. Carter gave the reasons of the London delegates not voting. Marx and Jung spoke. Weston thought the London Delegates did wrong in ab staining from voting. He agreed in the conclusion come to by the standing commit tee. Dell thought the resolution of Ostracism against Le Lubez gave evidence of great narrowness of mind. He believed Le Lubez to be a thorough Republican and he hoped that the members would sign an address expressive of their sympathy for him. The report of the Standing Committee was accepted nem con. | \22\ Carnets a nd C o n t i n e n t al Secretaries The Secretary stated that Citizen Dupont had arranged to get the Carnets executed. Jung said a Secretary for Italy was wanted and proposed Carter for that office. Car ried Nem Con. The extraordinary power of nominating a Secretary for Belgium was conferred upon Dupont. R e p o rt from the L o n d on Trades Council Jung, Cremer, Whitehead and Carter waited on this body at its last meeting and the result would appear in the periodical reports of the Council and would be laid be fore a general Delegate meeting on November 2 8t h. Jung said that a member of the Trades Council objected to being affiliated with an unskilled body like the Excava tors. Citizen Collet attended on behalf of the "National Reform League" of Den mark Street, Soho; on the motion of himself and Mr Harris it had been decided that that body should consider the propriety of joining. The discussion would come on next Sunday after 8 O'clock. He desired the presence of a deputation. Jung, Weston, Carter and Fox were appointed as the deputation. Exhibition of 1867 Dupont brought up from the standing Committee his proposal for the association to take in hand the business of providing by means of their correspondents in Paris for the travelling, boarding and lodging at a fixed tariff [of] British Workingmen and others desiring to visit the said Exhibition. He had opened these proposals to the Parisian Delegates at the Congress and they were ready to cooperate heartily with 497 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. the Council. The Standing Committee recommended, that a special committee be appointed for carrying out this plan and had appointed himself, Cremer, White head, Lucraft, Carter and Lessner. The report and appointment of the Standing Committee were adopted. | |23| Carter proposed that the question of helping Workingmen who desired to be come exhibitors be referred to the Special Committee. Dupont seconded and, it was Carried Nem Con. T he Edenbridge R i ot between English a nd Belgian Navvies On the interpellation of Citizen Weston, Citizen James Lee the Secretary of the United Excavators' Society made the following statement. He had made enquiries on the spot concerning the origin of the "difficulty" between the Belgian and the English navvies, and he found that it did not arise from a jealousy of the Continen tal labourers as such. The Messrs. Waring, who had brought the Belgians over, gave notice to the English navvies to quit the huts in which they were living, and which they had built. Now, as the English held that their huts were castles, they became irate and assaulted the Belgians. The quarrel was not one of wages or nationality, as had been represented, but one of house and home. Mr Lee further stated that he had conversed through an interpreter with the Belgians who considered that they had been completely "gulled" by Messrs. Waring's agents who had represented that they would receive from four to six francs a day, whereas they only receive three francs a day for which they must fill 18 waggons a day instead of 15, which is the average amount. Messrs Waring are demanding from these poor Belgians more than any other contractors in the Kingdom are demanding from the native navvies. The consequence of this has been that many of the Belgians have found that they could stand neither the climate nor the work and have returned. The others would return if they had their passage money. I )24) The United Excavators' society, being above national prejudices, is not only willing but desirous to enroll the remaining Belgian navvies among its own ranks, and the Belgians seem well disposed to accept the proposals made to them by the agents of the said society. The Meeting then adjourned. / 498 F M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il O c t o b er 3 0, 1 8 66 /24/ O ct 30 V.P. Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con­ firmed- The Sec. read a letter from Cit. Le Lubez which complained of the conduct of the '5 London delegates to Geneva and suggested that his friends should present him with an address. Delegate from the Basket M a k e r s. ι Samuel Brighting a delegate from the "Old London" Society of Basket Makers, which meets at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey was now heard. 10 He stated that the masters were threatening to import Belgian workmen. He asked the Council to use its influence to circumvent this dodge. He declared that he was empowered to affiliate his Society to a new Association. The Belgian and Hollandish Sees, were instructed to communicate with their respective countries. Mr Brighting stated that the master who was engaged in hiring the Belgians was i5 Frederick George Packer of New Cross. On motion of Shaw and Whitehead Cit. Brighting after having signed the application for admission was elected a member i> of the General Council. G as f i t t i n g s. a The Sec. mentioned the matter of the gas fittings and bell work. Mr. Miall wished the International ||25| Association either to pay the bill or pay 10 per cent of the Í0 amount, viz. 16s. per annum. 4 On motion of Whitehead and Dell the latter alternative was adopted unani- - mously. The Sec. then read an alteration in the form of advertisement in the Common- 25 wealth which met with the approval of the Council. 499 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Report of d e p u t a t i on to the N a t i o n al Reform League. The Sec. brought up this. He said that Carter, Weston, Dupont, and himself had attended the National Re form League which met at the Eclectic Institute Denmark Street, Soho, on Sunday last. He stated what passed. He was questioned by the members as to the terms of admission and reserved the subject for the consonance of the General Council. The point was, could a political party like the National Reform League be allowed to en ter on the same terms as the Trade Societies? Shaw, Dupont, Carter, Whitehead, Hales, Dell and Weston delivered their opin ions on this question and it was ultimately referred to the Standing Committee to report to the next meeting. Lyons c h ô m a g e. Dupont read the letter of Fribourg, inviting the General Council to solicit general subscriptions throughout Europe for the Lyons' sufferers but as the attendance was so small, he would adjourn the matter until next week. Hales spoke of the feeling of the men of Coventry in reference to the French rib bon and lace trade and also of the state of trade at Coventry. The meeting then adjourned. | 500 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 6, 1 8 66 |26| N o v e m b er 6 th Cit Jung was voted into the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed, v Cit. Zabicki presented a letter from the chairman and secretary of the Central ;:5 London Section of the United Polish exiles requesting that Cit. Anthony Zabicki be accepted as the Secretary for Poland instead of Cit. Konstantin Bobczynski who had left London for Birmingham. On motion of Dupont this nomination was ratified by the General Council. A Letter from the Secretary of the Elastic Web Weavers' Society was read an- φ nouncing their readiness to receive a deputation. Weston, Jung and Dupont were appointed a deputation to wait on that body. The Sec. read a letter from Mr. Patterson of Guildford in reference to the Coun­ cil's Universal Exhibition of 1867 scheme which was handed over to the Special ».•.. Committee. 115 A representative of the Freundschaft-Gesellschaft was informed that the price of cards for individual members was Is. and not 3d. as he had been led to believe. The Sec. stated that a lady had undertaken to translate the report of the Congress f. of Geneva given in the Vorbote. The Sec. announced that he had received a copy of the Parisian Mémoire read at 20 the Geneva Congress and described its contents. Dupont laid on the table the Tribune du peuple containing the appeal to the gar- çons Coiffeurs made by their London brethren. | I; fc |27| He announced that he had nominated Cit. Besson, as Sec. for Belgium and that this nomination had been approved by the Standing Committee. The nomina- tion was then confirmed by the General Council. He then brought up the report of the Standing Committee in reference to the 25 The Committee thought any action taken by the Association at the present time Lyons subscription. 1 ;ΐ* & would only reveal their pecuniary weakness and destroy their prestige. Í0 ' W. at Fleurieux-sur-Saône and Neuville among members of the Association. Cit. Carter thought that the fact that the agricultural population of France were He then read from the Cooperation [on] the progress of the Cooperative principle w 501 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. beginning to practise the principle of Cooperation ought to receive publicity. He re quested the Sec. to translate it for insertion in the Commonwealth next week. The Sec. promised to do so. T he N a t i o n al Reform League. The Sec. brought up the report of the Standing Committee. They recommended the N. R. L. be admitted on the same terms as those offered to Trade Societies. Shaw and Odger supported the report of the Committee. Hales moved that it was inexpedient to adopt the report of the Standing Commit tee, but after explanation of some of the members thereof, Hales withdrew his op position and the report of the Committee was unanimously adopted. ] |28| The Sec. then brought up the following recommendation of the Standing Committee, "That no member at the Central Council meetings be allowed to speak more than 5 minutes." Odger objected to this and on motion of Hales it was unanimously rejected. The Sec. then brought up the following resolution from the Standing Committee, 1. "That any member of the Central Council who shall be absent for more than 4 sittings from Council meetings without giving satisfactory reasons therefor shall be liable to have his name erased from the list of the Council." 2. "This resolution to be immediately communicated to every member of the Council." A lively discussion sprang up on this resolution. Carter, Lessner, Hales and Jung being in favour of it and Eccarius, Fox and Weston against it. Weston thought that at least so important a resolution should not be carried in so thin a meeting and un til notice had been given in the Commonwealth. He moved that the debate be ad-^ journed until next week; Lessner seconded this and the adjournment was carried unanimously. The Council then adjourned. | 502 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 1 3, 1 8 66 |29| Nov'r. 13 President Odger in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The General Secretary read a letter from Cit. Le Lubez in reference to the action 5 he contemplated taking in vindication of himself against the stigma put upon him by the Congress of Geneva. In the course of the discussion that accused [him] the Chairman stated that he held up his hand against the resolution ostracising Le Lubez. On Jung denying this fact Odger again vouched for it and added that he was 10 sneered at for his singularity. Cremer, Carter, Jung, Hales, Fox, and Weston took part in the discussion and eventually the motion of Hales was carried unanimously that the General Secretary answer Le Lubez's letter in the sense that the General Council can do nothing in­ consistent with the resolution of the Congress at whose hands it holds its own ap- 15 pointment. Jung made a communication in reference [to] what was doing at Chaux de Fonds. Cit. Brighting, the delegate of the Basket Makers' Society, stated that 12 Belgian Basket makers had been brought over by the agent of the Masters' Joint Stock Corn­ eo pany, that six of these were at work at the Company's shops under the railway arches in Blue Anchor Lane, Bermondsey. The trade in London consisted of about 400 men, taking Society and non-Society men together. The masters decided to | |30| break down the Basket Makers' Society by importing Continentals to take the place of the Society men. The six Belgians could not be got as he believed they slept on the premises. He requested the aid of the Council in communicating with these men. :26 !- (At this stage of the proceedings, Odger left the chair and the room to attend an­ other engagement and Shaw was voted into the Chair). Dupont stated that Cit. Derkinderen was a Fleming and would be at the service 3P of the Basket makers. Τ Shaw and Cremer advised that no time be lost, and Cremer suggested a ruse. It was finally determined that Fox and Derkinderen should meet Cit. Brighting at the 503 Minutes of the Generai Council of the I.W.M.A. Bell Inn, Old Bailey, at 1.15 p.m. on the following day and these concert a plan for the enlightenment of the deluded and the enfranchisement of the imprisoned Bel gians. Lessner laid on the table a copy of the New Yorker Democrat, a New York Daily paper in the German language, containing an account of the Geneva Congress by its own Special Correspondent at Geneva. Report of deputation Jung gave an account of his visit to the Eleastic Web Weavers on Monday last. He was alone. He was well received and he believed that the brother Societies of this trade at Leicester, Derby and Manchester would follow the London Society in join ing. Cit. Hales on behalf of the Elastic Web Weavers of London, numbering only 50 men, put down 10s. and received a large card. | |31| On motion of Fox, David Dry was accepted as the Web Weavers' delegate to this council. Cit Collet implored the council to lend a hand to the Bakers. Lessner moved and Hales seconded that Cit. Massman, who was about to take ship for Germany be authorised to act for this Association in Germany. Carried unanimously. Cremer stated that he was going on his Lecturing tour and asked leave to take 300 copies of the Association's Address with him. granted unanimously. Leave Cit. Hales gave notice of motion as to the desirability of establishing Branches of the Association on the same plan as the Reform League. Shaw interpellated Cremer about the Balance sheet and received permission to obtain it from Mrs. Cremer. R e p o rt from Excursion C o m m i t t ee Carter stated that the committee had met and had appointed Fox as its Secretary. The Committee desired Fox to write to the several Railway Companies and to Mr. Cook and to the Universal Tourist Co. to ascertain the fares that would be charged for return tickets for a week and a fortnight first and second class. Fox undertook the office. The other matters on the Order of the Day were then adjourned till next week, and The Meeting then adjourned. | 504 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 0, 1 8 66 |32| Nov'r. 20t h, 1866 Vice-President Eccarius took the chair and read a letter from Secretary Fox which stated that he would not be present. The minutes of the last meeting were read, when Cit Jung said that it was very important that the statement made by Cit. Cremer at the last meeting should be en tered on the minutes—Viz,—That he, Cremer never saw Odger hold up his hand against the motion that debarred Le Lubez from sitting on the Council. It was agreed that the statement should be entered. The minutes were then confirmed. Cit Dry took his seat as Delegate from the Elastic Web Weavers. C o r r e s p o n d e n ce Cit Jung said: The Belgians wished to know how the "Trades Societies" were admit ted, whether members pay an individual Subscription or a certain amount for the whole of the Society and what rights had the members of Trades Societies when their Societies had joined. He also informed the Council that Brismée could not give an estimate for printing the General Report of the Congress until he knew the size of the pages and the kind of Type. Basket M a k e rs Cit Derkinderen stated that he in conjunction with Fox and a member of the Basket Makers' Society went to Blue Anchor Lane on last Wednesday for the purpose of drawing the Belgian Basket Makers out of the shops, after providing themselves with a French and a Flemish Letter Fox and Derkinderen went to the Shops, they saw the Master, and Fox asked him if he ||33| could employ Derkinderen's Brother who was represented to be a Basket Maker and was at present in Belgium. The mas ter said he would employ the brother. He invited Fox and Derkinderen into the workshops and whilst Fox was entertaining the master in conversation Derkinderen 505 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. was pointing out to the Belgians the injury they were inflicting on the English Bas ket Makers and he succeeded in getting two of them to come out of the Shop to have a glass of drink, although the master objected very much. The two Belgians at their interview with the English Basket Maker were so impressed of the wrong that they were doing to the English that they resolved to go back to the shop, pack up their tools and persuade the other four men to come out. They did not succeed in bringing the four men out that day. They went to the Basket Makers' Society House at the "Bell," Old Bailey. They were well received and provided with a bed and everything they could require by the Basket Makers. On the next day they went back to the shops and induced the other four men to come out. The Basket Makers paid the passage money for the six men to Belgium and supplied them with money as well. They saw them on board ship bound for home and just as the Vessel was starting the Master Basket Makers made their appearance and tried to induce the men to return, but they failed, and the men sailed away determined to prevent any more Belgians coming over here under the same circumstances. The Basket Makers had heard that some more Belgians were coming. ||34| They were on the look out, They saw a Vessel arrive with two Belgians aboard, each had a pattern Basket. Der- kinderen spoke to them and explained the state of affairs, took them to a Flemish Hotel where they were kept until Sunday and then sent home by the Basket-Mak* ers' Society. Derkinderen also said that seven Dutch-men arrived on Friday last, the • Masters met them at Gravesend and brought them to Bermondsey by Rail. A Letter was sent into the shops to the Dutchmen but none of them could read, so the Mas ter had the letter given to him to read, consequently its object was frustrated. Der kinderen went to the shops on the Saturday afternoon, saw the Master bring the. Dutchmen out and take them to several Coffee Houses to obtain Lodgings. Derkin* deren tried to persuade the Dutchmen to leave the Master but did not succeed. The Master took the men to his private House to sleep, and the Basket makers consider that the Dutchmen will do the Masters more harm than good, so they have decided to let them stop where they are. Derkinderen said that the Basket Makers had well satisfied him for his trouble. On the motion [of] Cit. Jung seconded by Cit. Marx a vote of thanks was awarded: to Cit. Derkinderen for his zealous and intelligent services—carried. On motion of Cit Marx seconded by Cit Jung the Secretary was directed to write to Cit. Collet remonstrating with him on account of his neglect in printing the Car- nets. On the Resolution from the Standing Committee ||35| being read with regard to; Absentees the following Amendment was carried, "That a Book be provided for the Members of the Council to sign their names in ; the said Book to be presented to Congress for inspection; and, if any Delegate from: a Society should be absent more than four Nights without assigning a reason for so: doing, the Secretary shall write to the Society he represents and inform them of the: • Neglect." Cit. Hales' proposition for establishing Branches of the Association fell to the ? ground as being impracticable at the present time. Cit. Jung reminded the Council, that a Deputation must wait upon the Trades 506 Meeting of the General Council November 20, 1866 Council on the 28* instant. Jung, Hales, Dupont, Shaw, Eccarius, Lessner White head, Cremer and Marx were appointed to go. This meeting will not be held until December 12 . It was proposed by Cit. Marx, and seconded by Cit. Jung, That the Anniversary of the Polish Insurrection be celebrated on the 2 2ND of January. Carried unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned. | 507 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il N o v e m b er 2 7, 1 8 66 |36| Nov'r. 27. Citizen Jung was appointed Chairman. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The General Sec retary began by stating that he observed an omission in the narrative of Derkin deren à propos of the Basket Makers' affair, as rendered by temporary Secretary Shaw. The omission was that the promise had been given by the representatives of the London Basket Makers to the Flemings and to Derkinderen and himself, as rep resenting the General Council, and that Derkinderen and himself had, in their turn, passed ||37| their word to the Flemings that the General Council would see to the execution of this promise, which was, that when the dispute was over and trade was good, information of the fact should be sent over to the returned Flemings and that the Basket Makers' Trade Society would do its utmost to procure them work from the moment of their landing and adopt them as members of their Society. Citizen Dupont said that Derkinderen had stated as much to the General Coun cil. The Council thereupon resolved that record of this promise and guarantee of the same should be set down in the minutes. The General Secretary then laid upon the table a copy of the private Prospectus issued by the Master Basket makers for the purpose of starting a joint stock Com-» pany, whose object it would be to break down the Trade Societies of the men. He also laid upon the table a copy of the Travailleur associé of Ghent and-gave a summary of its contents. He further laid upon the table an account from the Proprietors of the "Common- : wealth" for 39 insertions of the Association's advertisement therein down to No vember 24. He also read a letter from F. Hakowski, the Secretary of the recently-formed So- " ciety of Polish workingmen in London, which informed the Council of the organisa tion and constitution of that Society and enclosed copies of their rules in the Polish; ί language. The Secretary was directed to respond to this letter. | (38| The Secretary then stated that he, Marx and Eccarius had been invited to at­ tend the Polish Celebration of the Anniversary of Nov'r. 29, 1830, and that he in­ tended certainly to attend. Marx also declared that he should attend. { 508 Meeting of the General Council November 27, 1866 He then gave the reason why the lady, who had promised to translate the account of the Congress of Geneva as given in the Vorbote for the Commonwealth had not yet completed and forwarded her work and further stated the concessions he had made to her religious scruples in the matter of the translation. In his capacity of American Secretary, he desired the Secretaries for Germany and France to procure certain information for him in reference to the scale of post age on letters to the United Stated from France and Northern Germany respec tively. Resignation of Secretaryship. Fox then stated, with regret, that circumstances compelled him to tender his resig nation of the office of General Secretary to the Association. He was about to en gage actively in a commercial pursuit which would specially occupy his evenings and nights during the winter season, and to give up an evening would therefore be to give up a day. He desired that his resignation should take effect as from and after Dec'r. 1. He would then have served the Association as interim and regular General Secretary for the space of three calendar months. Jung and Marx thought the notice given by Fox was not long enough and Fox agreed to hold on to the office until Tuesday, the 4th December, but could not un dertake to be present at the Council's sitting on that evening. [ |39| Jung stated that he had received a remittance from Cit Dupleix amounting to £4 as a first instalment towards the publication as ordered by the Congress, of its transactions. Dupleix's letter stated that an appeal had been made to the Swiss sec tions and that, when the fruits of this appeal had matured, he would send more mon ey. He, Dupleix, was surprised that money could not be procured in England to suffice for this purpose. He implored the Council to hasten the printing of the Transactions of the Congress as they were being called for on all sides. The delay was operating very prejudicially to the Association. Jung further stated that three packages of newspapers had been sent from Geneva addressed severally to himself, Marx and Lessner and neither packet had come to hand. They had been sent through Prussia in order to avoid the clutches of Buona parte. The precaution had been futile, for the Hohenzollern was at least as inquisi torial as the Buonaparte. In a word, their communication with Geneva by means of newspapers was intercepted as both the German and French routes were blocked up. Jung further mentioned the case of a manufacturer of St. Imier who had ab sconded when largely in debt to his work people. The ouvriers of St. Imier requested that a universal, cosmopolitan hue and cry should be raised against this scoundrel, so that on this wide earth there should be no foot of ground that would not parch the soles of his feet. The Council were of opinion that they could not take action in this melancholy affair. Jung added to his first statement that Becker ||40| had sent the August number of 5 09 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. the Vorbote three times, twice through France and once through Prussia, addressed to him (Jung) and all three times it had been intercepted. Cit. Zabicki suggested that the fault lay in not paying sufficient postage, the route through Germany being more expensive than that through France. In this case, the newspapers would be lying at the Genevese or some other Continental post office. Jung also reported the formation of another branch in the vicinity of Chaux-de- Fonds. Fox asked Dupont if he had received any letters from France lately. Dupont re plied that all his lines of communication had been suddenly cut. He had not re ceived a single letter. Fox then proceeded to say that the French Government had, since the close of the Geneva Congress, departed from its policy of neutrality towards them and was levy ing war upon them. The French Government had allowed us two years' growth and we were now able to defy the Continental blockade which the French and the Prus^ sian Governments had declared against us. We could no longer trust the French and Prussian Post Offices; we must seek indirect and secret means of communica tion with our Continental friends. Marx said that we must force Buonaparte to declare himself, in order that any credit he may have gained for his liberality in letting us flourish unmolested might be lost to him. Carter suggested that we had better await the result of the Secretary's application to Lord Stanley in reference to the papers seized on Jules Gottraux before bringing the matter before the public and the good sense of this ||41| immediateley com" mended itself to all and the policy of "Wait-a-little longer" received unanimous adhesion. T he H a t t e r s' Society. Fox regretted the delay that had taken place in reference to our deputation to this important body. Odger had told him that the Hatters met at the "Marquis of Granby" public house in the Boro', but he (Fox) had forgotten the name of the Street. He begged the Council to get the address and push the matter forward. The Council then adjourned./ 510 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er A, 1 8 66 I, / 4 1/ Dec'r. 4. Vice-President Eccarius took the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Jung stated that the Standing Committee requested Shaw to accept the post of minute-taker. Shaw said that it was highly probable that he should have to leave London to find work, but hé did not decline the office pressed upon him. Fox who acted as Secretary for the evening then read a letter from Lord Stanley, dated Nov'r. 29, informing him (Fox) that he (Lord Stanley) had requested Lord Cowley to inquire into the case of Jules Gottraux and the papers taken from him. Application for rent. Fox further stated that Mr. Arthur Miall had applied for the quarter's rent due last Michaelmas. The Council ordered the consideration of this matter to be postponed as there were so few members present. Basket M a k e rs a nd the Belgians. Fox recommended that Derkinderen should obtain from the leading Basket makers a written confirmation of the promises ||42| they made to the imported Flemings in the presence of himself and Derkinderen. The General Council were the natural guarantors of this promise. 20 in reference to the address of the Hatters' Society Lee promised to obtain it and transmit it to the General Council. 511 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. T he Polish celebration of Nov'r. 29. Fox stated that himself and Eccarius had been present as invited guests at the din ner given by the Poles at Grzeszkowski's Hotel de Pologne, 1 Nassau St., Soho. Ill ness had prevented Marx from attending. He then laid down his office of General Secretary. T he U n i t ed Excavators' soirée. Jung and Carter gave in their report of their evening's doings on the 29th. They had attended by invitation the above soirée at the Temperance Hall, Cherry Garden Street with two friends and had had a pleasant time of it. Carter took a note of the blooming beauty of the young women of the Excavators' families. Swiss news. Jung had heard from Dupleix during the week, the letter and the November "Vor- botes" having arrived as merchandise in a box for which he had to pay 6s. lOd. The Lyonnese had informed Dupleix that no letters had been received by them from Dupont which default they attributed to the French Post Office authorities. The Lyonnese were quite opposed to the Parisian proposal to raise a subscription for the unwillingly idle workmen. The money would only get into the hands of the Buona- partists. Many hundreds, however, were anxious to emigrate to America and com mence the manufacture of silk there. Jung here requested Fox, as Secretary for the United States to make a note of this and Fox said he knew a good channel for publishing this fact in the United States. I [431 Jung continued. A letter from Becker in the same box announced the forma tion of numerous branches in Germany. Becker had also received a letter from a Genoese member of our Association, which stated that the annual Congress of Ital ian workingmen's Associations was to have been held at Palermo, but the disturb ances of which that city had been the theatre, forbade the execution of that design. The said Congress would probably assemble at Venice before the close of this year and one of the chief subjects for discussion would be the expediency of adhering to this Association. F r om the Standing C o m m i t t e e. Jung said that the Standing Committee had met on the previous Saturday. Orsini had returned from the United States and had made a statement thereat. Orsini had had interviews with Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner and Horace Gree- 512 Meeting of the General Council December 4, 1866 ley who had all joined our Association. Wendell Phillips said he could give the pro ceeds of one of his lectures to the Association, when he was authoritatively in formed of the purposes to which the money would be put. Orsini had no doubt some 3,000 to 4,000 francs could at once and easily be procured from the United States. James Stephens, the Irish Republican leader, had joined our Association. The Standing Committee proposed that new Credentials should be issued to Or sini, who was returning to America in January, 1867. Jung further stated that through some neglect, Orsini's name was not inserted among the printed list of the General Council. The Council ordered this omission to be repaired on the next occasion of print ing the list of the General ||44| Council. The Standing Committee further requested the Delegates to the Geneva Con gress to meet together to settle the form in which the minutes should be printed and to confirm the accuracy of the draft of them which had been made. Balance-Sheet. Jung pressed upon the Council the desirability of sending a copy of the Balance Sheet to the Amalgamated Carpenters' and Bricklayers' Societies respectively. Shaw said he had been unable to extract the balance-sheet from Cremer, who had failed to keep his promise to forward it to him (Shaw). M a z z i n i 's attitude towards t he Association. Orsini, who had just entered the room, desired to state the substance of an inter view of several hours' duration which he had had that morning with Joseph Maz zini. The whole of that time had been devoted to conversation concerning the Asso ciation. Mazzini acknowledged that he had been deceived by the reports of Wolff, Lama and others. Mazzini claimed that for 35 years he had preached the abolition of wages' slavery and the right of the workman to participate in the profits of his work. That for all that, he did not concur in every sentiment given utterance to in the original Address of the Association. That he was ready to enter into a debate concerning the principles of our Association; that he would be happy to receive a deputation from the General Council to talk the matter over with him at his private house; that he could not attend in Bouverie St. on account of the infirmity of his health, and that he disavowed any responsibility for anything that might have been said by Wolff or others concerning himself. | 513 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. 1451 Letters to friends in America. Orsini requested Fox to write a letter to six German and French politicians whom he named and whose addresses he gave to Fox to inform them of the objects for which the Council stood in need of funds. Fox undertook to write, as requested, immediately. C o m m u n i c a t i o ns with F r a n c e. Dupont, on being interpellated, stated that he had received not a single letter from France. T he £4 from Switzerland. Fox requested Jung to account to Shaw for the £4 he had in hand from Geneva. The Council then adjourned. / 514 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 1 1, 1 8 66 / 4 5/ Council Meeting Dec'r. 11th Citizen Eccarius in the Chair, Shaw Secretary. The minutes of the previous meeting were read. Confirmed. Dupont read a Letter from the Paris Bookbinders consisting of men and women 5 who had joined the Association; the writer said it was a happy thing that the Asso ciation was in existence in order to resist the importation of foreign Workmen as in the case of the Basket-makers. Varlin said that no Letters had been received from Dupont for 6 Weeks. Fribourg, Chemalé and others had written, but had received no answers. The Letter contained a variety of addresses for Dupont to write to so as to evade the Police, it also requested Dupont to state in each letter that he wrote the date of the last letter he had received. 10 A letter was read from the Tailors of Paris, thanking the Tailors of London for their Address and promising to help when need might occur. | |46| A deputation was present from the Coach Trimmers and Harness makers' So- 15 ciety, held at "The Globe," North-Audley-Street, Grosvenor Square. They were anx ious to know something about the principles of the Association. They were supplied with the Laws which they partly read and then said they would bring the matter be fore their Society on the quarterly Night which would be on the first Monday in February. A deputation was promised to be sent to them on that night. 20 Mr Lee then gave in the Address of Hatters' Society as follows: "Anchor and Eight Bells," Bermondsey Street, Bermondsey. The Secretary's name is William Harrison and he works at Christy's in the same street. Mr Lee also stated that in consequence of the suspension of the works of the Messrs. Waring the Belgian Navvies were almost starving. He had been making en- 25 quiries and he had found that Waring's Agent had told the Belgians that they could earn from 5 to 6 Franks per day whereas they had only been able to earn from 2/4 to 3/6 per day. The Agent had also promised them 25 Franks each for travelling ex penses as well as food, but they had had neither and as none of them could produce a written agreement it was impossible to do anything with the Messrs Waring for 30 breach of contract. Jung said he had received a letter from Geneva stating that much progress had been made in the Association since the Congress. The Watch-makers had joined in 515 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. great numbers. Lawrence, Secretary of the Tailors' Society sent an apology to the Council for his non-attendance. He should like the meeting-night changed. The subject of changing the night was discussed with no result. Jung drew attention to the Trades Council Meeting which would take place on the 12t h, the names of the deputation were read over, all that were present were requested to attend. The Meeting then adjourned. | 516 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il D e c e m b er 1 8, 1 8 66 |47| Council Meeting December 18th Citizen Jung in the Chair, Shaw Secretary pro tern. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Jung reported that the deputation had attended the Trades Council on the 12th in stant but the meeting was adjourned untili the 19th on which date the council would be heard on the first opening of the business. The members of the deputation were strictly enjoined to attend. Correspondence from F r a n ce Dupont stated that the two Letters that he had sent to Lyons on the 2nd and 2 4th of November had arrived safe but the Carnets had not arrived although they had been sent three weeks ago. He also read extracts from the "Courrier Français" which were favorable to the association as well as the programme for electing the new adminis tration of Paris which would be decided on the 1 3th of January 1867. C o r r e s p o n d e n ce from Switzerland Jung stated that great activity was being displayed in Switzerland by the Associa tion. A meeting had been held at Locle, on the 2 5th of November. A Branch was opened, a committee appointed and a large number of members made, besides a large number that had joined other branches of the Association. Jung also said, that branch of the Association was being formed in Clerkenwell. H o l l a nd Van Rijen reported that he had translated the rules and address and made arrange ments for the publication of them in a Dutch Newspaper. Marx reported that "Revue des Deux Mondes" and "Revue Contemporaine" had 517 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. been commenting on the doings of the Association, and, although they did not agree with the objects of the association entirely, still, they acknowledged it to be one of the leading events of the present Century. Marx also said that the "Fortnight ly Review" had been commenting on the matter. | |48| Celebration of t he Polish Insurrection of 1863 Citizen Bobczynski said he understood that the council intended to celebrate the Polish Insurrection on the 2 2nd of January 1867. He should like to know what form it would take. After some discussion it was agreed "That a tea-party and public meeting should take place under the auspices of this association and the Polish So ciety. Music to accompany the tea-party. Addresses to be delivered and resolutions submitted to the meeting and that the standing Committee prepare the programme and submit it to the Council on its next meeting." The Council then adjourned until Jan'y ls t/ 6 7 ./ 518 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1, 1 8 67 / 4 8/ 1867. Jan. 1, 1867. V. P. Eccarius in the Chair. Fox stated that he had received a communication from the British Foreign Of- 5 fice, dated Dec'r. 21/66 and a packet of books, pamphlets, newspapers and letters. The letter informed him that the package contained the papers etc seized upon Jules Gottraux in Sept'r. last and for which application [had] been made to the French Minister of the Interior and to Lord Stanley. Fox then detailed the contents of the package, which included a bundle of copies of the Tribune du peuple which 10 had not been seized on Gottraux. The General Council, then, on the motion of Fox, passed the following resolu tion: "That the General Council of the International Workingmen's Association ten ders its thanks to Lord Stanley for his just and efficacious ||49| intervention with the 15 French Government with a view to obtain for the said General Council the papers and letters belonging to it which were seized upon the person of Jules Gottraux, a British subject, on Sept'r. 30, 1866." 20 Fox was directed and undertook to communicate this resolution to Lord Stanley. In reference to publishing an account of this transaction, Fox argued against a too large ventilation thereof, but recommended that its publication be confined either to the Commonwealth alone or to the said paper and Reynolds'. After some dis cussion it was unanimously resolved that it should be published in the Common wealth and in Reynolds's. T he Lyons' silk weavers. 25 Fox asked for and received the authorisation of the Council to correspond with the American Protectionist Journals and Statesmen in reference to the Lyons' silk weavers who desire to emigrate to the United States. 519 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Correspondence from F r a n c e. Dupont said he was happy to announce that he had received several communica tions from the French provinces after the interruption put to his correspondence during the last three months. He read (1) a summary of a letter from Lefebvre of Neufchâteau (Vosges) which called for the compte-rendu of the Geneva Congress. (2) from Fleurieux-sur-Saône which lamented the seizure of the carnets, sent from London, but announced that they had 107 members and that their Cooperative Coal Store was succeeding beyond their expectations. | |50| (3) From Bordeaux, calling for the compte-rendu. (4) From Rouen, saying that the delay of the General Council in publishing the compte-rendu of the Congress was ruining the Association in Normandy. The letter sent the contributions of 20 members towards this object (in French postage stamps). 5. A letter from Cheval, a French member in Belgium, announcing the sale of some cards. Dupont handed in an article on our Association published in the Écho de la Gi ronde and also the last number of the Courrier Français, containing an announce ment from the Paris Managing Committee that the Mémoire presented by them to the Geneva Congress and which had been printed in Belgium, because no French printer would publish it, had been seized at the Belgian frontier; also remarks by the Editor of the Courrier Français. Dupont also asked for permission to cut from 12 copies of the report of the Gene va Congress in the French language—about 50 copies of which were among the papers received from the British Foreign Office—the pages containing the règle ments of the Association, in order that he might send them by letter to his corre spondents in the provinces of France. Leave granted. Jung gave some information in reference to the progress of the Association in Switzerland, and also read some extracts from the Espiègle containing another ful minating letter from Vésinier. \ % |51| At this moment a letter was received from Citizen Cremer. The letter con tained the Balance Sheet of the funds of the Association and announced his resig nation of membership in the Council, the reason being that the Council had con certed with a trio of well-known ancient enemies of his to damage his reputation and had threatened to make public the fact that he had neglected to return the Bal ance Sheet to the General Secretary. No action was taken hereupon. Polish Celebration. Fox then stated the arrangements which had been made by the Standing Commit tee at its meeting on Saturday and read the contents of the card of admission. 4¾ 520 Meeting of the General Council January 1, 1867 Shaw laid on the table the cards of admission to the soirée and meeting. Inasmuch as Citizen Odger had sent no letter saying whether his engagements would permit him to take the chair on the 2 2n d, and inasmuch as the printing of the Bills was thereby hindered, it was resolved that the announcement in the Bills should be "The Chair will be taken by a member of the General Council of the In ternational W.A." A member of the French branch announced that that branch would take part in the meeting and move a resolution. The Council then adjourned. / 521 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 8, 1 8 67 / 5 1/ Council Meeting Jan'y 8th 1867 Citizen Jung was appointed to take the chair. A deputation from the Pattern-draw ers and Block-Cutters, Middleton Arms, Mansfield Street, Kingsland Road at tended for the purpose of joining the ||[52]| Association. They also stated that they were on strike against one Employer (Viz Mr Huntington of Holloway) and that they had been led to believe that men had been engaged in France to come over to supplant them. Eccarius then took the Chair and Citizen Jung moved and Cit Less ner seconded, That the Block-cutters and Pattern-drawers be admitted as an Affil iated Society—Carried Nem. Con. On the Motion of Citizen Jung—Dupont was directed to write to Paris on the subject of the Block-Cutters' dispute. M i n u t es Citizen Fox read the Minutes of the last Meeting which were confirmed. Citizen Collet was elected as the Delegate from the French Branch of the Asso ciation on the Motion [of] Citizen Jung seconded by Citizen Dupont. 1 Citizen Fox read a letter from Naples, stating that Dassi had been unable to write in consequence of severe illness. He also gave satisfactory reasons why he had not published the resolution of the Council to Lord Stanley in the Commonwealth. A Letter was read from Mr Reaveley of the Coachmakers' Society, Green Man, Berwick Street, stating that a Deputation might attend on Wednesday Evening. Cit- 20 izens Jung and Combault were appointed to attend. Courrier Français Citizen Fox read several passages from this journal relating to this association. Citizen Dupont said the Musical Instrument-Makers would hold a General Meet- I ing on Monday the 14th at 8 o'clock, p.m. and would receive a deputation from this 2 Council. Carter, Lessner, Collet, Lafargue, and Van Rijen were appointed to attend. 522 Meeting of the General Council January 8, 1867 On the Motion of Citizen Fox, it was unanimously ||[53]| agreed, That the thanks of the Council be sent to Miss Hosburgh for translating the report of the Geneva Congress from the Vorbote. T r a d es Council A long discussion took place as to what plan of action should be submitted to the Trades Council which ended by most of the members promising to attend the Council on Wednesday Evening. Citizen Lee stated, that the Excavators intended holding their first annual Meet ing on the 2 1st of January at the Lambeth Baths. He invited the Council to attend if convenient. A Letter was read from the Reform League inviting the Council to take part in the Demonstration. A Letter was read from Cremer stating that the Organ Builders had joined this Association. A Letter was read from Odger requesting the Council to meet the Trades Council at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey, on Wednesday Evening. The Council adjourned to Jan'y 1 5t h./ 523 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 1 5, 1 8 67 / [ 5 3 ]/ Council Meeting January 15th /67 Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and after an addition suggested by Citizen Fox confirmed. Citizen Fox then asked the Council to allow Mr Luscombe the "author" of a Re form Song to use the Address of the Association for the purpose [of] furthering its sale; permission was granted unanimously. Mr Cohn then paid over £1.9.0 as the Annual Subscription from the Cigar Mak ers' Society, and stated that the Cigar Makers of Bremen had applied to the London Cigar Makers for copy of their Laws for the purpose [of] forming a Society at Bre men on the same principles. | |[54]| Citizen Fox reported that his article on the conduct of the French Govern ment with regard to this Association and the vote of thanks to Lord Stanley was published in "Commonwealth" and "The International Courier" and suggested that it should be placed in the Minute Book which was agreed to accordingly. T he F r e n ch G o v e r n m e nt a nd the I n t e r n a t i o n al Association of Working M e n. During the first two years of the existence of this association, and until after the as sembling of the Geneva Congress, the general council had little or no complaint to make of the conduct of the French Government towards the International Working Men's Association. The council's communications, with its correspondents in France, were not interrupted; the sale of tickets not seriously impeded. If here and there, the local authorities threatened dire consequences to the council's agents, if they proceeded to enrol members, those threats were but "brutum fulmen," and were not executed upon those who had the courage to act in defiance of them. This much is quite consistent with the fact that the very existence of the French Empire and of the laws of public safety, which it declares, are necessary for its maintenance, did greatly impede the progress of the association. In the first place, the non-existence of the right of public meeting prevented the members of the asso ciation from meeting together and organising their sections in an overt and formal 524 Meeting of the General Council January 15, 1867 manner. But the general council neither expected nor desired that the laws of the empire should be specially modified to suit their interests. The damage done to them in this manner had nothing in it "specially" invidious to themselves. It was an injury which was inflicted primarily on the whole French nation, and secondarily upon every advanced Liberal and Democrat in Europe, all of whom have an interest in the existence of the right of public meeting in France. Hence, they make no pub lic complaint on this account. In the second place, the general spirit of terrorism, upon which the French Gov ernment so much relies, could not but have deterred many Frenchmen who agreed with the principles and design of the association, from becoming members thereof and linking themselves to its fortunes in France. But this damage also, is general and indirect. Moreover, it was known to the founders of the association that this would be one of the obstacles to its success in France. The general council were prepared for a certain amount of up-hill work, in consequence of the prevailing ter ror in all that relates to independent political action in France, and therefore they do not come forward now to make a complaint on this score. Had the French Government continued to preserve that attitude of (perhaps con temptuous) neutrality which it observed up to, and during, the Congress of Geneva, the general council would not have been compelled to make the present statement to the members of the Association. But from and after the assembling of the Con gress at Geneva the French Government saw fit to alter its attitude towards the as sociation. The motives for this change of policy cannot be found in any special act of antagonism committed either by the General council or by the delegates to the congress, French or non French. It would have been the height of folly on the part of the general council or the delegates of the congress to court and invite the hostility of the French Govern ment. Some few Parisian members of the association who attended the congress in their individual capacities thought otherwise, but as they were not delegates, they were not allowed to speak at the congress. The delegates went about the weighty business they had in hand, and did not diverge to the right hand or to the left, for the purpose of making an anti-Buonapartist demonstration. One of the first signs of a change for the worse on the part of the French Govern ment was the case of Jules Gottraux. Jules Gottraux is a native of Switzerland, and a naturalised subject of the British State. He is domiciled in London, and in Sep tember last was on a visit to his relatives in or about Geneva. The Managing Com mittees of the German-Swiss and French-Swiss sections at Geneva entrusted to his care some letters, and a number of pamphlets and newspapers relating to the trans actions of the Association, which were all, without exception, to be delivered to the general council in London. On proceeding from Geneva to London, on Sept. 30, the valise of Gottraux was searched by French policemen at the Franco-Swiss frontier, and these letters and printed documents taken from him. This was an outrage which the general council, when put in possession of the facts, resolved not quietly to endure. That the French Government, which enacts the law, may make it legal to seize printed matter and correspondence coming from abroad and directed to a French citizen, or even a mere resident in France, the 525 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. council did not deny; but for the French Government to exercise the same right of paternal "surveillance" over the communications between Switzers and Britons, or even residents in Great Britain, was a stretch of authority that the general council felt itself bound to oppose. The outrage was not aggravated by the fact that the liter ature seized in no way concerned the French Government, and did not belong to the category of the anti-Buonapartist philippics, because, whatever the character of the literature the council denies the right of the French Government, while at peace with Switzerland and Great Britain, to intercept the communications between the citizens of the two countries. The first step taken by the council in this matter was to write a respectful letter to the "Ministre de l'intérieur," stating the facts, requesting an inquiry into their accu racy, and terminating with a petition for the surrender of the letters and printed matter seized upon Gottraux. The council waited five weeks for a reply to their memorial. None came, and this silence was a proof that the French government assumed responsibility for the act of its subordinate agents. Only then did the council resolve to appeal to Lord Stan ley, the British secretary for foreign affairs, for redress, grounding their appeal upon the facts that Gottraux was a British subject, and that the general council was com posed of subjects and denizens in Great Britain. Lord Stanley, be it said to his credit, heard this appeal, and directed Lord Cow ley, the British ambassador at Paris, to ask for the restitution of the said letters and printed matter. On the 21st ult., the council received a letter from Mr.Hammond (of the foreign office) accompanying a parcel sealed with the seal of the British embassy. The letter informed the council that the parcel contained the papers which had been seized upon Gottraux. It did contain the confiscated letters and printed matter, and also, strange to say, some newspapers not seized upon Gottraux, nor coming from Switzerland. These newspapers were two bundles of the Brussels "Tribune du Peuple," a paper doubt less highly obnoxious to the French Government, and the principal organ of the as sociation in Belgium. These papers had been addressed to some French members, and the council far from having demanded their restitution, were unaware of their having been seized. These two bundles had upon them the official seal of the ad ministration of public safety. | ¡[55]J In order to conclude this case of Gottraux's, the undersigned inserts here a resolution passed on the first instant, by the general council. "Resolved, that the general council of the international workingmen's associa tion tenders its thanks to Lord Stanley for his just and efficacious intervention with the French Government with a view to obtain for the said general council the pa pers and letters belonging to it, which were seized upon the person of Jules Got traux, a British subject, on Sep. 30,1866," at the same time the undersigned was di rected to communicate a copy of the same without delay, to Lord Stanley. In November last, citizen Dupont, the council's secretary for France, found that letters sent by him to the association's agents in France were seized, and also that letters directed to him from all parts of France did not come to hand. "A fortiori," 526 Meeting of the General Council January 15, 1867 the French post-office was closed against the delivery of printed matter addressed by the council to its agents in France, and "vice versa." Of course citizen Dupont can no longer confide in the French post-office. The latest news under this head is that, whereas the blockade against printed matter directed to French citizens and members of the association is still strin gently enforced; letters from the French provinces directed to Dupont have of late, once more, come through, although letters so directed from Paris continue to be de tained! Another fact is reported in the last number of the "Courrier Français." The inter esting essay contributed by the Parisian delegates to the Geneva congress, parts of which have already been published in the "Courrier Français" without evil conse quences, was sent to Brussels to be printed, only because no printer in Paris would undertake to execute the job. This memorial, be it said, is directed against the capi talist class, but is silent concerning the present Government of France. Neverthe less, the printed edition of this memorial has been seized by the postal authorities of France and confiscated. Under these circumstances it is impossible to say how long the French Govern ment will continue to allow the sale of tickets of membership in the association, and abstain from persecuting the prominent members thereof, who live subject to its jurisdiction. By order of the General Council, Peter Fox, Jan. 5, 1867. Citizen Jung then reported his mission to the Coach Makers' Friendly Society held 25 at the Green Man, Berwick Street and concluded by moving that the Coach Makers be accepted as an affiliated Society. The motion was agreed to unanimously and ' Citizen Reaveley was elected as the Delegate on this Council to represent that So ciety. Citizen Reaveley then paid 5/as enrolment fee for his Society and 1/0 as his Contribution. 30 A letter was read from Citizen Odger stating that the Resolution passed by the London Trades Council on the 9th instant would be found in the "Times" Newspa per of that day. The following is the resolution '35 T he L o n d on T r a d es Council a nd t he I n t e r n a t i o n al Association. At a meeting of the London Trades Council, held last night at the Bell Inn, Old Bai ley, Mr. Danter (president of the Society of Amalgamated Engineers) in the chair, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:—"That this meeting is of opin ion that the position of the working man can never be much improved, and is in im- 40 minent danger of being seriously depreciated, whilst the people of different coun tries have no regular intercommunication among themselves for the purpose of 527 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. regulating the hours of labour and assimilating wages. And as the International As sociation affords the best facilities for bringing about that object, it is hereby re solved to co-operate with that association for the furtherance of all questions affect ing the interests of labour; at the same time continuing the London Trades Council as a distinct and independent body as before." A letter was read from the Secretary of the Reform League inviting this Council to take part in the coming demonstration and requesting the appointment of Del egates to attend the Meeting at Newman Street on the 16"1 instant. ||[56]| Lessner, Carter, Collet and Shaw were appointed to attend. Blockcutters' dispute Citizen Collet stated, that since the last meeting he had been trying to bring the Blockcutters' dispute to an end. He had seen Mr Huntington of Holloway who had written to Lancashire for the Employers' statement of the Case. The employers had refused to send their statement to Citizen Collet untili they knew who he was and whom he represented. Citizen Collet then asked the Council to give him authority to write to these said employers for their statement of the Case. A Resolution was submitted giving Citizen Collet the required authority. But, on the motion of Shaw seconded by Jung the subject was adjourned untili the next meeting and in the meantime a deputation should be invited to attend from Block- cutters' Society. Shaw reported that he had waited upon the Organ Builders' Society on the previ ous evening. He had received the enrolment fee 5/0 and the form of application filled up. Mr Miall's bill was read demanding the rent of the Office. It was proposed, sec onded and carried that £2.10.0 be paid to Mr Miall. Jung said that Dupont had received a letter [from] Vienne, stating that they had 300 Members and they wanted their carnets. Jung said he had received a letter from Mr Applegarth inviting him to meet a gentleman at his office, who was very favorable to the objects of our Association and who owned property at Lausanne. Polish D e m o n s t r a t i on Fox reported that the standing Committee had agreed that 4 Resolutions should be submitted to the meeting. | I [57] I On the motion of Citizen Eccarius seconded by Carter Citizen Jung was ap pointed to take the Chair at the Polish Demonstration. A letter was read from Mr Roberti of Lea, Kent, expressing a desire to take part in the Demonstration, the letter was left with Fox to answer as he might think best. The meeting then adjourned untili Tuesday the 2 9th instant. / 528 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J a n u a ry 2 9, 1 8 67 / [ 5 7 ]/ General Council Meeting Jan'y 29th Citizen Eccarius in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. •5. The Secretary then read several letters which he had received since the last meet- ing. One was from Miss Hosburgh in reply to a vote of thanks sent to her by the Council. Another was from the Coventry Weavers' Association with the annual Subscription of 1.13.4. And two were from the Lancashire, Derbyshire, Yorkshire and Cheshire Block-Printers' Union with the entrance-fee of the Society and an nual Subscription for 1,000 members. It was then moved by Cit Jung and seconded rIO. by Cit Lessner That the L. D. Y. and C. Block-Printers' Union be accepted as an af filiated Branch of this Association. Citizen Fox then read several letters for Citizen Dupont. One was from the Edi tor of the Courrier Français giving reasons for declining to publish the transactions of the Geneva Congress; another was from Varlin of Paris Bookbinders. This letter :15 Varlin wished to be read to the London Bookbinders by some members of the Council. It also announced that Varlin had sent 18 Francs to the Council. It was then proposed and seconded that a Deputation wait upon the Bookbinders in order to deliver the statement of the Paris Bookbinders and that ||[58]| the Secre tary write to Mr Bockett informing him of the same. Jung, Dupont and Van Rijen 20 agreed to attend. A letter was read from Liege in Belgium announcing the formation of a new branch of the Association. A letter was read from Beniere of Fleurieux-sur-Saône and one from Fribourg of Paris. 25 A deputation from the Block-Cutters' Society being present. The question relat ing to the Block-Cutters which was adjourned at the last meeting was then intro duced by the President. The Secretary stated his reasons for moving the adjourn- • ment of the question. Cit Collet said he had done nothing in the matter since the last meeting, and he thought he could do no good now as circumstances had taken A place which had caused him to alter his opinion on the subject. Mr Shettleworth said he thought the Council might render some service by holding some communi cation with 2 men who had come from France to work for Mr Huntington. Jung, 529 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Dupont and Van Rijen agreed to render their assistance and the subject then dropt. The invitation of the Reform League to take part in the Reform Demonstration was referred to the standing Committee and the meeting adjourned untili February 5th 1867./ 530 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 5, 1 8 67 / [ 5 8 ]/ General Council Meeting Feb'y 5th 1867 Citizen Jung in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con firmed. Mr Reaveley then introduced Mr Möller a member of the Coach Trimmers' So ciety held at the "Crown," Broad Street, Golden Square who asked for information relative to the objects of the association. ||[59]| He was supplied with a copy of the rules and a deputation was promised to attend upon his Society on the first Tues day in March n e x t- Mr Reaveley took up Cards of Membership for Lewis Smith, 36 South St, Man chester Squ. and for Cornelius Reddlington, 10 Adam St, Portman Squ. W, for which he paid 2/2, he also "returned 60 cards to the Secretary. Mr Cowell Stepney of Swindon Villa, Upper Norwood, Surrey also took up a card of membership and paid one Guinea. Cit Fox read a letter from the National Reform League held at the Eclectic Hall, Denmark Street, Soho W. desiring to know on what terms that League could be come affiliated to the Association. Fox was desired to give the required informa tion. A discussion then arose as to what date the subscriptions of Societies in affil iation should become due. It was then resolved that all societies should pay their Contributions in advance to clear them up for 12 months from date of enrolment. Block Cutters. Jung reported that he had waited upon the two French Block-Cutters who had gone to work for Mr Huntington of Holloway but he had arrived at no satisfactory con clusion as yet; He should see the men again. Jung reported that he had waited upon the Bookbinders at the Harpers Arms, Theobald's Road but in consequence of their pressure of business he had not been able to read to them the Letter from the Paris Bookbinders. He had however left them a translation of it. The standing Committee recommended the Council to take part in the Reform Demonstration by sending a Deputation. Fox, Lessner, Lafargue, Dupont and Shaw 531 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M.A. were appointed to represent the Council, and—Simonard, Collet and Neemeier on behalf of the French Branch. | |[60]| Jung read a letter asking for the General Report from Card of Geneva. The Secretary was instructed to pay £3.0.0 to Mr Leno on account of Printing, and £2.10s to Mr Miall for Rent. Mr Cottam's Bill for printing Cards was referred to the standing Committee. The Council authorized the standing Committee to get the forms printed for ob taining statistical information to be laid before Congress. | 532 Meeting of the General Council February 12, 1867 |[61]| General Council Meeting Feb'y 12 In consequence of the small attendance of Councilmen the Meeting was adjourned after the reading of the minutes./ 533 Meeting of the General Council February 19, 1867 /[61]/ General Council Meeting Feb'y 19th In consequence of the non-attendance of Councilrnen the Meeting was adjourned./ 534 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il F e b r u a ry 2 6, 1 8 67 / [ 6 1 ]/ General Council Meeting Feb'y 26 V. P. Eccarius in the Chair. Fox Secretary for the night. The Delegate paid £1.7.0 on behalf of the West-end Cabinet makers, being 5/ for Entrance-fee and £1.2.0 for Annual Subscription of 500 members. James Cohn then presented his Credentials from the Cigar makers' Society and was accepted by the Council. He stated that his Society numbered 700 men. Belgian riots a nd massacre Cit Collet read a letter from Vesinier appealing for aid for the widows and sufferers. He stated that a Collection had been made by the French Branch but that that Branch was waiting to see what action would be taken by the General Council in the matter. The question of subscription was mooted but generally discounte nanced. I I [62] I Ultimately it was resolved to appeal to the Miners and Iron Workers of Brit ain, and Eccarius was ordered to draw up a circular for presentation to the subcom mittee on Saturday next. Reports from Coach T r i m m e rs at T he Globe, N o r th A u d l ey St, Grosvenor Square Lessner reported that he had attended this body since the last meeting of the Coun cil. The members had agreed to become affiliated to the Association. Correspondence from F r a n ce Citizen Dupont paid in a Bill of Exchange equal to 9/2½ English money in pay ment of balance due from Fleurieux-sur-Saône. Dupont also read a letter from the Paris Commission announcing that all the Delegates to the Geneva Congress had 535 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. been re-elected and giving reasons for the Commission as it now stood. The same letter also set forth the programme which the new Commission had drawn up for the Congress at Lausanne. Fox announced that the International Courier and Courrier International bad been temporarily suspended by their proprietor and Editor (Collet) in consequence of his inability to find two sureties to the Government. Collet had one, a French man. He wanted a Briton for the second. Fox thought as the two journals were ad vocating the principles of the Council, they should help Collet over the difficulty. Collet stated that after 48 hours' delay the French Government had allowed the last number containing the first part of the Congress report to circulate in France. T he Polish Celebration of J a n u a ry 2 2nd Zabicki translated from the Government organ at Warsaw a ludicrous report of the late demonstration in Cambridge Hall. The Council then adjourned. Buckley, Eccarius, Fox, Collet, Yarrow, Zabicki, Lessner, Lafargue, Marx, Du pont, Carter and Cohn were present— | 536 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M a r ch 5, 1 8 67 I [63] I General Council Meeting March 5th Citizen Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. 5 A letter was read from Mr Jackson of Kendal containing 20 postage stamps as the annual contribution of the shoemakers of that Town. A letter was also read from Mr. Butler the Secretary of the Coventry Ribbon Weavers' Association; the letter asked for the rate of Wages paid in Basle and other parts of Switzerland as the as serted low price paid to the Swiss Weavers was made the excuse for reducing the price paid to the Ribbon Weavers of England. Jung was then directed to write to 10 Switzerland for the required information. 15 Jung then read a letter from Chaux de Fonds stating that 4 new Branches of the Association had been formed. He also had a letter from Dupleix which he desired to bring before the Standing Committee. Jung also read 2 letters from Fribourg of Paris relating to the position of the Bronze Workers of Paris on Strike. He stated that a deputation had waited upon the Day Working Bookbinders who had given 5 pounds and lent 10 pounds to Bronze Workers of Paris. The Trades Council had also given Credentials to the Association to enable them to appeal to the Trades of London and Jung, Marx, Lafargue, Dupont, Van Rijen, Collet, Zabicki, Lessner, Eccarius and Carter agreed to wait upon the various trades to solicit their aid. 20 The matter of the Belgian Miners and Iron-workers was then brought forward and postponed untili Eccarius had produced the Circular that he had written upon the subject. The Council then adjourned. | 537 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M a r ch 1 2, 1 8 67 |[64]| General Council Meeting March 1 2th Citizen Fox in the Chair. Council men present Jung, Van Rijen, Dupont, Marx, La fargue, Lessner, Carter, Hales, Maurice and Shaw. Citizens Tolain, Fribourg and several other members of the Association were present. The minutes of the previous meeting were confirmed as read. The following resolution from the standing Com mittee was brought up and confirmed by the Council, Viz "That we approve and en dorse the Political Conduct of the Paris Administration and condemn the attacks made upon Dupont, Jung, Dupleix and other members of the Association in the Espiègle, L'avenir de Genève and other journals." Dupont reported that Fribourg had cited Le Lubez before a meeting of the mem bers of the French Branch of the Association for the purpose of answering the at tacks made by Le Lubez upon Fribourg and others. The meeting condemned the policy of Le Lubez by a majority of 22 out of 23 votes. On the suggestion of Citizen Fox the following resolution was agreed to unani mously, That this Council acknowledges the value of the services rendered to it and 1 to the interests of the association throughout Europe by Citizen James Cope, a member of this Council, in providing, by his guarantee given to the British Govern ment, for the Continuance of the publications of the proceedings of the Geneva Congress in the International Courier and Courrier International—two organs of this Association in England. Copies of the International Courier to be sent to Societies It was moved and carried with one dissentient that Copies of the International Cou rier, containing the two first parts of the Proceedings of the Geneva Congress, be sent to the Trade and other Societies affiliated with us. It was also referred to the Standing Committee to consider the propriety of circu lating the same among Trade Unions not yet affiliated with us. | 538 Meeting of the General Council March 12, 1867 [' ; I[65] I Paris Bronze W o r k e r s' Lock-out Dupont reported that the members present at the last meeting of the French Branch of the I. W. Association had guaranteed to supply £13.0.0 per month to the Bronze • Workers as long as the struggle lasted and had paid £6.10.0 on account. The money 5 would be supplied as a loan, and when returned would be formed into a fund to meet future cases that might be brought before the Branch. Lessner and Maurice reported that the French Polishers' meeting at the "Three Tuns," Oxford Street, would decide what support they would give to the Bronze Workers on Tuesday next the 19th instant. They would also appoint a Delegate to AO the Council in the place of Citizen Whitehead. Carter reported that he had waited upon the Amalgamated Carpenters. They would decide what they would do in the course of a few days. Jung reported that he and others had waited upon the Council of the Engineers. He expected to hear what the Council would do, daily. He also stated that he had 15 written to many other Societies and waited upon some, and that the Curriers' meet ing at the "Black Jack," Portsmouth Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields would hold a quar terly meeting on Thursday May 2nd at 8 o'clock, at which a Deputation from the Council should attend. Arrangements for attending other Societies on behalf of the Bronze workers were made and several Council men promised to attend. •20 T he D ay W o r k i ng B o o k b i n d e r s' Society Secretary Bockett paid 17s 6d as annual Contribution for 420 members of the above society, and said he should have the letter from the members of his society to the Bookbinders of Paris ready in a few days and would forward it to the Council for translation and conveyance to Paris. | 25 |[66]| Citizen Lessner paid £1.7.9 on behalf of the German-Swiss Section of the I.W. Association. The Secretary was instructed to purchase an Address Book, for the purpose of in serting therein the names, addresses and money account of the Societies affiliated with us. 30 The following letter was handed in by Citizen Zabicki and read by the President The Central London Section of the United Polish Exiles— To The General Council of the International Men's Association March 12th 1867. Citizens 35 We are instructed to communicate to you that the Central London Section of the United Polish Exiles, at their sitting on the 10th of February, passed unanimously a vote of thanks to the General Council of the International Men's Association for 539 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. the generous and effectual co-operation in the arrangements of the Social Tea-Party and Public Meeting held at the Cambridge Hall in commemoration of the January anniversary of the last insurrection, expressing more especially, their warmest grati tude to the Chairman, Mr. Jung, Mr. P. Fox, Dr. Marx, Mr. Eccarius, and the other speakers, for their noble, warm, and able defence of the Polish Cause, before the as sembled Public. President Louis OBORSKI, COLONEL Secretary JOHN KRYNSKI The Meeting was then adjourned to the 19th instant. | 540 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M a r ch 1 9, 1 8 67 I [67] I General Council Meeting March. 19th Citizen Lessner in the Chair. Citizen Fox acted as Secretary. The minutes of the previous meeting were confirmed with the amendments that Fox was ordered to make. Bronze Workers Citizen Jung reported that the Boot makers of Fetter Lane had voted £5.0.0. The Executive] C[ouncil] had only the power to vote £ 10.0.0. Tin Plate Workers, Black Jack Jung stated that the Committee had no power to vote money; it must be voted by a ilO quarterly meeting of the members which would take place on the 10th of April. He also stated that the Society would very likely join us if we sent a deputation to their meeting as above stated. Coach T r i m m e r s, T he Globe, N o r th Audley St Lessner and Hales reported that the above Society could vote money without a Spe- 15 cial meeting. They would [pay] their entrance fee to this Association in about a month. Swiss News Jung read an extract [from] the "Association Internationale" relating to our Asso ciation. 541 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Reports from Standing C o m m i t t ee Fox brought up a report recommending that Maurice be paid henceforth 1/6 per week for the use of his room for the meetings of the standing Committee. Carried. The Swiss section having demanded that the programme of the Lausanne Con gress be drawn up and published forthwith. The standing Committee thought it best not to comply with that demand but instead thereof, to refer for study as the only urgent and special question of the moment "The means of making Credit Available for the Working Classes." This recommendation |][68]| was unanimously confirmed by the Council. Circulation of the Report of the G e n e va Congress Fox stated that 2 quires of International Courier would be wanted to supply English Societies and American Correspondents, and 2¾ quires of Courrier International for Continental Correspondents. He thought it would take seven numbers without the French Essay. Fox moved and Carter seconded That 2 quires of the I.C. and 2% of C. I. be ordered weekly untili the report is concluded. Carried Nem Con. Collet said he would send 200 of the Working Man to Trades Societies if he had the addresses. Cohn said that the Cigar makers were spreading all over England. The Liverpool Cigar makers' Society of 300 members had several branches in the North (they were unconnected with London) and he advised the Council to communicate with them as they would see through the exchange of Balance Sheets that the London Society belonged to us. Odger said he was going to Manchester and he would see what he could do for the Bronze Workers with the Trades Council there; he however should want Cre dentials. The meeting then adjourned. / 542 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M a r ch 2 6, 1 8 67 /[68]/ General Council Meeting March 26th The Secretary absent. Eccarius took the Chair and the minutes. Citizen Jung read a letter from Paris. M. Barbedienne is going to arrange a Log with his workpeople, other employers are following his example. The Geneva Section of the I.W.A. have agreed to a weekly levy. In Paris the masters discharge men for supporting the Lock-out. (Two days later.) Some employers have agreed to a Log with their men. The masters are holding a Conference respecting a Log. There will be a General 5 . Meeting next Sunday. D e p u t a t i o ns 10 Citizen Jung received £5 from the Shoemakers ([for the] Bronze Workers) accom panied ||[69]| with a very sympathising letter. He had been to the Hatters (Gravel Lane) alone. The Society does not acknowledge one person as a Deputation. It re quires a Statement first and Deputation afterwards. The Iron Founders express great sympathy, cannot assist as they are in great difficulties. The West end Cabinet 15 makers have lent £20.0.0. It was resolved to renew the application to the Shoemak ers. The Meeting then adjourned. / 543 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A p r il 2, 1 8 67 / [ 6 9 ]/ General Council Meeting April 2nd Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the two previous meetings were read by Fox and Eccarius and confirmed. Bronze Workers Jung reported that he had waited upon the Hatters at Gravel Lane on last Friday. They would state what they would do on next Friday Week. He also stated that he had waited upon the Curriers and Tin Plate Workers but should wait upon them again. The Engineers had not done anything, because they had not received any of their loans yet. The Bricklayers' money had not yet arrived at Paris. Dupont stated La Voix de l'Avenir contained an Article on the Bronze Workers' Lock Out. Carter called attention to the Engine Drivers' Strike and said we had fallen short of our mission in that Case. Dupont said he had waited upon the Committee at 31 Bridge Street, Strand as soon as he heard of the affair and communicated with the Continent that same day, some sharp discussion followed and Jung and Dupont were appointed to do what they could with the Engine Drivers' Committee to forward the objects of this Asso ciation. I |[70]| Several demands for the payment of debts were then read by the Secretary. It was then moved by Fox and seconded by Yarrow, That £1.3.7 be paid to Cit Col let for Courriers supplied to the Council. Carried Nem Con. It was also moved by Fox and seconded by Jung that £1.10.0 be paid to Mr Leno on account of printing. Carried Nem Con. The payment of the Advertisement in the Commonwealth was postponed on the motion of Citizen Jung. The Meeting then adjourned. / 544 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A p r il 9, 1 8 67 / [ 7 0 ]/ G e n e r al C o u n c il M e e t i ng A p r il 9th Citizen Jung in the Chair. The Secretary was absent and no minutes of the previous meeting could be read. Fox was appointed minute taker for the Evening. Fox brought up a resolution from the standing Committee to the Effect that a Balance Sheet be made out and the Accounts be audited. Agreed to nem con— Hales asked for a report of the Congress for his Society, and Cohn requested that copies of the Courier containing a translation of the Parisian Mémoire be furnished to his Society. It was order'd that a note of these requests be made in the minutes. Hales thought that the Courier should be pushed amongst the Affiliated Societies. After a Short discussion the subject was adjourned untili next week and Fox under took [to] ask Collet to attend. George Draitt was nominated as a member of the Council. 2/2 was paid to Fox as Subscription from Lawrence and Druitt. A Delegate from the Coach Trimmers' So ciety held at the "Globe," North Audley ||[71]| Street, Grosvenor Square paid 5/0 entrance fee for his Society to join the Association. Dupont read a letter from Fribourg (Paris) stating that the French Trades had advanced something like £4,000 to the Bronze Workers. It stated that the Lock out was at an end, but that 17 of the most active members had been excluded from the shops. The Chairman then reported that the Cigar makers had voted £5.0.0 which had been sent to Paris, also that Bricklayers' money had not yet arrived in Paris. He then asked: now the Lock-out was at an end could he canvass Trades Societies for money? Cohn and Hales replied that so long as 17 men were locked out, the Lock out could not be at an end, and Jung declared himself satisfied by this response from two representatives of English Trades Unions. Citizen Conn stated that the Cigar Trade was very slack. It would be worse before it was better—one seventh of their men was out of work. Still Belgians, Dutch and Hamburgers were coming over here and suffering greatly. They were working at very low prices having no other alternative but to starve. He said a very skilfull Hol lander was working for 1/9 per hundred while he, Cohn, was getting 3/6 per hun dred for the same kind of work. He requested the Dutch, Belgian and German Sec- 545 Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. retaries to inform their Countrymen of the sad state of things and when there were not more than 25 men out [of work] belonging to the Society the Continentals might come and welcome. It was order'd that the above matter be attended to at once. Fox then proposed William Hales as a member of the Council. Dupont and Jung were appointed to wait upon the Tin Plate Workers, Black Jack. | I [72] I Cohn and Jung were appointed to wait upon the Hatters' Committee. The meeting then adjourned. Members present, Maurice, Fox, Cohn, Hales, Bobczynski, Zabicki, Buckley, Jung and Dupont. / 546 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A p r il 1 6, 1 8 67 / [ 7 2 ]/ General Council Meeting April 16th Members present, Jung, Maurice, Lessner, Hales, Lafargue, Dupont, Collet, Fox, Shaw and Cohn. Fox read the minutes of the previous meeting and they were confirmed. Fox pro- - posed and Maurice seconded William Hales as member of the Council. Carried. Maurice proposed and Dupont seconded George Druitt President of the London Tailors' Society as a member of the Council. Carried. A letter was read from the Reform League requesting a Delegate to attend at the Sussex Hotel on the 1 7th instant to receive a memorial Tablet in commemoration of the Reform Demonstration, of Feb'y 1 1th 1867. 10 Citizen Collet was appointed to receive the Tablet on behalf of the Council. Fox read a letter from Mrs Harriet Law on the subject of "Women's Rights" and expressed his opinion that perhaps Mrs Law would go to the Congress at Lausanne if solicited. By mutual consent Fox undertook to write to Mrs Law asking her if she -15 would be willing to attend the Council meetings if invited. Dupont read a letter from Paris. It expressed regret that the Tailors' deputation from London to Paris had not been introduced to the Paris Tailors by the Paris Ad ministration of our Association. Maurice stated that the London Tailors' Executive had no time to consult us previous to sending their deputation to Paris, and moved 20 That a Deputation be sent to the Tailors' Meeting at the Alhambra Palace on Mon day the 22n d. This motion ||[73]| was seconded by Citizen Cohn and Citizens Du pont and Collet and Jung were appointed as the Delegates to attend. Jung reported his attendance on the Tin Plate Workers, "Black Jack," and the Hatters, "Prince and Princess," Gravel Lane. The Hatters had lent £10.0.0 to the . 25 Bronze Workers of Paris. They required a written statement of our objects to send round to their Shops before they could do anything towards becoming affiliated to our Association. The payment of Secretary for the labors of the office was adjourned to the next meeting by common consent. 30 Lafargue (on behalf of Marx) said that the Resolution moved by Odger at one of the Reform Meetings, conferring a vote [of] thanks upon Count Bismarck was cal culated to injure the Credit [of] this Association. He therefore demanded that a vote of censure should be passed upon Odger. 547 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M.A. A discussion ensued which ended in instructing the Secretary to write to Odger requesting his attendance at the next meeting. Courrier International and International Courier. It was proposed, seconded and carried unanimously, "That this Council recom mends the International Courier to the various affiliated Societies as the best rep resentative organ of the principles of the Association and that this recommenda tion be communicated in all Correspondences." | 548 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A p r il 2 3, 1 8 67 |[74]| General Council Meeting April 23d Members present, Citizens Jung, Maurice, Fox, Collet, Lessner, Dupont, Lafargue, Zabicki, Dell, Carter, Eccarius, Shaw and Buckley. ,.5 The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The Secretary read a Letter from John Sutcliffe of the Block-Printers' Union. It stated that they had 90 men on Strike against the introduction of the cheap labor of Women and asked for pecuniary Assistance as their Trade was very much depressed and they were unable to meet their outlay. Citizen Dell moved and Lessner seconded, That the Secretary write for a state lo ment of facts, and point out the mode of application which is generally made to the ; Trades Council of London for pecuniary assistance. Carried. Citizen Collet reported that a Continental Subscriber to the Courrier Interna tional had written to him requesting information about the association with a view of joining and opening a Branch. 15 T he Tailors' M e e t i ng Citizen Collet reported that himself and Jung attended the Tailors' Meeting at the Alhambra Palace. Jung was introduced as the President of the late Congress at Gene va and was received with immense applause. He pointed out to the meeting, that if the I. W. A. could, last year, prevent the Tailors of Paris from Supplanting the men 20 of London, it could do the same thing with the men of Belgium and Germany this year—Consequently the Master Tailors would only be wasting money by sending to those Countries for men. Collet also address'd the Meeting and Eccarius said that Collet's speech had made him a most popular man amongst the Tailors of London. | |[75]| It was then moved by Maurice and seconded by Collet, That the Council 25 make a special point of sending deputations to all Trade Meetings possible. Car ried. 549 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. E n g i ne Drivers a nd F i r e m en Jung reported that with Dupont he had had an Interview with Engine Drivers' Sec retary respecting this Association. He was to wait upon the Executive as soon as he received a letter from the Secretary. Citizen Eccarius then took the Chair. And Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen La^ fargue seconded, "That the Secretary be paid for his office." Carried. Jung then suggested that a special Fund be created by Voluntary Contributions for the purpose of paying the Secretary and the following members subscrib'd at once. Viz Lafargue Is 2s Maurice Dupont 2 s 3s Jung Is Collet 6d Carter Is Dell making a sum total of 10/6. It was then proposed by Citizen Lessner and seconded by Citizen Fox, That the Secretary be paid 10/0 per week. Carried. Lafargue then introduced the subject of Odger proposing a vote of thanks to Count Bismarck at a Reform Meeting, after some discussion in which several mem bers took part the following resolution propos'd by Cit Lessner and seconded by Cit izen Lafargue was carried unanimously. Resolved, "That inasmuch as Citizen Odger has proposed a resolution at the Council of the Reform League thanking Mr. ||[76]| Bismarck for what he has done for the Democratic cause in Germany, and inasmuch as Citizen Odger is President of the International Working Men's Association, the General Council feels it to be its duty to repudiate any solidarity with the said resolution and with Citizen Odger's speech in support thereof." Mr Moller stated that the Coach Trimmers' Society, meeting at the Crown, Broad Street, Golden Square had decided to become affiliated to this Association. He paid over 10/0 on behalf of the Society. Fox then gave notice that on next meeting night he would move that deputations be appointed to wait upon the Postmaster-General on International Postage. The Meeting then adjourned. / 550 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A p r il 3 0, 1 8 67 / [ 7 6 ]/ G e n e r al C o u n c il M e e t i ng A p r il 3 0th Members present, Citizens Eccarius, Lessner, Jung, Fox, Lafargue, Hales, Collet, Maurice, Carter, Dell, Buckley and Shaw. Citizen Eccarius took the Chair. The min utes of the previous meeting were read and after being amended were confirmed. The Secretary read a letter from the Curriers' Society anent their quarterly meet ing. He was ordered to answer the said letter and express regret that it had come to hand too late for the Council to attend. A letter was read from the Commonwealth Office asking for the payment of the account due for advertisement. It was then proposed, seconded and carried That £1.0.0 be paid on account of advertisement in the Commonwealth. It was also pro posed, seconded and carried That Citizen Collet be paid 11/3 ||[77]| the balance due for the printing of the French Carnets. The Secretary stated that since the last meeting he had written to the Hatters' So ciety, to Mr John Kane, of 21 Hood Street, Gateshead, Durham, the Secretary of the Northern Iron Workers' Association and to Mr Woodhatch the Secretary of the Liverpool Cigar makers, 66 Copperas Hill, Liverpool asking them to use their influ ence to cause their Societies to join the Association. He also stated that he had written to Mr John Sutcliffe the Secretary of the Block printers as directed at the previous meeting. Carter drew the attention of the Council to the fact that himself and Jung had not yet received the £1.0.0 due to each of them on account of their expenses to the Geneva Congress when it was proposed by Citizen Dell and sec onded by Citizen Collet That the claim of Carter and Jung be the next that is paid. Jung read from the April Bulletin of the Lausanne section a paragraph, which stated that very few sections had paid their 3d Contribution towards the expenses of the General Council, and in consequence of this default the General Council had been impeded in its task of bringing out the report of the Geneva congress. Jung also read a Letter from Besson the Belgian Secretary which also had a letter enclosed from Vésinier. | |[78]| Citizen Eccarius read the programme of the Working men's party of Ger many from the Vorbote which was as follows, "The Working men's party adheres to the maxim that the oppressed of all European Countries without distinction of creed, state or race are by their interest bound to unite and render each other mu- 551 Minutes of the Generai Council of the I. W. M. A. tual assistance." Citizen Fox drew the attention of the Council to the "American," a new democratic Journal which had just reached its 5th number. In answer to a question about the rent of the office Citizen Collet made an offer of a room at his place of business at about £6.0.0 per year. Fox moved that the sub­ ject be referred to the sub-Committee, which was agreed to accordingly. Citizen Collet read the following letter, which he had written To Edmund Beaks, Esq. Μ. Α., President of the Reform League. Sir, I am sorry, I was not in time at the last delegate meeting to hear your statement about the measures the executive committee of the League had adopted to carry out Mr. Cremer's motion, as they had been requested to do on the previous Wednes­ day. I find from the "organ of the Reform movement," the Commonwealth, that you stated that "the Council of the League, acting upon the resolution of last week, had decided upon holding not a promenade, as at first intended, but a bona fide meeting in Hyde Park on the 6th of May next," and that, "if any riot or disturbance ensued the blame must rest on the Government." I find it also stated that Mr. Bradlaugh said that "the League had not only called the meeting in Hyde Park, but meant to hold it there, come what might. On this occasion they would not only demand ad­ mittance to the Park, but enforce that admittance if required." I hope, Sir, you will allow me to make a few remarks on this important subject. I hold that the people have a right to meet in the Park, but I hold also, that before such a serious issue as a defiance to the authorities is raised, men should be pre­ pared to act as men and not as bombastic children. When I proposed some time ago a promenade in Hyde Park on Good Friday and I felt convinced that the Government would not, and could not prevent the people from going into the Park individually and would not even interfere, if once there, the people held a meeting. Some of my friends have tested the question and it has been proved that I was right. Now I believe that when the delegates voted for Mr. Cremer's motion on the 17th inst. their impression was that the same course should be adopted. From what I have quoted above, from the Commonwealth, it would appear that you, with the executive, are determined to call forth a demonstration similar to that of July last and that if the authorities adopt the same course they did then, either an appeal to force must be the result, or Reformers would have once more to retire. I believe that it would be, not only unpolitic but criminal to bring the question to such an issue as this, and I will give you my reasons: — If the people of this country are really prepared to join issue with the govern­ ment, then they have something better to do than to fight their fellow men of the army and the police, about a question of admittance into the park. However important the question of the right of meeting may be, if to settle it 552 Meeting of the General Council April 30, 1867 force must be resorted to and blood spilt, then the people must be prepared either to submit or to destroy the present political fabric. I think they are not yet ripe for such an issue, and therefore I say that it would be unwise and criminal to necessarily produce violence and bloodshed, to no practical purpose. Suppose that the Reformers were even to force their way into the park, what then? Do you think that the Government would stop there? What if they bring armed force against you? Are you prepared to meet them? What if Parliament were to pass a bill forbidding meetings in the parks? Would you then turn Parliament out? I conclude by urging upon you to use your influence upon your colleagues of the Council to reconsider a decision, which I do not think they were empowered to take, by the delegates, and simply to invite the Reformers of London to go individu ally to the Park, avoiding anything that might have the appearance of a defiance, which they are not prepared to support effectively. When the time comes, if unfortunately it ever should come, that force must be used, I hope the people of this country will be wise enough to discriminate between those who really are their enemies and those of their own ranks and blood whose in terests are the same as theirs, although they may for a time be in the ranks of the army or the police. It is not against men obliged then to earn their livelihood that the working men ought [to] turn their wrath. I hope they will have more sense than to do that, and that they will strike the evil at the root. I am Sir Yours respectfully. Joseph Collet. \ |[79]| A long discourse ensued upon it without any opposite opinions being ex pressed. Frederick Card, on the motion of Shaw seconded by Dell was nominated as a member of the Council. It was then proposed by Citizen Fox and seconded by Citizen Lessner, That the Secretary write to the Postmaster General and ask him to receive a deputation from the Council on the subject of International Postage. Carried. The Meeting then adjourned. / 553 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M ay 7, 1 8 67 / [ 7 9 ]/ General Council Meeting May 7th Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. Members present Jung, Lessner, Maurice, Dupont, Bobczynski, Yarrow, Cohn, Reaveley, Dell, Odger and Shaw. The minutes of the previous meeting were confirmed as read. Frederick Card was elected a member of the Council on the nomination of Cits Shaw and Dell. The Secretary stated, that since the last meeting he had written to Brass Finishers at the "Cheshire Cheese," Mount Pleasant, Clerkenwell to receive a deputation from the Council. He had also sent them a copy of the following Letter to the Postmaster General International Working Men's Association Central Council Rooms, 18 Bouverie Street, E.C. May 3rd 1867 My Lord I am directed to respectfully request your Lordship to be good enough to receive a deputation on the subject of International Postage from the Central Council of the above Association. The Council would take it as an additional favor if your Lordship would appoint a day as near the middle of the present month as possible for the above purpose. I am My Lord very obediently R. SHAW Secretary. | ¡[801J He had also written to 5 Branches of the Amalgamated Bakers' Union enclos ing Rules and Address and soliciting them to become affiliated to our Association. He drew the attention of the Council to the fact that the Bakers' Executive met at the Working Men's Hall, Harp Alley, Farringdon Street every Tuesday Night and he was instructed to communicate with that Body. Jung said he had received a Letter from Basle containing the prices of Silk Weav ing as requested by the Coventry Silk Weavers; of which the following is the transla tion In accordance with your desire I hereby send you a summary of the wages paid in 554 Meeting of the General Council May 7, 1867 the Factories. For the so called Weft 17 Centimes is paid for 100 threads; a day's wages is 1/3. The average wages used to be 1/8 per day. Piece Work. Nos 24 to 46 = 10 reeds, 300 to 320 Shuttles per inch, 24 Francs and 73 Centimes a piece. Nos 24 to 46 = 8 reeds, 200 Shuttles per inch 18 Francs and :5 50 Centimes a piece. Nos 21 to 40, 8 reeds, 7 times (something incomprehensible to the translator) 21 Francs a piece. Nos 14 to 36, 10 reeds, double Shuttle, 200 picks per inch, 17 Francs and 25 Centimes a piece—a piece is equal to 120 staves. With 13 hours work a day, at the very utmost only 2 staves can be made in a day, and the Wages never exceed 10 fr a week, it is indeed more frequent that a fort- 10 night's hard work only amounts to 15 fr. Not only reduced prices but bad silk has contributed to bring about this deplorable state of things. Formerly 20 Centimes were paid per 100 threads; and with good silk 25 fr could be earned in a fortnight; Now the earnings are commonly from 8 to 10 fr.—on rare occasions 12 fr. The Secretary was ordered to send a Copy of this translation to Coventry. 15 ; 20 Citizen Jung also read a letter from Geneva which stated that a new Council had been appointed ||[81]| there and the names of Dupleix and Card were absent from the list of Councilmen. He also read a letter from Chaux-de-Fonds requesting that the following subject should be put on the programme of the next Congress, Viz. "Slackness of Trade. Its Causes and Remedies." Jung read (on behalf [of] Dupont) a letter from Lyons, the said letter requested the Council to forward the address of the Lyonnese to the German Working men through the German Newspapers; the subject of the Address was threatened War in Germany, and it was ordered to be sent to Citizen Marx through Lessner. • 25 A letter was read from Brussels stating that the chiefs of the Firms in the Tailor- ing trade had signed a tariff agreeable to the men and that on the 2 1st of April Large meetings of Tailors, Cabinet makers, Marble Polishers, and Dyers had been held on the Wages question. A Letter was read from Chemale of Paris stating that the Tailors had gone to work at an advance of 10 per cent instead of the 20 per cent for which they struck. » 30 The 10 per cent was accepted by a small minority in the first place, and the Govern ment withheld their authority for the holding of a meeting to the trade. Conse quently the Strike Committee had resigned and given up the Contest. This letter stated that the Paris Administration had spent £7.0.0 in propagandism and that was the reason why they had not sent their 3d contribution to the General : 35 Council. It also suggested that a certain number of Delegates from various sections should assemble 5 days before the opening of Congress for the purpose of arranging matters so as to ||[82]| save the time of the Delegates when assembled in Congress. The letter stated that a new Branch had opened at Amiens. That the Rope-makers of Paris had been on strike 6 weeks, and that the Turners' branch of the Bronze 40 Makers' Trade was not yet settled. The Bookbinders of Paris were desirous of fraternising with the Bookbinders of London if any of them went over to the exhi bition. The President (Odger) then drew attention to the vote of the Council in reference to the Resolution moved by him at a Meeting of the Reform League and having 45 stated that the resolution was meant simply to thank Count Bismarck for giving the 555 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. vote to the people of Germany, and not involving his general policy the Council ex- press'd themselves as perfectly satisfied -with this explanation; and, on the Motion of Shaw seconded by Yarrow, It was agreed that the explanation should be sent to the International Courier for publication. The Council then adjourned./ 556 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M ay 1 4, 1 8 67 / [ 8 2 ]/ General Council Meeting May 14th Members present, Odger, Fox, Eccarius, Jung, Yarrow, Dupont, Dell and Shaw. Citizen Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. A letter was read from the Westend Ladies' shoemakers' Society requesting the payment of the £10.0.0 loan. The Secretary was instructed to answer the letter. A letter was read from the Block printers' Secretary complaining at the Council for not having raised them money to support their Strike. The Secretary was ordered to answer the Letter. A letter was read from the Postmaster-General declining to receive a ||[83]| deputa tion from the Council on the subject of International Postage but at the same time he would be happy to consider any written statement that might be sent to him. Fox undertook to write a statement on the Subject at his earliest convenience. 5 lo A letter was read from MrAppIegarth stating that he had assisted to form a branch of our association at Lynn in Norfolk. He requested the Council to commu- 15 nicate with the Secretary of the Branch. The Secretary was instructed to thank Ap- plegarth for his services and open up correspondence with Branch at Lynn. The President gave in the name of G.B. Stewart of 89 Irish Street, Dumfries as a man who would open a branch of the Association in that part of Britain. The Secretary said that he had written the letters as directed at the last meeting, 20 he had also written letters and sent reports of the Congress to Professor Beesly, Mr Harrison, Mr Walton, the executive of the Bakers' Union and the Affiliated So cieties. Jung then moved and Dupont seconded That the Reporter of the Commonwealth be admitted to report the proceedings of the Council. Carried Unanimously. Jung on behalf of Dupont read a letter from our Correspondent at Bordeaux, stat ing that he had money to transmit to London and enquiring what were the best means of transmitting it. In the name of his section he thanked the Working men of London for what they had done for the Bronze Workers and ||[84]| Tailors of Paris. He also read a Letter from Citizen Vasseur of Marseilles. He wrote in the name of a number of Working men of Marseilles and its suburbs, who desired to form a branch there. The matter was left in Dupont's hands. Jung read several paragraphs from the Tribune du peuple relating to workmen's 557 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. associations in Belgium and the part that our association was taking there. He also reported his attendance upon the Brass Finishers but did not get a Hearing. On the question of removing the sittings of the Council, It was proposed by Ec carius and seconded by Fox, That the sittings of the Council be not removed and that the use of the Office be offered to the London Trades Council at 1/0 per week. Carried. Henry Dodd of 26 Caroline Street, Camden Town N. W. took up a Card of Mem bership and paid 1/2. The Council then adjourned./ 558 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M ay 2 1, 1 8 67 / [ 8 4 ]/ General Council Meeting May 21st Members present, Eccarius, Lessner, Carter, Jung, Hales, Dell, Coulson, Odger, Buckley and Shaw. The minutes of the two previous meetings were read and con firmed. 5 10 Letters were read from Professor Beesly and Mr F. Harrison thanking the Council for forwarding to them the report of the Geneva Congress. Jung read a letter from Paris which stated that a Branch of the Association had been established at Algiers. It also stated that if any Societies were going to the Exhibition word should be sent to that effect so as to enable the Parisians to give them a right hearty welcome. The letter again mentioned the necessity of sending Delegates and Essays to ||[85]| Lau sanne not later than the 2 6th of August. Jung read a letter from Locle which contained a remittance of 17/6 for 73 mem bers and requested that the subject of Phonography should be placed upon the pro gramme for discussion at the next Congress. 15 Odger then gave notice that at the next meeting he should move that a series [of] meetings be held for the purpose of discussing labor questions, the meeting then adjourned./ 559 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il M ay 2 8, 1 8 67 / [ 8 5 ]/ General Council Meeting May 28th Members present Odger, Eccarius, Lessner, Dupont, Jung, Dell, W. and J. Hales, Shaw, Buckley, Card, Maurice and Yarrow. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. A letter was read from Mr Walton of Brecon thanking the Council for sending him a report of the Congress of Geneva and a letter was read from John Kane Secre tary to the National Amalgamated Association of Malleable Ironworkers stating that he had inserted the letter of the Secretary in their monthly Circular with suit able comments of his own, and that he would send a copy to the Council and in the meantime he would join the Association individually. .$ 10; Citizen Maurice brought a letter from the London Tailors' Executive Committee which solicited the Council to use their best efforts for the purpose of obtaining money for the Tailors from the Continent of Europe and America. Jung said that Dupont had spoken about the matter some [time] ago and thought such action should be taken ||[86]| but he (Jung) had declined to take any steps in the matter be- 15* cause he thought that the Tailors seemed desirous of doing their own work, but now they had applied to the Council he would move "That the Secretaries for the Conti nent and America write to their Correspondents for monetary aid for the London Tailors." Dupont seconded the motion which was Carried unanimously. Jung on behalf of Dupont read a letter from Algiers stating that Branch had been 20j formed. He also read a letter from Fuveau near Marseilles stating that there were 300 members in the Branch there and that they expected 500 shortly. Jung at the request of Dupont again drew the Attention of the Council to the points urged in Chemale's letter which was read last week, Viz the Advisability of 25 sending Delegates and Essays to Lausanne 5 days before the Assembling of Con gress. The said Delegates to prepare the programme for the Congress. In referring to the first Article of the Bye Laws agreed to at the last Congress It was found that the production of the Congressional programme was left entirely with [the] General Council and after some discussion, It was agreed on the motion [of] Citizen ••30« J.Hales, "That a Committee of 3 draw [up] an Appeal to the Societies in and out of Affiliation inviting them to take part in the Coming Congress and also that the said 560 Meeting of the General Council May 28, 1867 Committee draw up the programme for the Congress." The appointment of the Committee was postponed untili the next meeting. | I [87] I The next point that was urged by Jung was that the Societies affiliated to tbe Association should be informed of Chemale's desire Viz That any Societies or members thereof who were about to visit the French Exhibition should send word to the Paris Administration so as to enable them to give the Britons a right hearty welcome on their arrival. On this subject a general instruction was given to the Sec retary to mention the matter in his Correspondence. President Odger then stated, that, at a meeting of the London Trades Council held on Friday Evening last, It was agreed that series of Meetings should be held in London for the purpose of debating Labor Questions, and he invited the assistance of the Council to carry out that object. It was proposed, seconded and Carried Unanimously, That Citizens Jung and J. Hales cooperate with President Odger and Mr Edgar of the Trades Council for the purpose of arranging the said meetings. The Council then adjourned. / 561 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ne 4, 1 8 67 /[87]/ General Council Meeting June 4th Citizen Jung was voted to the Chair. Members present Dupont, Lessner, Cohn, Fox, Zabicki, J. and W. Hales, Dell, Carter, Card, Buckley, Morgan, Eccarius, Maurice and Shaw. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Mr Mi- all's Bill of 3.6.0 for rent and use of fixtures was read and payment postponed untili the next meeting. On the motion of Cit Dell, Citizen Carter was paid 1.0.0, the Bal­ ance of the expenses incurred by him on going to the ||[88]| Congress at Geneva. A letter was read from the Peace Society, 19 New Broad Street, City which had been addressed to the President. It suggested the propriety of British Working men adopting addresses expressing sympathy with the French and German Working men. After some discussion on the motion of Citizen Cohn seconded by Citizen Dell it was resolved, "That the receipt of the Reverend Henry Richard's communi­ cation be kindly acknowledged and that we ask for further information concerning the principles of the Peace Society with a view to cooperate with them for the fur­ therance of the cause of international peace." Dupont read a letter from our Correspondent near Bordeaux which stated that their Section had money in hand. Jung read several paragraphs from the French- Swiss organ of our Association relating to political affairs that had taken place in London. This Journal expresses a desire that the General Council would now do some active work. " '·\ T he Tailors' Strike Eccarius wished to know who was to pay for the Correspondence to Germany on be- ^ ρ half of the Tailors. After some discussion on the motion of Citizen Carter seconded by Citizen Dell, It was resolved That all postage etc. shall be paid by the General ' Council when writing to Continental Branches for aid to any of our affiliated Socie- 25 ties who may be on Strike or Lock-Out. It was then moved by Cit. Eccarius and seconded by Cit Carter, That the sum of £ 3 Shillings be voted to pay the postage of 6 letters to the north of Germany on be- - half of the Tailors. It was also agreed that Is be voted to pay for a letter to Cit. Syl­ vie of Philadelphia on the same subject. | 562 Meeting of the General Council June 4, 1867 |[89]| In reply to Citizen Maurice, Dupont said he had appealed to Paris, Bor deaux, Lyons and Algiers Sections on behalf of the London Tailors. Jung said he had appealed to the French-Swiss Sections through the French-Swiss organ of our Association, and also to Becker on behalf of the German Sections. Fox had done nothing because he had received no intimation on the subject and the Secretary said that the reason Fox had not been acquainted with the matter was the want of his (Fox's) address. On the question of appointing a Committee to draw up an appeal to Societies and the programme for the Congress, It was unanimously agreed, That Citizens Fox, Marx, Jung, Eccarius and Dupont should undertake that duty. The meeting then adjourned. / 563 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ne 1 8, 1 8 67 / [ 8 9 ]/ General Council Meeting June 18th 1867 Members present, Eccarius, Lessner, Dupont, J. Hales, Fox, Jung, Dell, Odger, Shaw, Card and Buckley. The minutes of the Meeting of June 4th were read and confirmed. Eccarius stated that he had not received any reply to his Correspondence on be half of the London Tailors but that there was a statement in tbe "Hermann" to the effect that something was being done on the matter in Germany. Fox stated that he had written to America on the same subject. Citizen Keller was elected a member of the Council to represent the French Branch in the place of Citizen Collet who had resigned. Keller paid 4/9 as the 3d Contribution for 19 Members and Mr Dell paid 1 shilling for John Graham. Citizen Fox proposed and ||[90]| Lessner seconded That Mrs Harriet Law become a Member of the Council. Jung read some portions of the French-Swiss Organ showing that the Association was making much progress in Switzerland. On the motion of Citizens Dell and Jung it was agreed "That the Council re quests the Committee to produce the programme of the Congress on Tuesday next." It was proposed by Jung and seconded by Lessner That a deputation wait upon the Engineers on Thursday next. Carried. On the motion of Shaw and Fox, Odger, Jung and Dupont were elected to wait upon the Engineers. Fox proposed the following resolutions which were seconded by Citizen Dell and agreed nem con. I n t e r n a t i o n al Working M e n 's Association. At the ordinary meeting of the General Council on Tuesday evening, after the usual routine business was concluded, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed tei lst. "That the General Council of the International Working Men's Association thanks the working men, students, and barristers, who took part in the recent dem- 564 Meeting of the General Council June 18, 1867 onstrations in Paris in favour of Poland, for having reminded the Czar of Mus covy that the domination of an Asiatic and barbarous Power over that portion of Europe called Poles, and that portion of the soil of Europe called Poland, is revolt ing to justice and common sense." 2nd. "That Maitre Floquet, having been blamed by many toadying or ignorant persons for his spirited and truly cosmopolitan conduct towards the Czar in the Pa lais de Justice, we hereby declare our approbation of that conduct, and thank the Conseil de l'ordre des Avocats for their refusal to censure Maitre Floquet." 3rd. "That the General Council hereby congratulates the British nation and Gov ernment on the good fortune of having been deemed unworthy of closer acquaint ance by the Czar of Muscovy." 10 The Continental Secretaries were instructed to publish the above Resolutions. The Council then adjourned. | 565 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ne 2 5, 1 8 67 |[91]| Council Meeting June 25 th Members present, Eccarius, Fox, Lessner, Keller, Dupont, Jung, Dell, Maurice, Shaw, Card and Buckley. Citizen Eccarius took the Chair. The minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. A Letter was read from the Amalgamated Bakers' Union stating that at the An nual Conference of the Union which would take place in August at Nottingham the question of the Union becoming affiliated to the I. W. A. would be submitted. Mrs. Law was accepted as a member of the Council. Mr Miall the Landlord sent a request for immediate payment of £6.0.0 for Rent with Notice to quit; after some discussion Citizen Maurice offered the use of his room at 16 Castle Street untili September next. It was proposed by Citizen Lessner and seconded [by] Citizen Jung That the offer of Citizen Maurice be accepted and that the Council meet there next Tuesday. Citizen Maurice brought a letter from the London Tailors' Strike Committee. He wished the Council to get it published on the Continent. It was moved by Cit Jung and seconded by Fox—That the letter be sent to Citizen Collet for publication in the Courrier International subject to his (Collet's) Editorial discretion. 151 Fox then read the Congress Committee's Report as follows, Order of the Day: 1st Report of the General Council. 2nd Programme. 3rd Rest of the Order of the Day. P r o g r a m me 1st Combination of efforts of the Working Classes by means of the International Working Men's Association. | I [92] ] 2nd How can the Working Classes utilise for the purpose of their own Eman cipation the Credit which they now give to the Middle Classes and the Govern ments. 251 1 566 Meeting of the General Council June 25, 1867 Reports Eccarius stated that he had received a letter from Berlin in reply to his on behalf of the Tailors. This letter said the Berlin Tailors had raised about £18.0.0 for the Lon don Tailors. Eccarius also stated that the Philanthropic Coopers would see about joining the I. W. A. at their next aggregate Meeting. Jung reported that he went to the Engineers last Thursday. Odger was not there, and nothing was done. He had appointed to go next Thursday if it was agreeable. Jung, Dupont were then ap pointed to go again on Thursday and Odger promised to meet them there. Jung also stated that the appeal that he had sent to Becker on behalf of the London Tailors was published in the Vorbote, and that another new Branch of the Association had been opened in Switzerland. The Meeting then adjourned. / 567 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ly 2, 1 8 67 / [ 9 2 ]/ Council Meeting July 2nd Cit J.George Eccarius in the Chair. On account of the absence of the Secretary Cit Fox read the minutes. They were confirmed as read. Correspondence. Cit Jung read a letter from Geneva complaining about the inactivity of the General Council respecting the Congress programme. It also stated that the Peace Congress to be held at Geneva was so arranged that the delegates who would be sent to Lau sanne could attend and accomplish a twofold mission. Vienne. A letter was read announcing that the branch had sent 60 fr. gift and 40 ft. Loan to the Tailors of London on strike. The branch numbered ||[93]| 600 members and might have numbered 1,000 had it not been for the want of Carnets. The branch was likely to send two delegates to the Congress. They had applied for permission to print the rules but the Government authorities had refused. They demand 50 Cop ies more of the Congress report. Citizen Marcheval of Vienne requested to be au thorised to open a branch at Annonay, which was unanimously given. I n t e r n a t i o n al P e n ny Postage. Cit. Fox gave notice that on the following Tuesday he would present his written statement to the Post Master General. Cit Fox complained that a member of the French branch Cit. Besson had mis conducted himself at the public meeting held under auspices of the German Arbei ter Bildungsverein to commemorate the Insurrection of June 1848. After some con versation the question was adjourned till July 9. Cit. Fox called attention to the rapid progress of productive cooperative Associa tions in America. Members present: Citizens Fox, Law, Eccarius, Dupont, Keller, Cohn, Lessner, and Maurice. The Meeting then adjourned to Tuesday July 9 ./ 568 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ly 9, 1 8 67 / [ 9 3 ]/ C o u n c il M e e t i ng J u ly 9. Cit. Jung in the Chair. Cit Eccarius stated that he had taken notes of the last meet ing but had left them at his house. A letter was read from Cit. Shaw in which he stated that having not been able to obtain employment in London he could not continue his functions as General Secretary. There being no alternative his resigna tion was accepted and on the proposition of Cit. Marx, seconded by Cit. Lessner, a vote of thanks for the services rendered by Cit. Shaw while in Office, was unani mously carried. A p p o i n t m e nt of a G e n e r al Secretary. Cit Fox proposed, Cit Buckley seconded that Cit. J. George Eccarius be appointed Secretary of the Association. Carried unanimously. A letter was read from Mr. Arthur Miall requesting a written statement respecting the rent due to him. Cit. Fox proposed, Cit. Lessner seconded, that ||[94]| 21. 10s. be paid to Mr. Miall. Agreed and the Secretary instructed to pay it. Correspondence. America. Cit Fox read letter from Mr. Sylvis, president of the Iron Moulders' Un ion, U.S., in answer to an appeal on behalf of the London Tailors on Strike. Mr. Syl vis stated that his Union had done a good deal in the way of warring against the Capitalists. It had expended 35,000$. during the past and 40,000$. during the pres ent year and had now 2,000 members out of work. It had resolved to turn its atten tion principally to establishing co-operative foundries which was the only effectual mode of dealing with the labour question. They had several foundries in full blaze and more would be erected. Their funds were too low to grant relief but he would see what could be done in the shape of voluntary contribution. It also contained in formation about a labour convention to be held next month at Chicago. Cit. Fox was instructed to write to Mr Jessup the organiser of the Convention. 569 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Italy. Cit Jung read a letter from G. Dassi in Naples complaining that his former letters had not been answered, and he asked for the Rules of the Association. Cit Carter was instructed to reply. France. Cit Dupont announced that the Bronze-workers of Paris had voted a gift of 10/. and a loan of the same amount to the London Tailors on Strike. The Bor deaux branch had sent 11.12s. to the Tailors and 11. 8s. contribution to the Council. At Fleurieux-sur-Saône and Rouen public meetings were to be held in support of the Tailors. Cit. Dupont inquired about the publication of the Geneva Congress report in Pamphlet form. The secretary was instructed to invite Cit. Collet to attend the standing Committee on Saturday July 13. Castelnaudary. Complaints were being made about police restrictions but prom ises made to do the best to organise the Association. London. A letter was read from the manager of the Commonwealth requesting payment for the Advertisement. It was agreed to discontinue the advertisement. D e p u t a t i o ns Amalgamated Engineers. Cit. Jung reported that Cit. Odger had not kept his ap pointment and in consequence of that his own presentation had been delayed to such a late hour that but a very brief statement could be made and the Council of the Engineers had adjourned without a decision. The secretary was instructed [to write] ||[95]| to Mr. Allan. The secretary was also instructed to write to the London compositors, and the brass finishers. G e n e r al Affairs Cit Marx proposed and Cit. Lafargue seconded, that the following be the first Con gress resolution: On the practical means, by which to enable the International Workingmen's Association to fulfil its function of a common centre of action for the working classes, female and male, in their struggle tending to their complete emancipation from the domination of Capital. Agreed. Cit. Eccarius read the subjoined address which was unanimously adopted. It was further agreed that 300 should be printed for circulation, and that Cit. Lafargue should render it in the French language and bring it before the standing Committee on Saturday July 13. Respecting Cit. Besson's misconduct it was agreed that he should attend the standing Committee July 13, and the secretary was instructed to write to him. Cit. Fox brought his written statement to the Post Master General before the Council. Cit. Eccarius, Jung, and Carter, all of whom waited on the Postmaster of Switzer land, suggested some additions which Cit. Fox readily accepted and stated that he would complete the document in the course of the week. The meeting then ad journed. 570 Meeting of the General Council July 9, 1867 Members present: Buckley, Carter, Dupont, Eccarius, Fox, Jung, Lessner, Marx, Maurice, Stepney, Lafargue, Yarrow, and Zabicki. | |[96]| Address of the G e n e r al Council of the I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's Association. To the Members and affiliated Societies. "Fellow Working Men,—According to the reports we have received from time to time—our continental members are very persevering in propagating the principles and extending the ramifications of our Association, particularly in Switzerland, where most of our branches are actively engaged in establishing benefit and credit funds, and co-operative societies of production in connection with our Associa tion—the progress of the British section has been greatly interfered with by the Re form movement. As the council looks upon the political enfranchisement of the working classes as a means to complete their social emancipation, it was but natu ral that the British members should take a leading part in the Reform agitation and that our affiliated societies should, for the time being, throw their whole weight into the balance against reactionary phrase-mongers and malignant obstructives to bring matters to a crisis. However, now that the heat of the agitation has subsided, that no more monster demonstrations have to be organised, and the time appointed for the meeting of the second annual congress is drawing near, it is high time that those who have absented themselves during the height of the contest should resume their seats at the Council board, and our affiliated branches should make an effort to lend us a helping hand. The aims of our Association are not ephemeral; our labours will continue to absorb the attention of the working population until wages-slavery has become a matter of history. What the lot of the labouring population would be if everything were left to isolated, individual bargaining, may be easily foreseen. The iron rule of supply and demand, if left unchecked, would speedily reduce the producers of all the wealth to a starvation level, since in the actual condition of so ciety every improvement of the productive powers, every abridgement of manual la bour, tends but to lower wages and increase the hours of toil. Surely the labouring poor, the producers of all wealth, have a human, an inherent, a natural claim to par ticipate in the fruits of their own toil, but this claim can only be enforced and real ized by the union of all. Sectional efforts are of little avail, and partial successes are but short-lived. Nothing short of a thorough union and combination of the work people of all countries can achieve the satisfactory solution of the labour question. Much has already been done in that direction, but more remains to be done. The periodical meeting of the representative men of the different countries has the ef fect of removing time-honoured national antipathies, cementing friendship, and smoothing the path for a common mode of action towards a common end. We therefore appeal to you, to do what is in your power to send as many representatives of the British branches as possible to the ensuing congress of our Association, which will assemble on Monday, Sept. 2nd, 1867, at Lausanne. According to the regulations passed at the first annual congress, every branch is 571 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. entitled to send a delegate. Branches numbering above 500 members may send a delegate for every full 500 members. Branches that do not consider it advisable to send delegates of their own may contribute towards the expense of delegates repre senting groups of branches. The principal questions to be settled by the congress are:— 1. On the practical means by which to enable the International Working-men's Association to fulfil its function of a common centre of action for the working- classes, female and male, in their struggle tending to their complete emancipation from the domination of capital. 2. How can the working-classes utilise for the purpose of their own emancipation the credit which they now give to the middle-classes and the government. An early reply stating your decision is requested. By order of the Council, George Odger, President. J. George Eccarius, Gen. Sec. 16, Castle-street East London, W., July 9, 1867." | 572 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ly 1 6, 1 8 67 I [97] I Council Meeting July 16 Citizen Jung in the Chair. The minutes of the two previous meetings were read and confirmed. G e n e r al Report. 5 The general secretary reported that he received a letter from John Kane secretary of National Association of Malleable Iron workers announcing the intention of that • body to join. The secretary of the Engineers had sent rather an evasive answer, and promised to lay the case before the general Council of the Engineers. The secretary of the London Trades Council asked for a deputation to attend the annual meeting 10 of that body. Correspondence. Switzerland. The people of Geneva identify the Sheffield outrages and Trades Un ions with the International Association. The section desired a refutation but as the Geneva papers had only reproduced extracts from the British Journals, it was 15 agreed not [to] do anything in the matter. Extracts from a leading article in the Voix de l'Avenir were read pointing out the fact that Maximilian, the imperial in vader of Mexico, had proclaimed sentence of death, which had been executed - within 24 hours of its promulgation, against every Mexican that had been found fighting for his own country against a foreign intruder; and the official press of Eu- ' 20 rope, in the face of such facts, dared to extenuate his monstrous Crimes. France. The French secretary handed over 21. as part of the annual contribution of the Lyons Branch. The Lyons branch asked to be authorised to form a central ; committee for the Rhône département which was unanimously granted. The mem- bers of the Lyons Branch were very hard up and might only be able to send one del- ! 25 egate to the Congress. To be able to hold periodical meetings they had resolved to register themselves as a co-operative Association but were not silly enough to be- 573 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. lieve that their savings would emancipate them from the domination of Capital. They had prepared a form of cards and a project of Rules that would be in harmony with the laws. A new Branch had been established at Villefranche, Cit. Chassin Sec retary which would send a delegate to Lausanne. Another had been established at Castelnaudary. Schettel had received all the numbers of the Courrier, [they] would gladly |[[98]| subscribe but were too poor. The Voix de l'Avenir was their organ [but they] were rather more radical than it. G e n e r al Business Report of standing committee. Cit. Besson justified his conduct 1, by asserting that in French meetings one man could surrender his place to another, 2, that he had not understood the Chairman; 3, that he did not consider it a fault to raise a discus sion; 4, that he owned he had been much excited. Cit. Fox on bringing up the Report objected to various points and gave notice of motion to take it into consideration at a future opportunity. The written statement to the Postmaster General was agreed to and it was resolved that it should be signed by all the secretaries. Cit. Marx, Cohn, Fox, Dupont and Eccarius were appointed as the deputation to attend the annual meeting of the London Trades Council, on Thursday July 25, 1867, Bell Inn, Old Bailey. It was agreed that the congress programme should be discussed during the month of August. Members present: Cohn, Buckley, Eccarius, Fox, Dupont, Jung, Lessner, Mrs. Law, Keller, Maurice, Yarrow, Zabicki. The meeting then adjourned to Tuesday July 2 3 ./ [Auszug aus The Commonwealth] The Commonwealth: Nr. 226, 20. Juli 1867 A letter from the tailors of Berlin was read, stating that the cigarmakers had raised a levy, and some cabinetmakers had joined to get money for the London tailors. The proceeds of a concert, together with the subscriptions, amount in all to 221., for which a cheque was received. The following extract from the appeals published in the Berlin papers was read: — "The council of the International Working-men's Association has appealed to, the Berlin tailors for pecuniary aid. The case of the London tailors is not a matter of charity, it is a matter of duty. They have conscientiously entered upon a giant struggle against capital, well knowing that if they are defeated theirs will be a sorry lot for years to come, and it will re-act upon the whole labouring population, at : least in England, since it is not simply a contest between operative and master tai lors, but a struggle of labour against the domination of capital. May the working- J 574 Meeting of the General Council July 16, 1867 j men of Berlin show that they understand the importance of the solidarity of the working-men as well as their English compeers, who prove it by their continuous contributions. The working-men's interests are everywhere the same." The secretary for Switzerland reported that the Romain section of Geneva had sent 149 francs, ; and the German section 100 francs for the London tailors. The secretary for France announced the establishment of new branches at Villefranche and Castelnaudary. The Lyonnese sent part of their annual contribution, and stated, in a letter, that they very much deplored their fate in not being able to render any pecuniary assist ance to those heroic champions of labour—the London tailors—in then giant struggle against the domination of the capitalists. They state that the silk trade is in such a bad state, and employment so scarce, that many workmen are literally in rags. To evade the police restrictions on public meetings the Lyons branch has con stituted itself a Co-operative Association under which title periodical meetings are lawful. An extensive lock-out in the stuff printing trade was also reported. The firm i of Zautmann, at Puteaux, discharged four workmen for being members of a mutual credit society. When their fellow labourers in the factory became aware of the rea son of the discharge, they with one accord demanded the return of the discharged. : Upon this being refused they struck work, and the proprietors of the stuff-printing establishments of Paris, Puteaux, Saint-Denis, Sevres, Saint Germain, and Le Pecq, .20 with the exception of the house of Malsis and Chaquel, have their workpeople out, and declared that they will not re-open until Zautmann's people, minus the four, resume work. 575 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ly 2 3, 1 8 67 / [ 9 8 ]/ Council Meeting July 23. Citizen Jung in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The General Secretary reported that he had received a letter from Mr. Dodshon the Secretary of the Amalgamated Cordwainers, [stating] that the rale which [en abled] his executive to grant 5/. towards the Congress fund last year had been re scinded by the Conference of 1867. The Amalgamation had never affiliated itself, which had been stated on one occasion to a deputation. The Secretary asked leave to write to the London Working Men's Association which was agreed after some discussion. Correspondence America. Cit. Marx had received letters, one from New York announcing the affil iation of the Communist Club, which rejects all revealed religion, [|[99]| and every [doctrine] not founded upon the perception of concrete objects. It advocates the de struction of individual property, the equality of all persons and its members bind each other to carry these maxims into practice. The other letter was from a kindred Association at Hoboken, N. J., also announcing its adhesion. It called upon the council to send documents, and spoke of the great danger there was of the working men of America being traduced by the professional politicians,—the greatest ras cals under the sun who were advocating working men's measures to retain their places. Senator Wade had made an almost Communistic Speech the other day but had explained it away before a bourgeois audience. Citizen Marx called the attention of the Council to a Parliamentary Blue book, "Reports by Her Majesty's Secretaries of Embassy and Legation on the manufac tures and commerce of the countries in which they reside, 1867," of which the fol lowing is an extract:—During the first eleven months of 1864 the imports into Bel gium of raw cast hon were 7,200 tons, of which 5,300 were British; in the corresponding period of 1865 they rose to 18,800 tons, of which 17,000 tons were British; and in 1866 they rose to 29,590 tons, of which 26,200 tons were British. On 576 The Minute Book of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869. Seite [99] mit dem aufgeklebten Pressebericht über Marx' Rede vom 23. Juli 1867 zur Statistik des neuen Blaubuchs Meeting of the General Council July 23, 1867 the other hand, the exports of Belgian cast iron during the first eleven months of 1864 amounted to 24,400 tons, 17,200 tons of which went to France, and 5,900 tons to England; whereas in the corresponding period of 1866 they did not amount to more than 14,000 tons, of which 9,600 tons were exported to France, and only 5 241 tons to Great Britain. The exports of Belgian rails have also fallen from 75,353 tons, during the first eleven months of 1864, to 62,734 tons in 1866. The following is an exact statement, in a tabular form, of the quantities of iron and steel of all sorts imported into Belgium from Great Britain, and of Belgian iron and steel exported to Great Britain during the first eleven months of 1866, as com- 10 pared with the corresponding period of 1864:— Imports into Belgium from Great Britain. First eleven months.— 1866. Tons. Ore and filings Raw, cast, and old iron Hammered iron (nails, wire, etc.) Castings Wrought iron Steel in bars, plates and wire Wrought steel 0 26,211 1,031 41 255 3,219 522 Total 31,289 1864. Tons. 1 5,296 1,777 24 203 1,227 0 8,528 Exports from Belgium to Great Britain. First eleven months.— Ore and filings Raw, cast, and old iron Hammered iron (nails, wire, etc.) Castings Wrought iron Steel in bars, plates and wire Wrought steel 1866. Tons. 1,768 241 6,727 3 12 50 16 Total 8,817 1864. Tons. 5,555 5,920 9,436 7 0 56 5 20,979 15 20 25 30 The results may be briefly stated thus:—whereas in 1864 (taking the first eleven months of the year) Belgium supplied England with 20,979 tons of iron and steel, in 35 1866 she only sent 8,817 tons, whilst the exports of British iron and steel to Bel gium rose from 8,528 tons in 1864 to 31,289 tons in 1866. It would be recollected that some of the middle class newspapers had last year raised an outcry about the pernicious effects of the Trades' Unions, that their do ings were driving the iron trade from this country into the hands of the Belgian iron 40 masters. None of the papers that had raised that outcry had even mentioned the ap pearance of this Blue book much less stated its contents. After the transaction of some routine business the Council adjourned to Tues day, July 30, 16, Castle-street, East, W. Switzerland. The Geneva section had adhered to the programme of the peace 579 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. congress. The Radical Bourgeois Committee of Fleurieux called upon the Radical Bourgeois Committee of La Chaux-de-Fonds to fight against the Social Democratic tendencies of the International, which tended to overthrow social order and caused hatred between different classes. The watchmakers were availing themselves of the International Organisation to put a stop to [a] system by which the capitalists paid their workmen at long intervals, and charged discount if the workmen drew money on account. | |[100]| Italy. Cit. Carter stated that he [had] written as directed but that he had only sent the first four numbers of the Courrier containing the Congress reports. Cit. Eccarius nominated Cit. Neal president of the City Branch of the Tailors' As sociation to become a member of the Council. Cit Fox announced that he had received an appeal of the Labour Congress Com mittee in America. Cit. Marx proposed Lessner seconded "that our Congress programme be pub lished in the Courrier Français; that no branch has a right to put forth a pro gramme of its own, that the council alone is empowered to draw up the Congress programme and that the General Secretary be instructed to send the council pro gramme to the Courrier and communicate the foregoing resolution to the Paris Committee." Agreed. Agreed that the balance sheet to September 1867 be appended to the Congress report. Cit. Fox was commissioned to enquire about a room in Cleveland Hall. Agreed that branches that wanted the Congress report in Pamphlet Form should send an in stalment of the money. Cit. F[ox] announced that a Social Science Association had been formed in America. The Council then adjourned to July 30. Members present: Buckley, Carter, Dupont, Eccarius, Fox, Jung, Lessner, Law, Marx, Maurice, Keller, Stepney, Williams./ 580 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il J u ly 3 0, 1 8 67 /[100]/ Council Meeting July 30 Cit. Carter in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The General Secretary reported that Alfred A. Walton had written that he was prevented going as a delegate by the publication of his book Our Future Progress. He sent five shillings to the Congress fund. The Coventry Ribbon Weavers had inquired about the particulars of going to Switzerland with a view of sending a spe cial delegate. Mr. Kane the Secretary of the Malleable Iron workers, was going to try what he )|[101]| could do for the Congress fund. The Coach Trimmers, The Globe, will consider the question about the Congress fund. The Curriers' Society had consented to entertain a deputation on August 1. The Eintracht, a German Club in Whitechapel, had voted 10s. to the Congress fund, and the Tailors of Bre men had sent 41.10s. for the Tailors on Strike. The Polish branch announced by let ter that it would appoint a Polish Exile resident in Switzerland as delegate to Con gress and contribute according to its means to the Congress fund. It [would] send two years' contribution. Cit. Neal was unanimously elected as a member of the Council. Correspondence France. Cit. Vasseur, the Marseilles Correspondent, wrote from Fuveau a coal-min ing village about 30 Kilometres from Marseilles, that the Capitalists of that place were doing all in their power to turn the miners, about 500 in number, against the International Association. He and a few friends did all they could on the other side and he should not leave before establishing a branch. Tolain had placed the Cour rier Français at his disposal, which was a great assistance. He asked the French sec retary to write an encouraging letter to Marseilles to keep the spirits of the mem bers up. Cit Talbot of Caen announced in his letter that Longuet was with him; that his branch would send a delegate to Lausanne, and that he would send a guinea for the Council. 581 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. A letter was read from Eugene Benière, of Neuville sur Saône announcing that a delegate would be sent to Lausanne, and that the branch was in favour of the peace congress. Report of D e p u t a t i o n s. Cit. Fox had made inquiries about the Cleveland Coffee-Room. It was only free Wednesdays, and could be had for half a crown a week. Cit Cohn objected as Wednesday meetings would be tantamount to his exclusion, because the commit tee of his society met that night. The question was adjourned. Cit. Cohn gave a report of the proceedings of the London Trades Council who had [taken] up the entire evening with a quarrel between the Council and some branches of the Amalgamated Carpenters. The meeting stood adjourned to Au gust 3, and he volunteered to attend again. Cit. Hales was appointed to accompany him. Citizens Hales and Eccarius were appointed to attend the Curriers' delegate | |[102]( meeting on August 1. Cit. Marx gave notice of motion that the peace programme be taken into consid eration on the 6lh of August. Cit. Carter gave notice that at the next Council [meeting], he should move that 4 delegates to the Congress be appointed. The Council then adjourned to Tuesday August 6. Members present Buckley, Carter, Cohn, Dupont, Eccarius, Fox, Gardner, Hales, Keller, Lessner, Marx, Maurice, Shaw, Zabicki. Cit. Isard, a member of the French branch was authorised to act as agent of the Association in the United States. / 582 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A u g u st 6, 1 8 67 /[102]/ Council Meeting August 6. Cit. Jung in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con firmed. The General Secretary reported that Citizen Howell had sent 2s. 6d. to the Con- 5 gress fund and applied for a letter of introduction to the Paris members. The Board of management of the Coventry Ribbon Weavers had referred the subject of send ing a delegate to the Congress to a meeting of Trade delegates which would take place in a few days. The Alliance Cabinet Makers had written that the pressure upon their funds had been so great that it was impossible to grant anything for the 10 Congress. The Organ Builders had sent their annual subscription 2s. Id. but could not give anything towards the expenses of the Congress. The Arbeiter Bildungs Ver ein was going to hold a summoned meeting to see what could be done about the Congress. The Executive of the Amalgamated Carpenters and Joiners had agreed to an annual contribution of £2 leaving it optional for the branches to affiliate them 's selves separately. The delegates meeting of the Curriers' Society had received the Deputation favourably, but according to a letter of the Secretary the Question would have to be submitted to the members for decision. Correspondence. | 20 |[103]| France. A letter was read from Cit. Toutain, Condé (Calvados), stating that there were only 4 members left; that they had sent 5 fr. to Cit. Fribourg, and that [they] would unite with the Caen Branch to send a delegate. Cit. Marcheval wrote from Vienne (Isère) that the Question of sending a delegate was being discussed. He stated that he wanted some Congress reports. He wanted to go to Annonay and required to show something. A letter from Cit Suire at Nantes announced that the 25 Congress reports as well [as] the Address and invitation to the next Congress had been received. Many of the former members had not renewed their annual contri butions fearing that as the Association was political it might get them into trouble. It was very difficult to make propaganda at Nantes. There were many benefit and charitable institutions and the people were on the whole very religious. Any one 583 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. who asked for money to accomplish any thing was looked upon as a rogue. The writer had been disparaged by people who had formerly been his associates. Cit. Dupont stated that with much trouble he had succeeded to get the Congress address and programme published in the Courrier de l'Europe. He also received an invita tion for the Council to send a delegate to the co-operative Congress to be held at Paris on the 16t h, 17t h, and 18th of the present month. Cit. Fox announced that he had received an Address from the Labour Congress Committee, U.S., and that by this he had discovered that the Address he formerly had was wrong. The Chicago Workingman's Advocate had published several parts of our Congress reports and stated in [an] article on the ensuing labour Congress in America that one of the Questions to be decided was the advisability of sending a delegate to the International Congress in Europe, to prevent the inundations of Workpeople brought over by the Capitalists from Europe to depreciate the value of labour, and to bring about an understanding between the working people of the two Continents. D e p u t a t i o n s. Cit. Hales stated that he had attended with Cit. Cohn at ||[104]| the London Trades Council but that the other business had taken up the whole evening and the ques tion of the Congress had not come on for discussion. There would be no other meeting before the Congress. Citizens Hales and Jung were appointed to attend the Brass Finishers' meeting next Monday. Cit. Carter proposed Cit Yarrow seconded that Cit. Howell be asked to attend the Cooperative Congress at Paris as delegate of the Council and Cit Dupont furnish him with credentials. Unanimously agreed. The question about the Cleveland Coffee-room was again adjourned, Mrs Law volunteered to make inquiries whether it could not be had on Tuesdays. Cit. Mau rice was instructed to inquire about the Franklin Hall. Cit. Carter proposed that four delegates be appointed and that whatever money might come in should be equally divided amongst them and that they should be re quested to advance the remainder. After some discussion the motion was with drawn. Citizen Hales then proposed and Cit. Lessner seconded, that the money be given to the delegates according to the number of votes, that is he who had the highest number of votes should receive the first £10 and so in rotation as far as the money that might come in would reach. This resolution was carried by 7 against 5 votes. It was then agreed that four delegates be appointed; that the nomination should be proceeded with at once and the ballot take place on Tuesday August 13. Citizens Jung, Odger, and Shaw declined to be nominated. The following were nominated as candidates: Cit. Carter, Dupont, Eccarius, Fox, Law, and Marx. The meeting then adjourned to August 13. | 584 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A u g u st 1 3, 1 8 67 |[105]| International Working Men's Association. The ordinary weekly council meeting was held last Tuesday evening, August 13. Citizen Jung in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con firmed. The General Secretary reported that he had received notice that the two societies of basket-makers were going to have a special meeting, when the question concern ing the delegate to the International Congress would be decided. The Chelsea branch of the Amalgamated Carpenters and Joiners had passed a resolution urging upon the Executive Council of that Association the necessity of taking the votes of all the members for or against affiliating the entire body to the International Asso ciation. The Executive of the Amalgamated Tailors' Association had agreed to pro pose the affiliation of that Association as a substantial resolution at the next con ference; they were not permitted by their rules to grant any assistance to the Congress fund. The French branch had appointed Citizen Dupont as special del egate to the Congress, and the Arbeiter Bildungs Verein would appoint a special delegate in the course of the ensuing week. The Berlin cigar makers had sent 25 thalers for the tailors on strike. Citizen Hales announced that the Elastic Web Weavers' Association had granted £1 to the Congress Fund. It was then agreed that the balloting should be proceeded with. Citizen Marx stated that he was not in a position to go to the Congress this year, and must therefore withdraw. As Citizen Dupont was already appointed by the French branch, the ballot sim ply turned upon which of the proposed delegates should have the preference in case the means should prove insufficient to send the four. While the balloting was going on, Citizen Marx called attention to the Peace Congress to be held at Geneva. He said it was desirable that as many delegates as could make it convenient should at tend the Peace Congress in their individual capacity; but that it would be injudi cious to take part officially as representatives of the International Association. The International Working Men's Congress was in itself a Peace Congress, as the union of the working classes of the different countries must ultimately make international 585 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. wars impossible. If the promoters of the Geneva Peace Congress really understood the question at issue they ought to have joined the International Association. The present increase of the large armies in Europe had been brought about by the revo lution of 1848; large standing armies were the necessary result of the present state of society. They were not kept up for international warfare, but to keep down the working classes. However, as there were not always barricades to bombard, and working men to shoot, there was sometimes a possibility of international quarrels being fomented to keep the soldiery in trim. The peace-at-any-price party would no doubt muster strong at the Congress. That party would fain leave Russia alone in the possession of the means to make war upon the rest of Europe, while the very ex istence of such a power as Russia was enough for all the other countries to keep their armies intact. It was more than probable that some of the French Radicals would avail themselves of the opportunity to make declamatory speeches against their own Government, but such would have more effect if delivered at Paris. Those who declined putting their shoulders to the wheel to bring about a transformation in the relations of labour and capital ignored the very conditions of universal peace. He ended by proposing "That the delegates of the Council be instructed not to take any official part in the Peace Congress, and to resist any motion that might be brought forward at the Working Men's Congress tending to take an official part." Citizen Keller stated that the delegate of the French Branch had already received instructions to that effect. After some observations by Citizens Fox and Eccarius the resolution was unan imously agreed to. The result of the ballot was:—Citizens George Eccarius, 1st; Peter Fox, 2nd; James Carter, 3rd; Mrs. Law, 4th. On the motion of Mrs. Law it was agreed that the next meeting, on Tuesday, Au gust 20t h, be held at the Cleveland Hall Coffee-room. The subjects to be discussed are, the annual report and the Congress programme. The meeting then adjourned. | 586 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 0, 1 8 67 |[106]| International Working Men's Association. The General Council met on Tuesday last, August 20, in the Cleveland Hall Coffee- Room, where the regular Tuesday night's meetings will be held in future. There was a muster of members who have lately devoted their energies entirely to the Reform 5 movement, now that the Bill has become law they will resume their seats at the Council Board. Citizen Jung occupied the chair. The minutes of the previous meet ing were read and confirmed. The General Secretary reported that the London cigar-makers had voted £1 Is. to the Congress fund, and the West-end ladies' boot-makers £5. The Coventry ribbon 10 weavers had appointed a special delegate, and Citizen Alfred A.Walton, of Brecon, had announced his intention of representing the National Reform League, of which he is the President. The Swiss secretary announced the formation of a branch at Berne. The French secretary read a letter from the miners of Fuveau, who have estab- lished a branch. He also announced that the rules of the association had been printed in Algiers. 15 The secretary for America read a letter from Mr. Wm. J. Jessup, vice-president and orderly officer of the National Labour Union for the state of New York, of which the following is an extract: —"It gives me the greatest pleasure to acknowl- 20 edge your welcome letter and accompanying papers, for which favour please accept my most sincere thanks. I have long desired to open correspondence with the work ing-men of England, and have written two or three letters with that end in view. The corresponding secretary of the National Labour Union is very dilatory in answering. As an officer of the National Labour Union I exceedingly regret that your kindness in furnishing report and information relating to the Geneva Congress, has not been reciprocated on the part of our corresponding secretary, as I hold it as a matter of great importance that the working men of both the old and the new countries should be in close communication in relation to the labour movement, as I believe it will prove of mutual benefit to all. I much regret that the day will be too far ad- 30 vanced when our national body meets to take action upon sending a delegate to the Congress at Lausanne. I would much like to see the working men of the United States represented therein. I shall take much pleasure in complying with your re- 25 587 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. quest to inform the Chicago Congress of the assembling of your Congress on Sep tember 2nd. I shall also take the liberty in making my report to that body to read your letter, believing it of sufficient importance to make it public. I desire to assure your General Council that, having been elected delegate to Chicago from the Work ing Men's Union of this city, I will immediately on my return write them full infor mation as to the action taken by the union, and will forward such papers as contain the fullest account of the proceedings. My official term as vice president will termi nate with the sitting of the union. I would like to maintain our correspondence in my other official position as President of the New York State Working Men's As sembly, or Corresponding Secretary of the New York Working Men's Union, and will be at all times happy to exchange documents relating to the labour question. I recognize the necessity of frequent intercourse between our two bodies, and if I hold an official position therein another year, I will do all in my power to maintain such intercourse, and will willingly furnish any information in my power that you or the General Council may desire, or exchange papers or documents of interest. Many of the trades of San Francisco are on strike against an increase of hours of la bour, having been employed on the eight hours' system the past nineteen months." The General Secretary then read his draft of the third annual report of the Asso ciation, which, with an additional paragraph about the action taken by the Council respecting international penny postage, and some verbal amendments, was agreed to. It appears from this report that the British section of the Association has been increased by the affiliation of ten organised bodies. In France, seven new branches have been established, and one in Algiers. In Switzerland several trade societies, as well as co-operative and political societies, have been affiliated. The special report of the secretary for America was also agreed to. A conversation then arose about some of the Council members that were ap pointed at the last Congress, but have not put in an appearance for some time, nor paid their annual contributions. It was resolved, "That the names of all members of the Council whose contributions are not paid by Tuesday, August 27th, be struck off the list of Council members." As the evening was too far advanced, the discussion of the Congress questions was adjourned to Tuesday next. | 588 M e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 7, 1 8 67 |[107]| Council Meeting Tuesday August 27. Citizen Shaw in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con firmed. The General Secretary reported that the United Society of Journeymen Curriers had announced their affiliation and the secretary had paid the entrance fee. The London Basket makers paid their annual contribution and 12s. 6d to the Congress fund. The balance sheet was then read and Citizens Maurice and Hales appointed as auditors. Upon the proposition of Citizen Fox seconded by Citizen Marx it was resolved that the Congress delegate should receive 12£. Citizen Fox read a letter from the Postmaster General in answer to the memorial sent by the Council, in favour of a reduction of international Postage. The Postmas ter General concurred in the views expressed in that document. The special report of the American secretary was read and adopted. Discussion of the Congress Questions. The regular payment of Contributions was considered to be of the utmost impor tance as one of the practical means to enable the Association to fulfil its functions. Citizen Hales thought the Council should depend less on tTades unions and enter more into a general propaganda to attract the foremost thinkers in the various local ities. Citizen Fox thought we have local agents in various places. Citizen Carter maintained that with the exception of our interference in Strikes we had done noth ing and neglected every thing regarding the practical application of the great princi ples of the Association. Cit. Fox mentioned that it was owing to the International that the Polish ques tion had been kept alive. Cit. Odger said we required discussions upon the most important questions of the day to attract public notice and make [|[108][ our meetings more entertaining which would increase our funds and enable us to carry out our principles. There was not sufficient publicity at present. 589 Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Marx was rather against turning our Association into a debating Club. We had made considerable progress abroad and had obtained a good standing in France. For weeks together none of the British members except Fox, Shaw, Carter and Buckley had come near us. He was not against discussing great questions. Cit izen Odger thought special meetings might be held for particular questions. Carter, Mistress Law, Hales, and Fox spoke in favour of debates. It was then proposed that a special meeting be held on Thursday to discuss the second question which was agreed to. / 590 S p e c i al m e e t i ng of t he G e n e r al C o u n c il A u g u st 2 9, 1 8 67 /[108]/ At the special meeting the balance sheet was adopted. Citizen Waltön and Citizen Swann the provincial delegates announced in former meetings were pres ent. Citizen Walton paid the entrance fee and the annual contribution of the Na tional Reform League and Citizen Tatschky the Contribution of the Arbeiter Bil dungs Verein. Cit Fox spoke on the Credit question and in a lengthy Statement, showed that the Currency laws of Gt. Britain impeded the growth of popular Credit Associations in these islands. Cit. Walton spoke on the general subject of Credit. No one else took part in the discussion and the meeting adjourned. | 591 F r i e d r i ch L e ß n er W i e d e r g a be e i n er R e de v on K a rl M a rx a uf d em 2 7. S t i f t u n g s f e st d es D e u t s c h en A r b e i t e r b i l d u n g s v e r e i ns in L o n d on / Karl Marx sprach über die Lohnarbeit und das Kapital, und wies mit großer Klahrheit nach wie die Arbeiter das Kapital geschaffen, wie sie durch das Produkt ihrer eigenen Arbeit in || der Sklaverei erhalten würden, und wie das Kapital fort während benutzt werde ihre Ketten fester zu schmieden. Der sogenannte freie Ar beiter habe wohl das Bewußtsein freier Arbeiter zu sein, aber er sei um so mehr in der Gewalt der Kapitalmacht als er gezwungen sei seine Arbeit für einen elenden Lohn zu verkaufen um die allernöthigsten Lebensbedürfnisse dafür zu erhalten. Der freie Arbeiter stehe materiell in den meisten Fällen unter dem Sklaven und dem Leibeigenen. Die Arbeiterklasse brauche nicht das persönliche Eigenthum ab zuschaffen, das sei längst abgeschafft, und werde Tag täglich abgeschafft, was je- doch abgeschafft werden müsse sei das bürgerliche Eigenthum, welches doch nur auf Betrug begründet sei. ,·(ρ| In Betreff der sozialen Verhältnisse in Deutschland bemerkte Marx daß das deut sche Proletariat noch am ersten fähig sei, eine Radikalkur siegreich durchzuführen. Erstens hätten sich die Deutschen am meisten von allem religiösen Unsinn befreit; Zweitens brauchten sie nicht die langwierige bürgerliche Bewegung durchzuma1 chen wie die Arbeiter anderer Länder; und drittens werde sie ihre geographische Lage zwingen dem östlichen Barbarismus den Krieg zu erklären, denn von dort aus, von Asien, sei alle Reaktion gegen den Westen ausgegangen. Dadurch werde die Arbeiterpartei auf den revolutionären Boden hingedrängt, auf welchem sie handeln 20H müsse um sich gänzlich zu befreien. / 592 A r t i k e l, D o k u m e n te u nd Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n, d ie u n t er M i t w i r k u ng v on M a rx o d er E n g e ls v e r f a ßt w u r d en C a rl S i e b el N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" f ür d ie „ B a r m er Z e i t u n g" Barmer Zeitung. Nr. 53, 3. März 1865 ** Hamburg, 28. Febr. Die Presse hat schon mehrfach ausgesprochen, daß sie die Ansichten und Lehren der Socialisten von 1848 mit dem Auftreten der heutigen Social-Demokraten nicht in Einklang zu bringen vermöchte. Die Führer der socia len Partei der Revolutionszeit waren vor Allen die Redakteure der in Cöln erschie- •'.5 nenen rothen „Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung" und unter diesen namentlich Carl Marx und Friedr. Engels. Der Erklärung, die diese beiden Männer gegen den berli ner „Social-Demokraten", das Organ der Lassalle'schen Partei, veröffentlicht ha ben, folgt in diesen Tagen eine Brochure, die vom Standpunkt der 1848er Sociali sten aus, eine Kritik der gegenwärtigen Verhältnisse giebt. Ihr Titel ist: „Die 10 preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" von Friedr. Engels. (Verlag von Otto Meißner in Hamburg.) Die Brochure ist durchaus eine Streitschrift, - ein hin geworfener Fehdehandschuh. Bismarck, die Fortschrittspartei, - Lassalle und die Feudalen; - sie Alle werden aufgefordert, den Handschuh aufzunehmen. Der Ver fasser lebt seit der Revolutionszeit als Flüchtling in England. Seine Kritik steht 15 nicht so unter dem Einflüsse der täglichen Begebenheiten und täglich wechselnden Meinungen, wie die Kritik derer, die die Wandelungen im deutschen Vaterlande seit 1848 selbst mitgemacht haben. Sie ist rücksichtsloser, aber auch gerechter. Daß die Brochure großen Beifall finden wird, glauben wir nicht. Bedeutendes Aufsehen aber wird sie machen; sie wird nicht durch ihre Freunde, sondern durch ihre 5 .20 Feinde ihre Geltung documentiren. 595 C a rl S i e b el N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" f ür d ie „ D ü s s e l d o r f er Z e i t u n g" Düsseldorfer Zeitung. Nr. 62, 3. März 1865 * London, 28.Februar. In diesen Tagen erscheint bei Otto Meißner in Hamburg eine Broschüre von Friedr. Engels: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpar tei". Sie verdankt ihren Ursprung einer Aufforderung von Seiten eines sogenannten „sozial-demokratischen" Blattes an den Verfasser, sich über diesen Gegenstand in diesem Blatte auszusprechen. Eine eingehende Behandlung des Gegenstandes er forderte jedoch mehr Raum, als einer Zeitung zu Gebote stand, und die bismarcko- phile Richtung, die die neueste „Sozial-Demokratie" genommen, machte es außer dem den Leuten von der „Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung" unmöglich, an dem Organe dieser Sozial-Demokratie mitzuarbeiten. So entwickelt denn die Broschüre den Standpunkt, den die „Sozialdemokraten von 1848" sowohl der Regierung wie der Fortschrittspartei gegenüber einnehmen. Lassalle war auch ein Sozialdemokrat von 1848. Er ging aus der Schule von Karl Marx hervor. Ein Kritiker anderer Partei aber behauptete einmal: Lassalle sei in dieser Schule nur bis zur Quarta avancirt. 596 C a rl S i e b el N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" f ür d ie „ E l b e r f e l d er Z e i t u n g" Elberfelder Zeitung. Nr. 62, 3. März 1865 S Hamburg, 28.Febr. Ihre Zeitung brachte vorgestern die Erklärung, durch die Carl Marx und Friedrich Engels, die Redacteure der ehemaligen Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung, sich vom „Social-Demokrat" und damit von der heutigen Lassalle'schen Partei lossagen. Friedrich Engels motivirt diese Lossagung in einer Broschüre, die hier bei O. Meißner in diesen Tagen erscheinen wird. Ihr Titel ist: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei". Zwei Broschüren, die zur Zeit des italie nischen Feldzugs von Engels erschienen: „Po und Rhein" und „Savoyen, Nizza und der Rhein" werden ihren Lesern noch im Gedächtniß sein. Sie haben ihrer Zeit verdientes Aufsehen gemacht, obgleich ihr Verfasser damals seinen Namen nicht nannte. Diese neueste Broschüre ist gewissermaßen ein Glaubensbekenntniß der Socialisten, deren Schüler Lassalle war; sie critisirt diesen Schüler, sein Ver- hältniß zu Bismarck, seine Fortschrittsfeinde, und wahrt das Princip der alten so- cialistischen Partei. 597 W i l h e lm L i e b k n e c ht N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" f ür d ie „ B e r l i n er R e f o r m" Berliner Reform. Nr. 53, 3. März 1865 In diesen Tagen wird bei Otto Meißner in Hamburg (Preis 6 Sgr.) eine Brochure von Friedr. Engels erscheinen, des Titels: „Die Preußische Militärfrage und die Deutsche Arbeiterpartei"; im Gegensatz zu der neuesten, „socialdemokratischen" Parteitaktik stellt sich dieselbe wiederum auf den Standpunkt, den die literarischen Vertreter des Proletariats von 1846-51 einnahmen und sie entwickelt diesen Stand punkt sowohl der Reaction wie der fortschrittlichen Bourgeoisie gegenüber an der jetzt gerade vorliegenden Militär- und Budgetfrage. 598 J o h a nn J a c ob K l e in N o t iz ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" f ür d ie „ R h e i n i s c he Z e i t u n g" Rheinische Zeitung. Nr. 62, 3. März 1865 5 * Hamburg, l.März. (Die preuß. Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei.) Für die Leser der Rheinischen Zeitung, welche in Nr. 60 eine an die Redaktion des „Social- Demokrat" gerichtete Erklärung von Friedrich Engels und Karl Marx in England brachte, wird die Nachricht von Interesse sein, daß in diesen Tagen bei O. Meißner in Hamburg eine Broschüre von Friedr. Engels unter dem Titel: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" erscheint, worin der Verfasser, im Gegensatz zu der neuesten social-demokratischen Taktik, den Standpunkt, den die Neue Rheinische Zeitung in den Jahren 1848 und 1849 gegenüber der Reaktion, wie der Bourgeoisie eingenommen hatte, auch heute noch behauptet und an dieser 10 speziellen Frage entwickelt. 599 W i l h e lm L i e b k n e c ht K o r r e s p o n d e nz f ür d en „ O b e r r h e i n i s c h en C o u r i e r" ü b er d en B r u ch m it d em „ S o c i a l - D e m o k r a t e n" u nd ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" | j Oberrheinischer Courier. Nr. 56, 7. März 1865 *, " 9 Berlin, 3. März. Nicht geringes Aufsehen erregt hier der Bruch, welcher innerhalb der „sozial-demokratischen" Partei stattgefunden hat. Die entschiedeneren Fle- mente dieser Partei hatten das Liebäugeln Lassalle's mit der Reaktion mißbilligt. Nach dem Tod des Agitators kam aber zwischen ihnen und seinen Anhängern eine Art von Compromiß zu Stand, und Marx, Engels und Liebknecht erklärten sich zur Mitarbeiterschaft an dem neuzugründenden Organ des allgemeinen deutschen Ar beitervereins unter der Bedingung bereit, daß der preußischen Regierung nicht die mindeste Concession gemacht werde. Der „Social-Demokrat" wurde gegründet, al lein die Bedingung ist Seitens der Redaktion nicht eingehalten worden, und die ge- \ nannten Männer haben sich dämm von dem Blatt lossagen müssen. Liebknecht, 10 der in Berlin lebt, benutzte (am Dienstag) einen Vortrag im Buchdruckerverein, um ] seine und seiner Parteigenossen Stellung zu der Fortschritts- und der Junkerpartei klar zu legen und die Arbeiter vor dem Judaskuß der Herren Wagener und Consor- ten zu warnen. Die heutige „Reform" bringt einen ziemlich ausführlichen, wenn auch der Preßverhältnisse wegen sehr abgeschwächten Bericht. 5 15 Von Engels - in Manchester wohnhaft - wird dieser Tage bei Otto Meißner in Hamburg eine Broschüre erscheinen, des Titels: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei". Im Gegensatz zu der Lassalle'schen Parteitaktik stellt sich dieselbe wiederum auf den Standpunkt, den die literarischen Vertreter der Ar- ¡ beiterklasse 1846-1851 einnahmen, und sie entwickelt diesen Standpunkt sowohl 2C der Reaktion wie der fortschrittlichen Bourgeoisie gegenüber an der jetzt gerade vorliegenden Militär- und Budgetfrage. Die Schrift wird sicherlich ebenso pikant als lehrreich sein. Der Verfasser, dessen Name schon eine hinreichende Bürgschaft bietet, hat sich während der letzten 6 -7 Jahre vorwiegend mit den Militärwissen schaften beschäftigt; von ihm rührt u. A. die Broschüre: „Po und Rhein" her, die 2! 1859 solche Sensation machte. 600 W i l h e lm L i e b k n e c ht K o r r e s p o n d e nz f ür d ie „ O s n a b r ü c k er Z e i t u n g" ü b er d en B r u ch m it d em „ S o c i a l - D e m o k r a t e n" u nd ü b er F r i e d r i ch E n g e l s' B r o s c h ü re „ D ie p r e u ß i s c he M i l i t ä r f r a ge u nd d ie d e u t s c he A r b e i t e r p a r t e i" Osnabrücker Zeitung. Nr. 250, 9. März 1865 (S) Berlin, 7. März. Nicht geringes Aufsehen erregt hier der Bruch, welcher inner halb der „social-demokratischen" Partei stattgefunden hat. Die entschiedeneren Elemente dieser Partei hatten das Liebäugeln Lassalle's mit der Reaktion mißbil ligt, und ihm jede Unterstützung verweigert. Nach dem Tode des Agitators kam aber zwischen ihnen und seinen Anhängern eine Art von Compromiß zu Stande, und Marx, Engels und Liebknecht erklärten sich zur Mitarbeiterschaft an dem neu zu gründenden „Organ des allgemeinen deutschen Arbeitervereins" unter der Be dingung bereit, daß der jetzigen preußischen Regierung nicht die mindeste Conces sion gemacht werde. Der „Social-Demokrat" wurde gegründet, allein die Bedingung ist Seitens der Redaction nicht eingehalten worden, und die genannten Männer ha ben sieh darum von dem Blatte lossagen müssen. Liebknecht, der in Berlin lebt, be nutzte einen Vortrag im Buchdrucker-Verein (am vorigen Dienstag), um seine und seiner Parteigenossen Stellung zu der Fortschritts- und der Junkerpartei klarzule gen, und die Arbeiter vor dem „Judaskuß der Herren Wagener und Consorten" zu warnen. Der stürmische Beifall, welcher dem Redner wurde, liefert einen Beweis dafür, daß die Arbeiter Berlins, wenn sie auch mit der Fortschrittspartei gerade nicht sonderlich zufrieden sind, doch ihre Interessen und Pflichten sehr wohl ken nen, und keine Lust haben, sich der Reaction in die Arme zu werfen. - Ich will hier noch erwähnen, daß in den nächsten Tagen bei Meißner in Hamburg eine Bro chure von Engels erscheinen wird, betitelt: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei". Der Verfasser wendet sich darin auf das Entschiedenste gegen die preußische Regierung und weist nach, daß ein Bündniß der Arbeiter mit der Reaction für die ersteren nur die schlimmsten Folgen haben könnte. 601 J e n ny M a rx A t h e i s t i s c he V o r t r ä ge in L o n d on Der Vorbote. Nr. 2, Februar 1866 |31j In religiöser Hinsicht geht jetzt in dem verdumpften England eine bedeutungs volle Bewegung vor sich. Die ersten Männer der Wissenschaft Huxley (Darwins Schule) an der Spitze mit Charles Lyell, Bowring, Carpenter usw. geben in St. Mar^ tin's Hall höchst aufgeklärte, wahrhaft kühne, freigeistige Vorlesungen für ||32| das Volk, und zwar an Sonntagabenden, gerade zu der Stunde, wo sonst die Schäflein zur Weide des Herrn pilgerten; die Halle war massenhaft voll und der Jubel des Volkes so groß, daß am ersten Sonntagabend, wo ich mit meiner Familie zugegen war, mehr als 2000 Menschen keinen Einlaß mehr in den zum Ersticken angefüll ten Raum finden konnten. Drei Mal ließen die Pfaffen das Entsetzliche gesche hen. - Gestern Abend jedoch wurde der Versammlung angekündigt, daß keine Vorlesungen mehr gehalten werden dürften, bis der Prozeß der Seelsorger gegen die Sunday evenings for the people (Sonntagsvortrage für das Volk) erledigt sei. Die Entrüstung der Versammlung sprach sich entschieden aus und mehr als 100 Pfund Sterling wurden sofort zur Führung des Prozesses gesammelt. Wie dumm von den Pfäfllein sich einzumischen. Zum Aerger der Frömmlerbande schlössen die Abende auch noch mit Musik. Chöre von Händel, Mozart, Beethoven, Mendels sohn und Gounod wurden gesungen und mit Enthusiasmus von den Engländern aufgenommen, denen bisher an Sonntagen nur erlaubt war „Jesus, Jesus meek and mild" (Jesus, Jesus sanft und mild) zu grölen, oder in den Ginpalast (Schnaps schenke) zu wandern. | 602 H e r m a nn J u ng L e t t re o u v e r te à P i e r re V é s i n i er p u b l i ée d a ns « L ' É c ho de V e r v i e r s» 18 Bouverie Street. Fleet Street. London. Monsieur Vésinier. 5 L'Echo de Verviers dans son N° 293, suivant à la date du 16 Décembre 1865, a pu blié un article, ayant pour but ostensible d'éclairer les travailleurs sur l'esprit qui anime la majorité des membres du conseil central de l'association internationale des travailleurs ; le citoyen Le Lubez, qui l'a présenté au conseil (comme il en avait été chargé), a reconnu, que quoiqu'anonyme, cet article était dû à votre plume. 10 Après en avoir été saisi, le conseil central, dans son assemblée du 9 Janvier 1866, a adopté la résolution suivante : Le citoyen Vésinier est sommé d'établir les faits qu'il avance, en cas de refus ou d'incapacité il sera rayé de l'association internationale des travailleurs. Votre article s'écartant entièrement de la vérité, le conseil central a cru de son 15 devoir de rétablir les faits dans toute leur intégrité; le conseil central a la conscience de sa mission et du mandat qu'on lui a confié ; il ne repoussera pas les calomnies par des calomnies ni les mensonges par des mensonges ; il ne s'abaissera pas à des accusations personnelles, mais il laissera, à ceux qui sont accusés, le soin de se justifier eux-mêmes ; il ne s'arrêtera devant aucun obstacle et, malgré les faux 20 amis, il ne laissera derrière lui ni tache ni souillure. Entr'autres, les passages suivants méritent principalement d'être signalés : - I- « Bientôt tous les membres français et Italiens donnèrent leur démission motivée sur la pré sence au sein du comité et sur les intrigues de MM. \\[2]\ Tolain et Fribourg» (Echo de 25 Verviers N° 293). Sur 9 membres français 2 seulement se retirèrent savoir: MM. Dénouai et Le Lu bez et même ce dernier rentra peu de temps après ; - quant aux Italiens, un seul (le Citoyen Wolff) motiva sa démission «non sur la présence au sein du comité et sur les intrigues de MM. Tolain et Fribourg» mais sur une résolution du Conseil Central, pré- 30 sentée par le Sous Comité, concernant le citoyen Lefort en faveur de laquelle il , avait lui-même voté, quelques heures auparavant, comme membre du Sous Comité. 603 Hermann Jung - II. - «Le Comité continua à fonctionner en leur absence jusqu'à aujourd'hui» (Echo de V N" 293). Sur 2 membres français qui se retirèrent, le Cit. Le Lubez, ex-secrétaire pour la France, rentra peu de temps après, comme délégué de la Section de Deptford ; donc le Comité ne fonctionna pas longtemps en son absence. 5" - m -1 |[3]| «Il (Le Comité) publia un manifeste et un règlement provisoire, le premier dû à la plume d'un publiciste eminent de race latine, etc, » (Echo de V. N° 293). Le manifeste et le règlement furent publiés avant la retraite des 2 membres fran- 10· çais et des membres Italiens ; le manifeste n'est pas dû à la plume d'un publiciste eminent de race latine, mais à la plume d'un écrivain de race Teutone; le mani feste fut adopté unanimement par tous les membres du Conseil Central, y compris les français et les Italiens, avant même que le publiciste eminent de race latine en eût eu connaissance; Loin d'en être l'auteur, s'il en avait eu connaissance, il 15 l'aurait fait opposer, à cause de ses tendances anti-bourgeoises, par les membres Italiens mais, arrivé trop tard, il ne réussit qu'à empêcher que ces derniers n'en fis sent la traduction en italien ; c'est même au caractère si prononcé de notre mani feste qu'est due la retraite des italiens ; il est évident que vous n'avez jamais lu ce manifeste et que le publiciste ||[4]| eminent de race latine ne vous saura pas bon gré 2θ" de ce que vous lui en ayez attribué la paternité. - I V- «A-t-il (le Comité) poursuivi le but qu'il s'était proposé, l'émancipation sociale complète des travailleurs ? Non ! au lieu de cela il a perdu un an de temps précieux pour aboutir aux conférences et au programme du Congrès qui doit avoir lieu à Genève, etc, » (Echo 25 de Verviers N° 293.) Le Conseil Central ne commença guère à fonctionner que vers le commence ment de l'année 1865. «Donc 9 mois pour arriver aux conférences» ; il employa ces 9 mois «de temps précieux» à établir des relations internationales et à étendre ses re lations en Angleterre. Chaque semaine, pendant plusieurs mois, des deputations composées de membres du Conseil, furent envoyées auprès des différentes sociétés ouvrières pour les engager à se joindre à l'association ; En voici le résultat : Lors des conférences, ||[5]| l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs comptait : en Angle terre 14 000 adhérents ; entr'autres les sociétés si importantes des Cordonniers et des Maçons s'étaient affiliées ; les hommes les plus influents et les plus eminente de ces immenses organisations ouvrières (Trades Unions) étaient membres du Conseil Central. Un journal était fondé dont le titre (Workman's Advocate) indique •m ·" ! 604 Hermann Jung: Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée dans «L'Écho de Verviers». Seite [1] Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée dans «L'Écho de Verviers» quelle est sa mission ; un journal qui toujours et partout défend les intérêts de la classe ouvrière; L'Association pour le Suffrage Universel en Angleterre (Reform League) était fondée : Association qui compte ses membres par milliers et dont le Secrétaire et la majorité des membres du Conseil Exécutif sont choisis dans notre sein. En France plusieurs milliers d'adhérents - : A Paris: une administration forte, active et à l'abri de tout reproche ||[6]| avec plus de 2 mille adhérents ; des ramifications à Lyon, Rouen, Nantes, Caen, Neuf- château, Pont l'Evêque, Pantin, S'-Denis, Lisieux, Puteaux, Belleville, etc, etc, etc, En Suisse.-A Genève : une administration composée des meilleurs éléments avec 500 adhérents et des ramifications à Lausanne, Vevey, Montreux et dans le Canton de Neuchâtel. En Belgique, le mouvement se formait sous les meilleurs auspices et le Conseil Central avait lieu de croire que l'Espagne ne tarderait pas à la suivre. - V- «Non ! il (le Comité) n'a pas même fait venir à ses conférences de Septembre 1865 un dé légué de l'Allemagne, qui compte tant de Sociétés d'ouvriers, pas un seul non plus des So ciétés si nombreuses de l'Angleterre, pas un seul de celles d'Italie, si bien organisées, pas un seul de celles qui existent en France ; Car Tolain, Fribourg et C'e ne sont les délégués d'aucune Société d'ouvriers Français, ils se sont délégués eux-mêmes, ils n'ont fourni la preuve d'aucun mandat dont ils aient \\[7]\ été revêtus. Loin d'être les délégués d'associa tions ouvrières françaises, leur présence a été la seule cause qui a empêché celles-ci d'en voyer des délégués aux Conférences de Londres. Nous pourrions citer plusieurs d'entr'elles qui ont refusé pour ce motif d'y adhérer etc, etc,» (Echo de Verviers 293.) En principe, seules les sections de l'association Internationale des ouvriers et les Sociétés qui avaient adhéré à ses principes pouvaient être représentées aux Confé rences ; l'état de nos finances nous enjoignait de limiter le nombre des délégués au plus bas minimum. De l'Allemagne qui compte tant de Sociétés d'ouvriers, les seules qui auraient pu être représentées sont les Sociétés de consommation fondées par Schulze-Delitzsch et celles de Lassalle, A.D.A.V.; les premières, à l'insu de leurs membres, n'étaient que l'instrument de la Bourgeoisie libérale de Prusse dont Schulze-Delitzsch est un des matadores ; celles de Lassalle étaient et sont encore aujourd'hui en complète dissolution ; une ||[8]| partie s'était coalisée avec Bismark tandis que l'autre partie, qui ne s'était pas encore reconstituée, reconnaissait pour chef J. Ph. Becker, délégué Suisse aux conférences ; pendant la Séance des conférences ce dernier reçut un mandat de la part des ouvriers des fabriques de Solingen ; tandis que la Société Al lemande de Genève D. Α. Β. V. était aussi représentée par lui ; La Société Alle mande de Londres D. Α. Β. V. fut représentée par ses délégués auprès du Conseil Central. Outre les entraves que les ouvriers rencontrent dans la formation de Socié tés en Allemagne, la législation leur défend encore d'appartenir à des Sociétés étrangères, cependant quelques sections furent formées dans le Nord et le Sud de 607 Hermann Jung l'Allemagne. En présence de toutes ces difficultés est-il extraordinaire que l'Alle magne n'ait pas été aussi bien représentée que le Conseil Central aurait pu l'espé rer. Les Sociétés Anglaises furent fort bien représentées par les membres anglais | k |[9]| du Conseil Central: Odger, le président, est secrétaire du Trades Council J (conseil suprême de toutes les Trades Unions de l'Angleterre) ; Cremer, le Secré- -î taire Général est membre du Conseil exécutif des Charpentiers ; Howell, Secrétaire de la Reform League et membre du Conseil exécutif des maçons et Coulson, Secré taire de cette dernière Société, sont tous deux délégués par elle auprès du Conseil Central; Wheeler, gérant d'une assurance mutuelle sur la vie est membre du Conseil Central. Les Cordonniers (forts de 5500 membres) sont représentés par Od ger, Morgan et Cope tandis que Shaw représente les peintres en bâtiment, etc, etc, etc, i || Le Citoyen Wolff, qui assista au Congrès des ouvriers Italiens, à Naples, en 1864 .15' et les autres membres Italiens du Conseil, quoiqu'ils prissent une part très-active aux travaux du Conseil Central, ne réussirent cependant jamais à faire un seul :f adhérent en Italie ; c'est une source de regrets pour le Conseil ||[10]| Central de voir, §| que les membres italiens, même avant leur retraite, ne jouirent pas assez de la *3 confiance «de ces Sociétés si bien organisées de l'Italie» pour engager une seule d'entr'elles à se joindre à l'association Internationale. 20" « Pas une seule de celles gui existent en France car Tolain, Fribourg et Ck ne sont les dé- ΐ '4 Les membres de la Section Lyonnaise regrettaient que le manque de fonds les .•.•¿8¾ empêchât d'envoyer des délégués, mais de même que ceux de la Section de Caen et i$ ceux de la Section de Neufchâteau, ils envoyèrent un manifeste par lequel ils parti- 25* cipaient aux travaux du Conseil Central. légués d'aucune Société française, ils se sont délégués eux-mêmes. » Tolain, Fribourg, Limousin et Varlin furent nommés au Suffrage universel par la Section de Paris; cette section est composée d'ouvriers de tous les métiers et de plusieurs centaines de membres de l'association du crédit au Travail, Beluze gérant de cette association, en fait aussi partie ; tous ont pris ou ont pu prendre part à 3Ò1 l'élection des délégués ; Limousin un des quatre délégués de Paris est Secré taire de la gérance du Journal l'Association, l'organe international des Sociétés co opératives. Mr. Clariol fut délégué par la Société des typographes de Paris ; sur l'in vitation du Conseil Central MM. Schily, Dumesnil-Marigny et autres vinrent de Paris pour assister aux conférences auxquelles ils prirent une part très-active. : 35¡ Quelles sont les autres Sociétés dont vous parlez qui furent empêchées par la pré sence de Tolain, Fribourg et Cie d'envoyer des délégués aux conférences ? Serait-ce la Société du 10 Décembre ? La seule qui soit autorisée sous le présent régime en France. Le compte rendu des conférences parut dans tous les journaux libéraux de Paru 40 sans évoquer une seule plainte ou une seule réclamation de la part des membres de l'Association Internationale ou des Sociétés co-opératives de France; le mandat dont les délégués étaient revêtus a été vérifié et approuvé par le Sous Comité du Conseil Central. Dès le début des conférences les délégués ||[12]| Parisiens rendirent un compte 45. 608 Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée dans «L'Écho de Verviers» détaillé et fidèle sur leur administration et la gestion de leurs finances, à l'appui du quel ils mirent leurs livres et toute leur correspondance à la disposition du Conseil Central ; le Conseil Central peut se féliciter sur l'efficacité des moyens employés par l'administration de Paris pour la fondation et la propagation de l'association In ternationale en France. - VI - «La Belgique en a envoyé un très-capable, le citoyen De Paepe, mais c'est le seul pour ce pays qui compte beaucoup d'associations» (Echo de Verviers N° 293) Il est à regretter que la Belgique n'ait envoyé qu'un seul délégué et que ce délé gué soit celui qui représentât le moins de mandataires, néanmoins ce pays a été no blement représenté dans la personne de César De Paepe. - V I I- «La Suisse ou plutôt Genève en a envoyé deux qui ne sont pas Suisses, savoir: Un réfugié Français et un réfugié Badois qui sont venus aux conférences avec les deux soi-disant délé gués français nommés plus haut; au total 5 ou 6 de la même valeur et un véritable et sé rieux celui de la Belgique» (Echo de Verviers N° 293) | |[13]| Les délégués de la Suisse furent élus au suffrage universel par tous les membres des différentes sections de l'Association Internationale en Suisse, la So ciété du Griitly, entièrement composée de Suisses, et la Société Allemande D.A.B.V. prirent aussi part aux élections par leurs délégués auprès de l'Association Internationale en Suisse : Par le choix de leurs délégués, les membres de l'Associa tion en Suisse, se sont acquis une place honorable dans l'histoire de l'Association Internationale. Les délégués Suisses vinrent aux conférences, non, «avec les deux soi-disant délé gués français» mais avec les quatre délégués Parisiens. Le citoyen Becker, un des délégués aux conférences, est naturalisé Suisse depuis plus de vingt ans ; la Bourgeoisie de la ville de Bienne lui fut présentée en recon naissance des services qu'il rendit à la cause démocratique universelle. Ouvrier, il s'est distingué comme agitateur, soldat, administrateur et écrivain ; ses talents si multiples ont toujours été employés pour la cause des travailleurs ; il est ridicule de voir des ||[14]| Pygmées s'attaquer à de pareils Géants et il est certain que leur va leur ne saurait être mise en question, que par des hommes d'une probité et d'un désintéressement connus. 609 Hermann Jung - Vili - «Nous le demandons est-ce là un résultat satisfaisant» (Echo de Verviers N° 293) Le Conseil Central est composé presqu'exclusivement d'ouvriers habitués à ma nier le marteau et la lime et ce n'est qu'au prix de sacrifices personnels qu'ils peu vent les remplacer par la plume ; quand ils ont recours à la plume, c'est toujours pour défendre ou propager une noble cause et non pour la vendre au Bonapar tisme ; si le résultat n'est pas aussi satisfaisant que les ouvriers en général auraient pu l'espérer, nous sommes convaincus qu'ils prendront en considération les veilles passées après une longue journée d'un travail fatigant et les angoisses que leurs frères ont éprouvées pour l'amener à ce point. - I X- « Cédant à des influences fâcheuses, il a inscrit dans le programme du Congrès de Genève des questions en dehors du but de l'association telle que celle ||[15]| d'anéantir l'influence russe en Europe. » (Echo de Verviers N° 294) Quelles sont les influences fâcheuses auxquelles le Conseil Central a cédé en ins crivant sur son programme ; qu'il était nécessaire d'anéantir l'influence Moscovite en Europe «non l'influence Russe» qui veut dire tout autre chose. La nécessité «d'anéantir l'influence Moscovite en Europe» est reconnue en principe dans notre ma nifeste qui certainement n'a pas été publié sous des influences fâcheuses. Quelles sont les autres questions inscrites sur le programme dues à des influences fâ cheuses? -X - « Cette faute énorme a déjà eu de fatales conséquences ; les Polonais ont demandé en masse à faire partie du Comité et sous peu ils seront en immense majorité» (Echo de Ver viers, N° 294) Les Polonais n'ont pas demandé en masse à faire partie du Conseil Central et au lieu d'y être en immense majorité ils n'en forment pas même la vingtième partie. Le moyen de raisonner avec un écrivain qui dit «Le Comité a élaboré et fait voter un programme de douze questions comprenant presque tous les problèmes les plus géné raux de l'économie politique, mais sans ||[16]| émettre une question scientifique» et qui quelques lignes plus bas sans même reprendre son souffle reconnaît «l'importance scientifique» de ces mêmes questions. Le Conseil Central, loin d'être exclusif a toujours cherché à s'entourer des lu mières de tous les amis sincères de la cause des travailleurs ; il a cherché par tous les moyens en son pouvoir, à propager ses grands principes et à unir les ouvriers de tous les pays. A cet effet, trois Journaux ont été fondés en Suisse : Le Journal de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, et la Voix de l'Avenir, publiés en lan- 610 Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée dans «L'Écho de Verviers» gue française et le Précurseur (Vorbote) publié en langue Allemande, un en Angle terre (The Workman's Advocate) le seul journal anglais qui, par l'application du droit qu'ont les peuples de disposer d'eux-mêmes, reconnaît que les Irlandais ont le droit de secouer le joug anglais. Le Conseil Central n'est pas ||[17]j juge de ses propres actions, le Congrès de Ge nève, décidera s'il est digne de la confiance dont il a été honoré ou s'il a abandonné de gaieté de cœur le but sublime dont il avait été chargé. Je suis, Monsieur, votre dévoué serviteur H. Jung, au nom du Conseil central de l'association internationale des travailleurs 15 Février 1866. | 611 P a ul L a f a r g ue S ur d es p r é c u r s e u rs de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs La Rive Gauche. Nr. 22, 3. Juni 1866 Nous remercions beaucoup le citoyen Talandier de sa lettre et nous nous faisons un vrai plaisir de l'insérer, car nous tenons à dégager de la forte personnalité de Lar- daux cet amour puissant de l'Humanité, qui lui a fait coopérer activement à l'Asso ciation internationale de 1855 et à celle de 1864. Nous ferons remarquer cependant au citoyen Talandier que l'Association inter nationale de 1855 n'était pas la première de ce genre. Déjà en 1846, des révolution naires socialistes, sentant venir le mouvement, voulurent organiser dans tous les pays des groupes pour propager la Révolution. Le comité central de l'Association démocratique internationale avait son siège à Bruxelles. Le citoyen Mellinet, le père du général bonapartiste, en était le président honoraire ; parmi les autres membres, pour ne citer que les morts, se trouvaient Le- lewel (Polonais), Imbert (Français), etc. ... Ce comité était représenté dans tous les pays de l'Europe, l'Italie exceptée. A Londres il avait des relations avec la société des «Fraternal démocrates», à la tête de laquelle étaient les chefs les plus fougueux du mouvement chartiste. Cette association y avait une telle influence, qu'en 1848 les Anglais envoyèrent à Paris une deputation, dans laquelle se trouvaient Ernest Jones, Julian Harney, etc., pour les représenter au gouvernement provisoire. En France, le comité central était en rapport avec Proudhon et les rédacteurs de la Réforme, entre autres Flocon. Le comité avait fondé aussi des groupes à Cologne, Berlin et autres centres du mouvement allemand. Longtemps avant cette association, Mazzini avait fondé une association interna tionale : La jeune Europe; mais sur d'autres bases et avec d'autres vues que les trois précédentes. P. L. 612 K a rl M a rx M a n i f e s te de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs ( A d r e s se i n a u g u r a l e) Übersetzung aus d em Englischen 131 Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs (1). Ouvriers, C'est un fait très-remarquable que la misère des masses travailleuses n'a pas dimi nué de 1848 à 1864, et pourtant cette période défie toute comparaison pour le déve loppement de l'industrie et l'accroissement du commerce. En 1850, un organe mo déré de la bourgeoisie (2) anglaise, très-bien informé d'ordinaire, prédisait que si l'exportation et l'importation de l'Angleterre s'élevaient de 50 pour cent, le pau périsme tomberait à zéro. Hélas! le 7 avril 1864 le chancelier de l'échiquier char mait son auditoire parlementaire en lui annonçant que le commerce anglais d'im portation et d'exportation était monté en 1863 «à 443 955000 livres sterling (11098 875 000 fr.), somme étonnante qui surpasse presque des deux tiers le com merce de l'époque relativement récente de 1843 ». Mais en même temps il parlait éloquemment de la « misère ». « Songez, s'écria-t-il, à ceux qui vivent sur le bord de cette horrible région. » Avec non |[4| moins d'éloquence il parlait des salaires qui n'augmentaient point, de la vie humaine «qui dans neuf cas sur dix n'est qu'une lutte pour l'existence ». Encore ne disait-il rien des Irlandais que remplacent graduellement les machines dans le Nord, les troupeaux de moutons dans le Sud, quoique les moutons eux- (1) Ce manifeste, dû à la plume d'un socialiste allemand eminent, membre du Conseil central de Londres, a été publié, en anglais, il y a dix-huit mois, à la suite du meeting où a été fondée l'Association internationale. Nous avons pensé que nos lecteurs seraient heureux de le connaître. (2) Le manifeste dit : « middle-class », littéralement : classe moyenne. Mais cette expression, dans la plupart des pays du continent, n'a pas le même sens qu'en Angleterre. En France, l'ouvrier affranchi du salariat, celui qui travaille à son compte, appartient, comme le bouti quier, à la classe moyenne. La classe moyenne en Angleterre, c'est plutôt la bourgeoisie capitaliste ou rentière, qui, dans les pays où n'existe plus l'aristocratie héréditaire et privilégiée, est devenue la classe su périeure. (Note du traducteur.) (Note du traducteur.) 613 Karl Marx mêmes diminuent dans ce malheureux pays, moins rapidement, il est vrai, que les hommes. Il ne répétait pas ce que venaient de dévoiler, dans un accès soudain de terreur, les représentants les plus élevés des «dix mille supérieurs» (1). Lorsque la panique des garrotteurs atteignit un certain degré, la chambre des lords fit faire une enquête et un rapport sur la transportation et la servitude pénale. Le meurtre fit ainsi son apparition et tint sa place dans le volumineux Livre bleu de 1863 et il fut alors prouvé, par faits et chiffres officiels, que les pires des criminels condamnés, les forçats de l'Angleterre et de l'Ecosse, travaillaient beaucoup moins et étaient beaucoup mieux nourris que les travailleurs agricoles des mêmes pays. Mais ce n'est pas tout. Quand la guerre d'Amérique eut jeté sur le pavé les ouvriers des comtés de Lan caster et de Chester, la même chambre des lords envoya un médecin dans les pro vinces manufacturières, en le chargeant de rechercher la quantité minimum de car bone et d'azote, administrable sous la forme la plus simple et la moins chère, qui pût suffire en moyenne «à prévenir la mort d'inanition». Le docteur Smith, le mé decin délégué, trouva que 28 000 grains de carbone et 1330 grains d'azote par se maine étaient nécessaires, en moyenne, à un adulte, rien que pour le garantir de la mort d'inanition, et de plus il trouva que cette quantité n'était pas fort éloignée de la maigre nourriture à laquelle l'extrême détresse venait de réduire les ouvriers co tonniers. Mais écoutez encore. Le même savant médecin fut un peu ||5| plus tard délégué de nouveau par le département médical du Conseil Privé, afin d'examiner la nourri ture des classes travailleuses les plus pauvres. Le Sixième rapport sur l'état de la santé publique, publié par l'ordre du Parlement dans le courant de cette année (1864), contient le résultat de ses recherches. Qu'a découvert le docteur? Que les tisseurs en soie, les couturières, les gantiers, les tisserands de bas, etc., ne recevaient pas toujours, en moyenne, la misérable pitance des ouvriers cotonniers, pas même la quantité de carbone et d'azote «suffisant à prévenir la mort d'inanition». «En outre», nous citons textuellement le rapport, «l'examen de l'état des fa milles agricoles a démontré que plus du cinquième d'entre elles est réduit à une quantité moins que suffisante d'aliments carboniques, et plus du tiers à une quan tité moins que suffisante d'aliments azotés ; que dans les comtés de Berks, d'Oxford et de Somerset, l'insuffisance des aliments azotés est, en moyenne, le régime local. Il ne faut pas oublier, ajoute le rapport officiel, que la privation de nourriture n'est supportée qu'avec répugnance, et qu'en règle générale le manque de nourriture suf fisante n'arrive jamais que précédé de bien d'autres privations. La propreté même est regardée comme une chose très-chère et difficile, et quand le respect de soi- même s'efforce de l'entretenir, chaque effort de la sorte est nécessairement payé par un surcroît des tortures de la faim. Ce sont des réflexions d'autant plus doulou reuses, qu'il ne s'agit pas ici de la misère méritée par la paresse, mais, dans tous les cas, de la détresse d'une population travailleuse. En fait, le travail qui n'assure qu'une si maigre pitance est pour le plus grand nombre excessivement prolongé.» (1) The upper ten thousand. Cette expression toute anglaise s'emploie très-fréquemment et s'ap plique tout naturellement à la classe aristocratique. 614 [Karl Marx:] Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs suivi du Règlement provisoire. Bruxelles 1866. Titelblatt Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs (Adresse inaugurale) Le rapport dévoile ce fait étrange et même inattendu: «que de toutes les parties du Royaume-Uni», c'est-à-dire l'Angleterre, le pays de Galles, l'Ecosse et l'Irlande, «c'est la population agricole de l'Angleterre», précisément de la partie la plus opu lente, «qui est incontestablement le plus mal nourrie», mais que même les plus 5 pauvres laboureurs des comtés de Berks, d'Oxford et de Somerset sont beau-| |6|coup mieux nourris que la plupart des ouvriers en chambre de l'Est de Londres. Telles sont les données officielles publiées par ordre du Parlement, en 1864, dans le millénaire du libre-échange, au moment même où le chancelier de l'échiquier ra contait à la chambre des communes «que la condition des ouvriers anglais s'est 10 améliorée, en moyenne, d'une manière si extraordinaire, que nous n'en connais sons point d'exemple dans l'histoire d'aucun pays, ni d'aucun âge». De quel son discordant ces exaltations officielles sont percées par une brève remarque du non moins officiel rapport sur l'état de la santé publique : «La santé publique d'un pays signifie la santé de ses masses, et il est presque impossible que les masses soient 15 bien portantes, si elles ne jouissent pas jusqu'au plus bas de l'échelle sociale, au moins, de la plus modeste prospérité. » Ébloui par le «Progrès de la Nation (1)» le chancelier de l'Échiquier voit danser devant ses yeux les chiffres de ses statistiques. C'est avec un accent de véritable ex tase qu'il s'écrie: «De 1842 à 1852, le revenu imposable du pays s'est accru de 20 6 p.c. ; dans les huit années de 1853 à 1861, il s'est accru de 20 p.c. ; c'est un fait si étonnant qu'il est presque incroyable! ... Cette enivrante augmentation de ri chesses et de puissance», ajoute M.Gladstone, «est exclusivement restreinte à ceux qui possèdent». Si vous voulez savoir à quelles conditions de santé perdue, de morale flétrie et de 25 mine intellectuelle, cette enivrante augmentation de richesses et de puissance, exclusive ment restreinte aux classes qui possèdent, a été et est produite par les classes labo rieuses, examinez la peinture qui est faite des ateliers de tailleurs, d'imprimeurs et de modistes, dans le dernier Rapport sur l'état de la santé publique! Comparez le Rapport de la commission pour examiner le travail des enfants, où il est constaté, par 30 exemple, que «la classe des potiers, hommes et femmes, présente une population très-dégénérée, tant sous le rapport physique que sous le ||7| rapport intellectuel»; que «les enfants infirmes deviennent ensuite des parents infirmes»; que «la dégé nération de la race en est une conséquence absolue»; que «la dégénération de la population du comté de Stafford serait beaucoup plus avancée, n'était le recrute- 35 ment continuel des pays adjacents et les mariages mixtes avec des races plus ro bustes». Jetez un coup d'oeil sur le Livre bleu de M. Tremenheere, Griefs et plaintes des journaliers boulangers. Et qui n'a pas frissonné en lisant ce paradoxe des inspec teurs des fabriques, certifié par le Registrar General, d'après lequel la santé des ouvriers du comté de Lancaster s'est améliorée considérablement, quoiqu'ils soient 40 réduits à la plus misérable nourriture, parce que le manque de coton les a chassés des fabriques cotonnières ; que la mortalité des enfants a diminué, parce qu'enfin il est permis aux mères de leur donner, au lieu du cordial de Godfrey, leurs propres mamelles. (1) C'est un chapitre spécial du Livre bleu chaque année. 617 Karl Marx Mais retournez encore une fois la médaille ! Le Tableau de l'impôt des revenus et des propriétés, présenté à la chambre des communes le 20 juillet 1864, nous ap prend que du 5 avril 1852 au 5 avril 1863, treize personnes ont grossi les rangs de ces heureux de la terre, dont les revenus annuels sont évalués par le collecteur des impôts à 50000 1. st. (1250000 fr.) et plus, car leur nombre est monté, dans une seule année, de 67 à 80 (1). Le même Tableau dévoile le fait curieux que 3000 per sonnes, à peu près, partagent entre elles un revenu annuel d'environ 25 000000 de liv. steri. (750000000 fr.), plus que la somme totale distribuée annuellement entre tous les laboureurs de l'Angleterre et du pays de Galles. Ouvrez le registre du cens de 1861 et vous trouverez que le nombre des propriétaires terriens en Angleterre et dans le pays de Galles, s'est réduit de 16 934 en 1851, à 15 066 en 1861 ; qu'ainsi la concentration de la propriété territoriale s'est accrue en dix années de 11 p. c. Si la concentration de la propriété foncière dans la main d'un petit nombre suit tou-| |8(jours le même progrès, la question territoriale deviendra singulièrement simpli fiée, comme elle l'était dans l'empire romain, quand Néron grinça des dents (2), à la nouvelle que la moitié de la province d'Afrique était possédée par six chevaliers. Nous nous sommes appesantis sur ces «faits si étonnants, qu'ils sont presque in croyables», parce que l'Angleterre est à la tête de l'Europe commerciale et indus trielle. Rappelez-vous qu'il y a quelques mois à peine un des fils réfugiés de Louis- Philippe félicitait publiquement le travailleur agricole anglais de la supériorité de son sort, sur celui moins prospère de ses camarades de l'autre côté de la Manche. En vérité, si nous tenons compte de la différence des circonstances locales, nous voyons les faits anglais se reproduire sur une plus petite échelle dans tous les pays industriels et progressifs du continent. Depuis 1848, un développement inouï de l'industrie et une expansion inimaginable des exportations et des importations a eu lieu dans ces pays. Partout «l'augmentation de richesses et de puissance exclusive ment restreinte aux classes qui possèdent», a été réellement «enivrante». Partout, comme en Angleterre, une petite minorité de la classe ouvrière a obtenu réellement une petite augmentation de salaire ; mais, dans la plupart des cas, la hausse moné taire des salaires ne dénotait pas plus l'accroissement du bien-être des salariés, que l'élévation du coût de l'entretien des pensionnaires dans l'hôpital des pauvres ou dans l'asile des orphelins de la métropole, de 7 liv. 7 sh. 4 p., en 1852, à 9 liv. 15 sh. 8 p., en 1862, ne leur bénéficie et n'augmente leur bien-être. Partout la grande masse des classés laborieuses descendait toujours plus bas, dans la même propor tion au moins, que celles qui sont au-dessus d'elle montaient plus haut sur l'échelle sociale. Dans tous les pays de l'Europe - c'est devenu actuellement ||9| une vérité incontestable à tout esprit impartial, et déniée par ceux-là seulement dont l'intérêt consiste à promettre aux autres monts et merveilles - ni le perfectionnement des machines, ni l'application de la science à la production, ni la découverte de nou- (1) Le marquis de Westminster a un revenu annuel de 800000 liv. st. (20000000 fr.). (2) Le mot «grind» veut dire non-seulement grincer des dents, mais indique encore la férocité du sourire. Néron, en tuant ses sangsues gorgées d'or, éprouva une joie féroce, car il trouva ainsi le moyen de remplir les coffres de l'État, qui se vidaient à mesure que la propriété fon cière se concentrait. (Note du traducteur.) 618 Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs (Adresse inaugurale) velles communications, ni les nouvelles colonies, ni l'émigration, ni la création de nouveaux débouchés, ni le libre-échange, ni toutes ces choses ensemble ne sont en état de supprimer la misère des classes laborieuses ; au contraire, tant que la base fausse d'à présent existera, chaque nouveau développement de la force productive du travail creusera nécessairement un abîme plus large et plus profond entre les dif férentes classes et fera ressortir davantage l'antagonisme social. Durant cette enivrante époque de progrès économique, la mort d'inanition s'est élevée à la hauteur d'une institution sociale dans la métropole britannique. Cette époque est marquée, dans les annales du monde, par les retours accélérés, par l'étendue de plus en plus vaste et par les effets de plus en plus meurtriers de la peste sociale, appelée : la crise commerciale et industrielle. Après la défaite des révolutions de 1848, toutes les associations et tous les jour naux politiques des classes ouvrières furent écrasés, sur le continent, par la main brutale de la force ; les plus avancés parmi les fils du travail s'enfuirent désespérés de l'autre côté de l'Océan, aux États-Unis, et les rêves éphémères d'affranchisse ment s'évanouirent devant une époque de fièvre industrielle, de marasme moral et de réaction politique. Dû en partie à la diplomatie anglaise, qui agissait alors comme maintenant dans un esprit de solidarité fraternelle avec le cabinet de Saint-Pétersbourg, l'échec de la classe ouvrière continentale répandit bientôt ses effets contagieux de ce côté de la Manche. La défaite de leurs frères du continent, en faisant perdre aux ouvriers an glais toute virilité, toute foi dans leur propre cause, rendait en même temps au sei gneur de la terre et au seigneur de l'argent, au propriétaire et au capitaliste, leur confiance quelque peu ébranlée. Ils retirèrent isolemment les concessions déjà an noncées. I |10| La découverte de nouveaux terrains aurifères amena une immense émigra tion et creusa un vide irréparable dans les rangs du prolétariat de la Grande-Bre tagne. D'autres parmi ses membres les plus actifs jusque-là furent séduits par l'ap pât temporaire d'un travail plus abondant et de salaires plus élevés et devinrent ainsi des «noirs politiques» (1). En vain essaya-t-on d'entretenir ou de réformer le mouvement chartiste, tous les efforts échouèrent complètement. Dans la presse les organes de la classe ouvrière moururent l'un après l'autre de l'apathie des masses et, en fait, jamais l'ouvrier an glais n'avait paru accepter si entièrement sa nullité politique. Donc, s'il n'y avait pas eu solidarité d'action entre la classe ouvrière de la Grande-Bretagne et celle du continent, il y avait en tout cas entre elles solidarité de défaite. Cependant cette période écoulée depuis les Révolutions de 1848 a eu aussi ses compensations. Nous n'indiquerons ici que deux faits très-importants. Après une lutte de trente années, soutenue avec la plus admirable persévérance, la classe ouvrière anglaise, profitant d'une brouille momentanée entre les maîtres de la terre et les maîtres de l'argent, réussit à enlever le bill des dix heures. Les immenses bienfaits physiques, moraux et intellectuels qui en résultèrent (1) On appelle ainsi, en anglais, l'homme qui trahit ses principes et est infidèle à sa cause. 619 Karl Marx pour les ouvriers des manufactures ont été enregistrés dans les rapports bisannuels des inspecteurs des fabriques, et de tous côtés on se plaît maintenant à les reconnaî tre. La plupart des gouvernements continentaux furent obligés d'accepter la loi an? glaise dans les manufactures, sous une forme plus ou moins modifiée, et le Parle ment anglais est lui-même chaque année forcé d'étendre et d'élargir le cercle de son action. Mais à côté de son utilité pratique, il y avait dans la loi certains autres caractères bien faits pour en rehausser le merveilleux succès. Par l'organe de ses oracles les plus connus, tels que le docteur Ure, le professeur Senior et autres ||11| philosophes de cette trempe, la bourgeoisie avait prédit et, à sa grande satisfaction, démontré que toute intervention de la loi pour limiter les heures de travail devait sonner le glas de l'industrie anglaise qui, semblable au vampire, ne pouvait vivre que de sang, et du sang des enfants, elle aussi. Jadis le meurtre d'un enfant était un rite mysté rieux de la religion de Moloch, mais on ne le pratiquait qu'en des occasions très-so lennelles, une fois par an peut-être, et encore Moloch n'avait-il pas de penchant ex clusif pour les enfants du pauvre. Ce qui, dans cette question de la limitation légale des heures de travail, donnait au conflit un véritable caractère d'acharnement et de fureur, c'est que, sans parler des terreurs de l'avarice, la question engagée soulevait de nouveau et décidait même en partie la grande querelle entre la loi aveugle de l'offre et la demande, qui est toute l'économie politique de la classe bourgeoise, et la production sociale contrôlée et régie par la prévoyance sociale, qui constitue l'économie politique de la classe ouvrière. Le bill des dix heures ne fut donc pas seulement un succès pratique ; ce fut aussi le triomphe d'un principe : pour la première fois, au grand jour, l'économie politi que de la bourgeoisie avait été battue par l'économie politique de la classe ouvrière. Mais il était réservé à l'économie politique du Travail de remporter bientôt un triomphe plus complet encore sur l'économie politique du Capital. Nous voulons parler du mouvement coopératif et surtout des manufactures coopératives créées par l'initiative isolée de quelques «bras» entreprenants. La valeur de ces grandes expériences sociales ne saurait être surfaite. Elles ont montré par des faits, non plus par de simples arguments, que la production sur une grande échelle et au niveau des exigences de la science moderne pouvait se passer d'une classe de patrons em ployant une classe de bras ; elles ont montré qu'il n'était pas nécessaire à la produc tion de la richesse que l'instrument de travail fût monopolisé et servît ainsi d'ins trument de domination et d'extorsion contre le travailleur lui-même; elles ont montré que, comme le travail esclave, comme le ||12| travail serf, le travail salarié n'était qu'une forme transitoire et inférieure, destinée à disparaître devant le travail associé apportant à sa tâche un bras ferme, un esprit dispos, un cœur joyeux. En Angleterre, c'est Robert Owen qui jeta les germes du système coopératif; les entre prises des ouvriers, tentées sur le continent, ne furent en fait que la réalisation pra tique des théories, non découvertes, mais hautement proclamées en 1848. En même temps l'expérience de cette période (1848 à 64) a prouvé jusqu'à l'évi dence que, si excellent qu'il fût en principe, si utile qu'il se montrât dans l'applica tion, le travail coopératif limité étroitement aux efforts accidentels et particuliers 620 Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs (Adresse inaugurale) des ouvriers, ne pourra jamais arrêter le développement, en proportion géométri que, du monopole, ni affranchir les masses, ni même alléger un tant soit peu le far deau de leurs misères. C'est peut-être précisément le motif qui a décidé de grands seigneurs spécieux, des philanthropes bourgeois et même des économistes pointus à accabler tout à coup d'éloges affadissants ce système coopératif qu'ils avaient en vain essayé d'écraser, lorsqu'il venait à peine d'éclore, ce système coopératif qu'ils représentaient alors d'un ton railleur comme une utopie de rêveur, ou qu'ils ana- thématisaient comme un sacrilège de socialiste. Pour affranchir les masses travailleuses, la coopération doit atteindre un dévelop pement national et, par conséquent, être soutenue et propagée par des moyens na tionaux. Mais les seigneurs de la terre et les seigneurs du capital se serviront tou jours de leurs privilèges politiques pour défendre et perpétuer leurs privilèges économiques. Bien loin de pousser à l'émancipation du travail, ils continueront à y opposer le plus d'obstacles possibles. Qu'on se rappelle avec quel dédain lord Pal- merston rembarra les défenseurs du bill sur les droits des tenanciers irlandais, pré senté pendant cette session (1864): «La Chambre des Communes, s'écria-t-il, est une chambre de propriétaires fonciers ! » La conquête du pouvoir politique est donc devenue le premier devoir de la classe ouvrière. Elle semble l'avoir compris, car en Angleterre, en Allemagne, en Italie, en France, on a vu renaître en même temps ces aspirations ||13| communes, et en même temps aussi des efforts ont été faits pour réorganiser politiquement le parti des travailleurs. Il est un élément de succès que ce parti possède : il a le nombre ; mais le nombre ne pèse dans la balance que s'il est uni par l'association et guidé par le savoir. L'ex périence du passé nous a appris comment l'oubli de ces liens fraternels qui doivent exister entre les travailleurs des différents pays et les exciter à se soutenir les uns les autres dans toutes leurs luttes pour l'affranchissement, sera puni par la défaite com mune de leurs entreprises divisées. C'est poussés par cette pensée que les travail leurs de différents pays, réunis en un meeting public à Saint-Martin's hall, le 28 septembre 1864, ont résolu de fonder l'Association internationale. Une autre conviction encore a inspiré ce meeting. Si l'affranchissement des travailleurs demande, pour être assuré, leur concours fraternel, comment peuvent-ils remplir cette grande mission, si une politique étran gère, mue par de criminels desseins et mettant en jeu les préjugés nationaux, ré pand dans des guerres de pirates le sang et l'argent du peuple? Ce n'est pas la pru dence des classes gouvernantes de l'Angleterre, mais bien l'opposition de la classe ouvrière à leur criminelle folie, qui a épargné à l'Europe occidentale l'infamie d'une croisade pour le maintien et le développement de l'esclavage de l'autre côté de l'Océan. L'approbation sans pudeur, la sympathie dérisoire ou l'indifférence idiote, avec lesquelles les classes supérieures d'Europe ont vu la Russie saisir comme une proie les montagnes-forteresses du Caucase et assassiner l'héroïque Po logne, les empiétements immenses et sans obstacles de cette puissance barbare dont la tête est à Saint-Pétersbourg et dont on retrouve la main dans tous les cabi nets d'Europe, ont appris aux travailleurs qu'il leur fallait se mettre au courant des mystères de la politique internationale, surveiller la conduite diplomatique de leurs 621 Karl Marx gouvernements respectifs, la combattre, au besoin, par tous les moyens en leur p ou. voir et enfin, lorsqu'ils seraient impuissants à rien empêcher, s'entendre pour une protestation commune et revendiquer les lois de la morale et de la justice qui doi-| |14|vent gouverner les relations des individus, comme la règle suprême des rapports entre les nations. Combattre pour une politique étrangère de cette nature, c'est prendre part à la lutte générale pour l'affranchissement des travailleurs. Prolétaires de tous pays, unissez-vous ! | 622 K a rl M a rx R è g l e m e nt p r o v i s o i re de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs Revidierte Übersetzung aus d em Englischen |15| Règlement provisoire. Considérant : « Que l'émancipation des travailleurs doit être l'œuvre des travailleurs eux- mêmes ; que les efforts des travailleurs pour conquérir leur émancipation ne doi- 5 vent pas tendre à constituer de nouveaux privilèges, mais à établir pour tous des droits et des devoirs égaux et anéantir la domination de toute classe ; Que l'assujettissement économique du travailleur aux détenteurs des moyens de travail, c'est-à-dire des sources de la vie, est la cause première de sa servitude politi que, morale, matérielle; 0 Que l'émancipation économique des travailleurs est conséquemment le grand but auquel tout mouvement politique doit être subordonné comme moyen ; Que tous les efforts faits jusqu'ici ont échoué, faute de solidarité entre les ouvriers des diverses professions dans chaque pays, et d'une union fraternelle entre les travailleurs des diverses contrées ; 15 Que l'émancipation du travail n'étant un problème ni local ni national, mais so cial, embrasse tous les pays dans lesquels la vie moderne existe et nécessite pour sa solution leur concours théorique et pratique ; | |16| Que le mouvement qui reparaît parmi les ouvriers des pays les plus indus- k - trieux de l'Europe, en faisant naître de nouvelles espérances, donne un solennel !0 avertissement de ne pas retomber dans les vieilles erreurs et les pousse à combiner immédiatement leurs efforts encore isolés; Par ces raisons : Les soussignés, membres du Conseil élu par l'Assemblée tenue le 28 septembre 1864, à Saint-Martin's Hall, à Londres, ont pris les mesures nécessaires pour fon- 25 der : l'Association internationale des Travailleurs. Ils déclarent que cette Association internationale ainsi que toutes les sociétés ou individus y adhérant reconnaîtront comme devant être la base de leur conduite en- •·' vers tous les hommes : la Vérité, la Justice, la Morale, sans distinction de couleur, de croyance ou de nationalité. Ils considèrent comme un devoir de réclamer pour tous les droits d'homme et de 30 f. citoyen. Pas de devoirs sans droits. C'est dans cet esprit qu'ils ont rédigé le règlement provisoire de Y Association inter- t nationale. 623 Karl Marx Art. 1e r. Une association est établie pour procurer un point central de communi cation et de coopération entre les ouvriers des différents pays aspirant au même but, savoir : le Concours mutuel, le Progrès et le complet Affranchissement de la classe ouvrière. Art.2. Le nom de cette Association sera: Association internationale des Travailleurs. Art. 3. En 1866 aura lieu la réunion d'un Congrès général. Ce Congrès devra faire connaître à l'Europe les communes aspirations des ouvriers. Arrêter le règlement définitif de l'Association internationale. Examiner les meilleurs moyens pour assu rer le succès de son travail et élire ||17| le Conseil central de l'Association. Le Congrès se réunira une fois l'an. Art. 4. Le Conseil central siégera à Londres et se composera d'ouvriers représen tant les différentes nations faisant partie de l'Association internationale. Il prendra dans son sein, selon les besoins de l'Association, les membres du bureau, tels que Président, Secrétaire général, Trésorier et Secrétaires particuliers pour les différents pays. Art. 5. A chaque Congrès annuel, le Conseil général fera un rapport public des travaux de l'année. En cas d'urgence, il pourra convoquer le Congrès avant le terme fixé. Art. 6. Le conseil général établira des relations avec les différentes associations d'ouvriers, de telle sorte que les ouvriers de chaque pays soient constamment au courant des mouvements de leur classe dans les autres pays ; Qu'une enquête sur l'état social soit faite simultanément et dans un même esprit; - Que les questions proposées par une Société, et dont la discussion est d'un intérêt général, soient exa minées par toutes, et que lorsqu'une idée pratique ou une difficulté internationale. réclamerait l'action de l'Association, celle-ci puisse agir d'une manière uniforme. Lorsque cela lui semblera nécessaire, le Conseil central prendra l'initiative des pro? positions à soumettre aux Sociétés locales ou nationales. Art. 7. Puisque le succès du mouvement ouvrier ne peut être assuré dans chaque pays que par la force résultant de l'union et de l'association ; - que, d'autre part, l'utilité du Conseil central dépend de ses rapports avec les sociétés ouvrières, soit nationales ou locales, les membres de l'Association internationale devront faire tous leurs efforts, chacun dans son pays, pour réunir en une association nationale les diverses sociétés d'ouvriers existantes, ainsi que pour créer un organe spécial. Il est sous-entendu cependant que l'application de cet article dépendra des lois particulières de chaque pays et que, abstraction faite de ces obstacles légaux, cha que Société locale indépendante aura le droit de correspondre directement avec le Conseil central de Londres. | |18| Art. 8. Jusqu'à la première réunion du Congrès ouvrier, le Conseil élu en sep tembre agira comme Conseil central provisoire. Il essaiera de mettre en communi cation les Sociétés ouvrières de tous pays. Il groupera les membres du Royaume- Uni. Il prendra les mesures provisoires pour la convocation du Congrès général, il discutera avec les Sociétés locales ou nationales les questions qui devront être po sées devant le Congrès. Art. 9. Chaque membre de l'Association internationale, en changeant de pays, re cevra l'appui fraternel des membres de l'Association. 624 Règlement provisoire de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs Art. 10. Quoique unies par un lien fraternel de solidarité et de coopération, les so ciétés ouvrières n'en continueront pas moins d'exister sur les bases qui leur sont particulières. POUR LE CONSEIL GÉNÉRAL DE L'ASSOCIATION INTERNATIONALE DES TRAVAILLEURS. Le président, Odger. Le secrétaire général, Cremer. Le trésorier, Wheeler. | 625 La Rive Gauche. Bruxelles. Nr. 24, 17. Juni 1866. Titelkopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn des Artikels „Apercu sur la marche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs" von Hermann Jung und Paul Lafargue H e r m a nn J u n g / P a ul L a f a r g ue A p e r çu s ur la m a r c he de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs La Rive Gauche. Nr. 24, 17. Juni 1866 Aperçu sur la marche de l'Association internationale des travailleurs. L'assemblée fondatrice de Y Association internationale des travailleurs s'est tenue le 28 septembre 1864, à Londres, dans «St-Martin's Hall». Cette assemblée était com posée des représentants des principales nations européennes (Allemagne, Pologne, Suisse, France, Belgique, Italie). On élut provisoirement un comité central chargé de rédiger le manifeste, d'élaborer le règlement et de constituer des groupes dans toute l'Europe. Nous voulons aujourd'hui, avant le congrès, porter à la connaissance de tous les membres de Y Association et de tous ceux qui ne se sont pas encore joints à elle, un aperçu des progrès accomplis. Angleterre. Un grand nombre de sociétés ouvrières anglaises( 1) ont adhéré aux principes, et se sont jointes à Y Association internationale (société des poseurs de briques, des cordon niers, des ébénistes, des tailleurs, etc ...). En ce moment, les sociétés des charpentiers, des tonneliers, des menuisiers, etc., sont prêtes à se joindre. Le mouvement réformiste a absorbé pendant un moment toute l'attention de la classe ouvrière et toute l'activité du conseil central. Mais depuis quelque temps des deputations, émanant du conseil central, sont envoyées dans toutes les sociétés ouvrières pour leur faire connaître les principes, et les prier de se joindre. Ces depu tations sont partout accueillies chaleureusement. A Londres, le conseil central a fondé un journal, le Commonwealth, qui est deve nu son organe officiel. ( 1) Le lecteur ne doit pas oublier que la classe ouvrière anglaise est en partie organisée. En ef fet, les sociétés (Trade-Unions) comprennent dans leur sein tous les membres d'une même in dustrie. Quelques-unes de ces sociétés se composent d'un nombre considérable d'hommes, celle des cordonniers compte 5000 membres environ. 626 Aperçu sur la marche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs Une branche allemande et une branche française de l'Association internationale ont été formées. Mais son plus grand titre à l'attention publique est d'avoir réveillé et entretenu dans la classe ouvrière anglaise la conscience de sa force politique, sentiment qu'elle avait perdu depuis la réaction de 48, comme le constate le manifeste. L'im pulsion qu'elle a donnée dans ce sens a été si considérable que la société des cor donniers a effacé de ses statuts l'article qui leur défendait de s'occuper de politique, celle des maçons est en train de faire de même. C'est l'Association internationale qui a fait persévérer les ouvriers dans leur politi que anti-esclavagiste, lors de la guerre américaine. C'est elle, l'une des premières qui adressa une lettre de felicitation à Lincoln, à cause de sa réélection. Lincoln a répondu et a engagé fortement les membres à continuer leur mouvement d'union et de concorde. - L'Association a pris l'initiative du mouvement de la «Reform-lea- gue». Après le premier meeting réformiste, un comité organisateur et agitateur fut nommé, il était composé de 27 membres dont 24 appartenaient au conseil central et ce sont eux qui ont réclamé le suffrage universel. Pendant que toute la presse an glaise battait des mains et approuvait la conduite du gouvernement contre les fé- nians, le Commonwealth seul osa élever la voix et les défendre. Le conseil central envoya même au secrétaire d'État une requête pour obtenir une entrevue avec le ministre, dans le but de demander un adoucissement dans le sort des prisonniers. L'entrevue fut refusée. L'Association internationale a dernièrement remporté un succès qui a modifié à son égard l'opinion de la presse. Les ouvriers tailleurs avaient été mis dehors (lock out) par leurs patrons0', qui immédiatement envoyèrent des agents sur le continent pour recruter des ouvriers. Le conseil central prévint ses correspondants qui, par des communications, soit verbales, soit par la voie de la presse, déjouèrent les pro jets des patrons. Cependant un certain nombre d'ouvriers allemands venus des villes où l'Association internationale n'avait pas de membres, arrivèrent à Edim bourg. Deux de leurs compatriotes leur furent envoyés de Londres, et à leur retour ils firent un rapport au conseil central et lui annoncèrent leur départ, ce qui arriva en effet quelques jours après( 2 ). Suisse. C'est surtout en Suisse que l'Association internationale a pu se généraliser le plus promptement et arriver à des résultats positifs. Elle a fondé des groupes dans pres que toutes les villes de la Suisse : Genève, Lausanne, Vevey, Montreux, la Chaux- de-Fonds, St-Imier, Sonvilliers, Porrentruy, Bienne, Bale, Zurich, Aubonne, Wetzi- kon, etc. ( 1) En Angleterre les patrons comme les ouvriers font grève. Ils ferment leurs ateliers et jettent sur le pavé leurs misérables employés. C'est ce qui se passe présentement à Sheffield, les ouvriers fabricants de limes sont sans travail, toutes les autres sociétés sont venues à leur se cours. ( 2) Sur la demande de son président Odger, le conseil central va discuter la question de la guerre et il va convoquer un grand meeting ouvrier pour consulter l'opinion populaire. 629 Hermann Jung/Paul Lafargue L'Association internationale est propriétaire de trois journaux, deux écrits en fran çais, la Voix de l'Avenir, le Journal de l'Association internationale, et un en allemand, le Vorbote (Précurseur). Tous les journaux suisses ont mis leur publicité au service de l'Association. A Lausanne, les membres de l'Association ont entrepris l'hiver dernier des tra vaux pour l'État, environ pour 24 000 francs, dans le but de fournir du travail aux ouvriers pendant la mauvaise saison. Le chantier spécialement dirigé par des ouvriers, sans l'intervention d'aucun patron, faisait l'étonnement des visiteurs et des autorités de la ville. Ils ont fondé une banque nommée la Caisse du crédit mu tuel, dont le capital de 20 000 francs est divisé en actions de 5 francs. - Un cercle d'ouvriers a été créé. A La Chaux-de-Fonds, une boulangerie coopérative a été établie, et une bouche rie coopérative est annoncée. A peine la boulangerie inaugurée, les boulangers abaissèrent le prix du pain à 0,16 c. la livre. Le projet de boucherie coopérative n'est pas resté sans effet sur le prix de la viande ; les bouchers l'ont réduit déjà de 0,09 c. A Genève, une société de consommation est en train de s'organiser. A Lausanne, on a décidé de créer des fonds pour la construction de maisons ouvrières, analogue au familistère de Guise, près Paris. A l l e m a g n e. L'Association internationale en Allemagne, comme en France, n'a pas pu prendre une grande extension, grâce au manque de liberté ! Elle a pu cependant former des groupes à Leipzig, Magdebourg, Hanovre, Mayence, Berlin, Peterswaldau, Solin gen, Langenbielau, Pinneberg, Wuste-Giersdorf, Emsdorf, etc. Depuis les approches de la guerre, plus de liberté ayant été laissée, l'Association est en train de prospérer. Tous les principaux chefs du mouvement ouvrier alle mand [dans la Saxe] ont adhéré aux principes et s'occupent activement de les pro pager. F r a n c e. L'Association internationale a des groupes dans différentes villes: Paris, Lyon, Bor deaux, Caen, Neufchâteau, Argentan, Rennes, Rouen, Granville, etc., etc. Quoiqu'elle soit peu développée, elle a rendu un service à la classe ouvrière à Lyon, les ouvriers tullistes étaient en grève, ils allaient céder, car leurs patrons les menaçaient de faire venir des ouvriers anglais, qu'on payait meilleur marché selon eux. Les ouvriers s'informèrent et le conseil central leur répondit que tout le contraire avait lieu; ils persévérèrent et obtinrent leur demande. 630 Aperçu sur la marche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs Belgique. plusieurs groupes se sont créés à Bruxelles, Anvers, Liège, Verviers, Gand, Namur, Patignies, etc. La société le Peuple s'est fédérée avec Y Association internationale, et son organe la Tribune du Peuple appartient maintenant à l'Association. C'est l'Association qui, dans le mouvement réformiste belge, a exercé le plus d'influence et par ses nombreux meetings a nettement placé la question de la ré forme sur le terrain du suffrage universel. Italie. Jusqu'à présent l'Italie préoccupée des questions d'unité n'a pas pu songer beau- 10 coup aux questions sociales. Cependant le comité central de toutes les sociétés ouvrières italiennes a adhéré aux principes et se charge de développer l'idée de Y As sociation internationale. Des groupes existent déjà à Gênes, Milan, etc. A m é r i q u e. L'Association est en communication avec New-York et différentes villes du Massa- 15 chusetts. Paul Lafargue ï 631 P a ul L a f a r g ue La l u t te s o c i a le ( E x t r a i t) La Rive Gauche. Nr. 28, 15. Juli 1866 La lutte sociale. Le champ est envahi par les ronces, les orties et autres plantes malfaisantes. L'épo que de la semaille venue, le paysan ne s'amuse pas à les arracher une à une ou à les couper ras de terre. - Non. - Il prend sa charrue, l'enfonce profondément et re tourne le champ sens dessus dessous. Les ronces et les orties privées d'air et de so leil, pourrissent, engraissent la terre. Dans notre société nous trouvons une foule de produits nuisibles, parasitaires: magistrature, clergé, armée, fonctionnarisme, État, etc., etc. ... Et vous voulez que nous entrions en composition avec chacune de ces institutions en particulier. -* Non. - L'heure est venue d'aller au fond et au tréfond de la question ; d'attaquer en face, énergiquement, la propriété bourgeoise. Elle est la base de tout le système ; la cause de tous les maux. I M o u v e m e nt t h é o r i q u e. La question économique domine tout ; sa solution amène fatalement la solution de 15^? toutes les autres questions. L'antinomie existe dans le monde social. Les classes sont perpétuellement en an tagonisme, la bourgeoisie contre la noblesse, le prolétariat contre la bourgeoisie. Écoutons l'éminent socialiste allemand Karl Marx faisant la théorie de cet anta gonisme : «La féodalité avait aussi son prolétariat - le servage qui renfermait tous les germes de la bourgeoisie. La production féodale aussi avait deux éléments antago nistes qu'on désigne sous le nom de bon côté et de mauvais côté de la féodalité, sans considérer que c'est toujours le mauvais côté qui finit par l'emporter sur le bon côté. Le mauvais côté produit le mouvement, fait l'histoire en établissant la lutte. 25*. Si à l'époque du règne de la féodalité, les économistes enthousiasmés des vertus chevaleresques, de la bonne harmonie entre les droits et les devoirs, de la vie pa triarcale des villes, de l'état de prospérité de l'industrie domestique dans les cam pagnes, du développement de l'industrie organisée par corporations, jurandes, maî- 632 La lutte sociale (Extrait) Ip ¡,\ f. trises, enfin de tout ce qui constitue le beau côté de la féodalité, s'étaient proposés d'éliminer tout ce qui faisait ombre au tableau - servage, privilèges, anarchie - qu'en serait-il arrivé? On aurait anéanti tous les éléments qui constituent la lutte et étouffé dans son germe le développement de la bourgeoisie. On se serait posé l'ab- surde problème d'éliminer l'histoire. ;5 I Lorsque la bourgeoisie l'eut emporté, il ne fut plus question ni du bon, ni du fr mauvais côté de la féodalité. Les forces productives qui s'étaient développées par elle sous la féodalité, lui furent acquises. Toutes les anciennes forces économiques, les relations civiles qui leur correspondaient, l'état politique qui était l'expression Í0 officielle de l'ancienne société civile, étaient brisées. ·' Ainsi pour bien juger la production féodale, il faut la considérer comme un mode de production fondé sur l'antagonisme. Il faut montrer comment la richesse se pro- duisait en dedans de cet antagonisme, comment les forces productives se dévelop paient en même temps que l'antagonisme des classes, comment l'une des classes, le ]5 mauvais côté, l'inconvénient de la société, allait toujours croissant jusqu'à ce que les conditions matérielles de son émancipation fussent arrivées au point de matu rité. N'est-ce pas due assez que le mode de production, les rapports dans lesquels les forces productives se développent, ne sont rien moins que des lois étemelles, mais qu'ils correspondent à un développement déterminé des hommes et de leurs forces productives et qu'un changement survenu dans les forces productives des hommes amène nécessairement un changement dans les rapports de production? Comme il importe avant tout de ne pas être privé des fruits de la civilisation, des forces productives acquises, il faut briser les formes traditionnelles dans lesquelles elles ont été produites. Dès ce moment la classe révolutionnaire devient conserva- 20 , ' 25 trice. La bourgeoisie commence avec un prolétariat qui lui-même est un reste du prolé tariat des temps féodaux. Dans le cours de son développement historique, son ca ractère antagoniste se trouve au début plus ou moins déguisé, et n'existe qu'à l'état latent. A mesure que la bourgeoisie se développe, il se développe dans son sein, un •30 nouveau prolétariat, un prolétariat moderne, il se développe une lutte entre la classe prolétaire et la classe bourgeoise, lutte qui avant d'être sentie des deux côtés, aperçue, appréciée, comprise, avouée et hautement proclamée, ne se manifeste que par des conflits partiels et momentanés, par des faits subversifs. D'un autre côté si tous les membres de la bourgeoisie ont le même intérêt en tant qu'ils forment une ; 35 classe vis-à-vis des autres classes, ils ont des intérêts opposés, antagonistes, en tant qu'ils se trouvent les uns vis-à-vis des autres. Cette opposition des intérêts découle des conditions économiques de leur vie bourgeoise. De jour en jour il devient donc plus clair que les rapports de production dans lesquels se meut la bourgeoisie n'ont pas un caractère un, un caractère simple, mais un caractère de duplicité, que dans les mêmes rapports dans lesquels se produit la richesse, la misère se produit aussi, que dans les mêmes rapports dans lesquels il y a développement de forces produc tives, il y a une force productive de répression ; que ces rapports ne produisent la ri chesse bourgeoise c'est-à-dire la richesse de la classe bourgeoise qu'en anéantissant continuellement la richesse des membres intégrants de cette classe et en produisant :40 • 45 un prolétariat toujours croissant. 633 Paul Lafargue Tant que le prolétariat n'est pas encore assez développé pour se constituer en classe, que par conséquent la lutte même du prolétariat avec la bourgeoisie n'a pas encore un caractère politique et que les forces productives ne sont pas encore assez développées dans le sein de la bourgeoisie elle-même, pour laisser entrevoir les conditions matérielles, nécessaires à l'affranchissement du prolétariat et à la forma tion d'une société nouvelle, ses théoriciens (les socialistes et les communistes) ne sont que des utopistes qui pour obvier aux besoins des classes opprimées improvi sent des systèmes. Mais à mesure que l'histoire marche et qu'avec elle la lutte du prolétariat se dessine plus nettement, ils n'ont plus besoin de chercher de la science dans leur esprit, ils n'ont qu'à se rendre compte de ce qui se passe devant leurs yeux et de s'en faire l'organe. Tant qu'ils cherchent la science et ne font que des systèmes, tant qu'ils sont au début de la lutte, ils ne voient dans la misère que la misère, sans y voir le côté révolutionnaire subversif, qui renversera la société an cienne. Dès ce moment, la science produite par le mouvement historique et s'y as sociant en pleine connaissance de cause, a cessé d'être doctrinaire, elle est devenue révolutionnaire0 1. » La lutte des classes est donc une des conditions du mouvement historique. ( 1) Malgré sa longueur, nous avons tenu à citer cette puissante critique du docteur Karl Marx. Nos lecteurs, nous en sommes convaincus, nous en sauront gré, car elle est extraite d'une bro chure la Misère de la Philosophie réponse à la Philosophie de la Misère de P.-J.Proudhon, devenue très rare en librairie. Elle a été publiée en français, à Paris. 634 K a rl M a rx R a p p o rt du C o n s e il C e n t r a l. S ur l es d i f f é r e n t es q u e s t i o ns m i s es à l ' é t u de p ar la C o n f é r e n ce de s e p t e m b re 1 8 65 Übersetzung aus d em Englischen von Paul Lafargue Le Courrier International. Nr. 6/7, 16. Februar 1867 Rapport du conseil central. Sur les différentes questions mises à l'étude par la conférence de septembre 1865. 1. - Organisation de l'Association. Le conseil provisoire de Londres recommande le plan d'organisation comme il est tracé dans les statuts provisoires. L'expérience de deux ans a prouvé sa force et sa facilité d'adaptation aux circonstances particulières des différentes contrées, sans entraver toutefois l'unité d'action. Pour l'année prochaine, nous recommandons Londres comme le siège du conseil central. La situation politique du continent rendant impossible tout changement. Les membres du conseil central seront élus par le congrès (art. 5 des statuts provi soires) et auront cependant le droit de s'adjoindre de nouveaux membres. Le secrétaire général sera choisi par le congrès (pour un an) et sera le seul membre payé de l'Association. Nous proposons deux livres sterling (50 fr.) par semaine pour son salaire. Le comité permanent formant en fait l'exécutif du conseil central, sera choisi par le congrès ; la fonction de chacun de ses membres sera déterminée par le conseil central. Comme contribution annuelle et uniforme que doit payer chaque membre de l'Asso ciation à la caisse du conseil central, nous recommandons un sou (peut-être deux sous). Le prix des cartes ou livrets sera payé en sous. Quoique conseillant aux membres de l'Association de former des sociétés de se cours mutuels et d'établir un lien international entre ces sociétés, nous laissons l'initiative de ces questions («établissement des sociétés de secours mutuels. Appui moral et matériel accordé aux orphelins de l'Association,») aux Suisses, qui les ont proposées aux conférences de septembre. 635 Karl Marx 2. - C o m b i n a i s on i n t e r n a t i o n a le des efforts, par le m o y en de l'association, p o ur la lutte du travail contre le capital. a. D'un point de vue général, cette question embrasse toute l'activité de l'Asso ciation internationale, dont le but est de combiner, de généraliser et de donner de l'uniformité aux efforts, encore désunis, accomplis dans les différentes contrées pour l'émancipation de la classe ouvrière. b. Une des principales fonctions de l'Association, fonction remplie déjà avec grand succès dans différentes circonstances, est de contrecarrer les intrigues des ca pitalistes, toujours prêts, dans les cas de grèves ou de fermeture d'ateliers (lock-out) à user des ouvriers étrangers comme instrument pour étouffer les justes plaintes des travailleurs indigènes. C'est un des grands buts de l'Association de développer chez les ouvriers des différents pays non-seulement le sentiment mais le fait de leur fra ternité et de les unir pour former l'armée de l'émancipation. c. Nous proposons à l'adoption du congrès, comme une «grande combinaison d'efforts», une statistique des conditions des classes ouvrières de toutes les contrées faite par les ouvriers eux-mêmes. Evidemment, pour agir avec quelque chance de succès, on doit connaître les matériaux sur lesquels on veut agir. En même temps les tra vailleurs, en prenant l'initiative d'un si grand ouvrage, montreront qu'ils sont ca pables de tenir leurs destinées entre leurs mains. C'est pourquoi nous proposons : Que dans chaque localité où i] existe des branches de notre Association, le tra vail doit être commencé immédiatement et les faits doivent être rassemblés sur les différents sujets spécifiés dans le sommaire ci-joint : Que le congrès appelle tous les ouvriers de l'Europe et d'Amérique à collaborer, en ramassant les éléments de cette statistique sur la classe ouvrière ; Que les rapports et les faits soient envoyés au conseil central ; Que le conseil central les condense en un rapport et le fasse suivre d'un appen dice contenant les faits ; Que ce rapport et cet appendice soient prêts pour le prochain congrès, et qu'après en avoir reçu la sanction il soit publié aux frais de l'Association. Sommaire général de l'enquête. (Il peut être étendu suivant les besoins de chaque localité.) 1. Industrie, son nom. 2. Age et sexe des ouvriers. 3. Nombre des employés. 4. Salaires et gages, a. Apprentis, b. Salaires à la journée ou à la pièce. Taux des payements par les sous-entrepreneurs. Salaire moyen pour la semaine et l'an née, etc. 5. a. Heures de travail dans les manufactures, b. Heures de travail chez les petits patrons et du travail domestique, c. Travail de jour et de nuit. 6. Heures de repas et traitement. 7. Description de l'atelier et du travail. Encombrement et ventilation insuffisante. Privation de lumière. Emploi du gaz. Condition de propreté, etc. 636 Rapport du Conseil Central 8. Nature de l'occupation. 9. Effets du travail sur l'état sanitaire. 10. Condition morale. Education. 11. Description de l'industrie. Si l'industrie change avec les saisons ou si elle se distribue avec plus ou moins d'uniformité pendant toute l'année. S'il y a de grandes fluctuations de prospérité et de stagnation ; si elle est exposée à la con currence étrangère. Si elle produit généralement pour le marché intérieur ou pour le marché étranger, etc. 3. R é d u c t i on des heures de travail. Nous considérons la réduction des heures de travail comme la condition prélimi naire sans laquelle toutes les tentatives ultérieures d'amélioration et d'émancipa tion avorteront. Il faut rétablir l'énergie et la santé des classes laborieuses, qui for ment le véritable corps de la nation. Il n'est pas moins nécessaire de leur fournir la possibilité du développement intellectuel, des relations sociales et de l'activité poli tique et sociale. Nous proposons huit heures de travail comme limite légale du jour de travail. Cette limite étant généralement demandée par les ouvriers des Etats-Unis d'Améri que ; le vote du congrès en fera l'étendard commun de toutes les réclamations des classes ouvrières de l'univers. Pour l'instruction des membres continentaux, dont l'expérience sur les lois régis sant les fabriques est d'une date plus récente que celle des ouvriers anglais, nous ajoutons que toute loi pour la limitation de la journée de travail avortera et sera bri sée par les capitalistes si la période de jour pendant laquelle les huit heures de tra vail doivent être prises n'est pas déterminée. La longueur de cette période doit être portée à huit heures avec l'addition des heures de repos. Par exemple, si les diffé rentes interruptions pour les repas s'élèvent à une heure, la période légale du jour doit être limitée à neuf heures. De sept heures du matin à quatre hemes du soir ou de huit heures du matin à cinq heures du soir, etc. Le travail de nuit doit être exceptionnellement permis dans certaines industries spécifiées par la loi. La loi doit tendre à supprimer tout travail de nuit. Cette limitation des heures de travail regarde seulement les adultes des deux se xes. Les femmes cependant doivent être rigoureusement exclues de n'importe quel travail de nuit, et de toute sorte de travail où la pudeur serait blessée et où leurs corps seraient exposés à des poisons ou à d'autres agents délétères. Nous proposons de considérer comme adulte toute personne ayant atteint l'âge de dix-huit ans. 637 Karl Marx Le Courrier International. Nr. 8-10, 9. März 1867 4. - Travail des j e u n es personnes et des enfants des d e ux sexes. Nous considérons la tendance de l'industrie moderne à faire co-opérer les enfants et les jeunes personnes des deux sexes dans le grand mouvement de la production sociale comme un progrès et une tendance légitime, quoique la manière dans la quelle cette tendance est réalisée sous le joug du capital soit une abomination. Dans une société rationnelle n'importe quel enfant, dès l'âge de neuf ans, doit être un travailleur productif, de même qu'un adulte ne peut s'exempter de la loi générale de la nature : «qui ne travaille pas ne mange pas. » Mais en disant travail, nous vou lons parler surtout du travail manuel. Néanmoins, à l'heure présente, nous n'avons à nous occuper que des enfants et des jeunes gens des classes ouvrières. A cause de raisons physiologiques, nous jugeons convenable de diviser les en fants et les jeunes personnes des deux sexes en trois classes, qui doivent être trai tées différemment. La première classe comprend les enfants de 9 à 12 ans, la se conde classe, de 12 à 15 ans, et la troisième classe, de 15 à 18 ans. Nous proposons que l'emploi de la première classe dans tout travail, soit dans les fabriques ou les maisons particulières, soit légalement restreint à deux heures, la seconde, à quatre, et la troisième, à six. Pour la troisième classe, il doit y avoir une interruption d'une heure au moins pour le repas et la récréation. Il serait désirable que les écoles élémentaires commençassent l'instruction des enfants avant l'âge de 9 ans; mais pour le moment nous n'avons qu'à songer aux mesures absolument réclamées pour contrecarrer les tendances d'un système social qui dégrade l'ouvrier au point de le rendre un simple instrument pour l'accumula tion du capital et qui transforme les parents en des marchands d'esclaves, en leur faisant vendre leurs propres enfants. Les droits des enfants doivent être revendiqués puisqu'ils ne peuvent le faire par eux-mêmes. C'est pourquoi le devoir de la société est d'agir en leur faveur. Si la bourgeoisie et l'aristocratie négligent leurs devoirs envers leurs descendants, c'est leur affaire; jouissant du privilège de ces classes, les enfants sont condamnés à en subir les conséquences. Le cas des classes ouvrières est tout à fait différent. Chaque ouvrier ne peut éviter les abominations qui lui sont imposées par ses pressants besoins. Il est trop souvent même trop ignorant pour comprendre le véritable intérêt de son enfant ou les con ditions normales du développement humain. Cependant la partie la plus éclairée des classes ouvrières comprend pleinement que l'avenir de leur classe, et par consé quent de l'espèce humaine, dépend de la formation de la génération ouvrière qui grandit. Ils comprennent que surtout les enfants et les jeunes personnes doivent être préservés des effets destructeurs du système présent. Ceci peut seulement être accompli par la transformation de la raison sociale en force sociale et dans les cir constances présentes nous ne pouvons faire ceci que par des lois générales mises en 638 Rapport du Conseil Central vigueur par le pouvoir de l'Etat. En créant de telles lois, les classes ouvrières ne for tifieront pas le pouvoir gouvernemental, de même qu'il y a des lois pour défendre les privilèges de la propriété, pourquoi n'en existerait-il pas pour en empêcher les abus ? Au contraire, ces lois transformeraient le pouvoir dirigé contre elles en leur propre agent. Le prolétariat fera alors par une mesure générale ce qu'il essaierait en vain d'accomplir par une multitude d'efforts individuels. Partant de ces points établis, nous disons : La société ne peut permettre, ni aux parents, ni aux patrons, d'employer pour le travail les enfants et les jeunes personnes, à moins de combiner ce travail productif avec l'éducation. Par éducation, nous entendons trois choses : Γ Education mentale; 2° Education corporelle, telle qu'elle est produite par les exercices gymnasti- ques et militaires. 3° Education technologique, embrassant les principes généraux et scientifiques de tout mode de production et en même temps initiant les enfants et les jeunes per sonnes dans le maniement des instruments élémentaires de toute industrie. A la division des enfants et des jeunes personnes en trois classes de 9 à 18 ans doit correspondre une marche graduée et progressive pour leur éducation mentale, gymnastique et technologique. En exceptant peut-être la première classe, les dépenses de ces écoles polytechni ques doivent être en partie couvertes par la vente de leurs produits. Cette combinaison du travail productif payé avec l'éducation mentale, les exerci ces corporels et l'apprentissage technologique, élèvera les classes ouvrières bien au- dessus du niveau des classes bourgeoises et aristocratiques. Il est sous-entendu que l'emploi de toute personne de 9 à 18 ans dans tout travail de nuit ou dans toute industrie dont les effets sont nuisibles à la santé doit être sé vèrement interdit par la loi. 5. Travail co-opératif. L'œuvre de l'Association Internationale est de combiner, de généraliser et de don ner de l'uniformité aux mouvements spontanés des classes ouvrières, mais non de les diriger ou de leur imposer n'importe quel système doctrinaire. Par conséquent le congrès ne doit pas proclamer un système spécial de co-opération, mais doit se limi ter à renonciation de quelques principes généraux. (a) Nous reconnaissons le mouvement co-opératif comme une des forces trans formatrices de la société présente, basée sur l'antagonisme des classes. Leur grand mérite est de montrer pratiquement que le système actuel de subordination du travail au capital, despotique et paupérisateur, peut être supplanté par le système républi cain de l'association de producteurs libres et égaux. (b) Mais le mouvement co-opératif limité aux formes microscopiques de dévelop pement que peuvent produire par leurs combinaisons des esclaves individuels sala riés, est impuissant à transformer par lui-même la société capitaliste. Pour convertir la production sociale en un large et harmonieux système de travail co-opératif, des 639 Karl Marx changements sociaux généraux sont indispensables. Les changements des conditions gé nérales de la société ne seront jamais réalisés sans l'emploi des forces organisées de la société. Donc le pouvoir gouvernemental, arraché des mains des capitalistes et des propriétaires fonciers, doit être manié par les classes ouvrières elles-mêmes. , (c) Nous recommandons aux ouvriers d'encourager la co-opération de production J plutôt que la co-opération de consommation. Celle-ci touchant seulement la surface du système économique actuel, l'autre l'attaquant dans sa base. (d) Nous recommandons à toutes les sociétés co-opératives de consacrer une par tie de leurs fonds à la propagande de leurs principes, de prendre l'initiative de nou velles sociétés co-opératives de production et de faire cette propagande aussi bien par la parole que par la presse. (e) Dans le but d'empêcher les sociétés co-opératives de dégénérer dans les socie- tés ordinaires bourgeoises (sociétés de commandite) tout ouvrier employé doit recer voir le même salaire, associé ou non. Comme compromis purement temporaire, nous consentons à admettre un bénéfice très minime aux sociétaires. lti 6. Sociétés ouvrières (trades' u n i o n s) leur passé, leur présent, leur avenir. •Î ' (a) Leur passé. Le capital est la force sociale concentrée ; tandis que l'ouvrier ne dispose que de sa force productive individuelle. Donc le contrat entre le capital et le travail ne peut 20 jamais être établi sur des bases équitables, même en donnant au mot équitable le <• sens que lui attribue une société plaçant les conditions matérielles du travail d'un côté et l'énergie vitale productive de l'autre. Le seul pouvoir social que possèdent les ouvriers, c'est leur nombre. La force du nombre est annulée par la désunion. La désunion des ouvriers est engendrée et perpétuée par la concurrence inévitable faite 25; entre eux-mêmes. Les trades' unions (associations de métiers) originairement sont nées des essais spontanés des ouvriers luttant contre les ordres despotiques du capi tal, pour empêcher ou au moins atténuer les effets de cette concurrence faite par les ouvriers entre eux. Ils voulaient changer les termes du contrat, de telle sorte qu'ils pussent au moins s'élever au-dessus de la condition de simples esclaves. L'objet 30 immédiat des trades' unions est toutefois limité aux nécessités des luttes journaliè res du travail et du capital, à des expédients contre l'usurpation incessante du capi tal, en un mot, aux questions de salaire et d'heures de travail. On ne peut y renon cer tant que le système actuel dure; au contraire, les trades' unions doivent généraliser leur action en se combinant. 35j D'un autre côté, les trades' unions ont formé à leur insu des centres organisateurs de la classe ouvrière, de même que les communes et les municipalités du moyen- âge en avaient constitués pour la classe bourgeoise. Si les trades' unions, dans leur première capacité, sont indispensables dans la guerre d'escarmouches du travail el du capital, elles sont encore plus importantes dans leur dernière capacité, comme 40 organes de transformation du système du travail salarié et de la dictature capitali ste. 640 Rapport du Conseil Central (b) Leur présent. Les trades' unions s'occupent trop exclusivement des luttes immédiates. Elles ¡J- κ n'ont pas assez compris leur pouvoir d'action contre le système capitaliste lui- li même. Néanmoins, dans ces derniers temps elles ont commencé à s'apercevoir de leur grande mission historique. Par exemple, la résolution suivante, récemment j?5 adoptée par la grande conférence des différents délégués des trades' unions tenue à £. Ü Sheffield : «Cette conférence, appréciant à leur juste valeur les efforts faits par F As sociation internationale des travailleurs pour unir dans un lien fraternel les ouvriers si; de tous les pays, recommande très sérieusement à toutes les sociétés représentées p de s'affilier à cette Association, dans la conviction que l'Association internationale forme un élément nécessaire pour le progrès et la prospérité de toute la commu nauté ouvrière.» j* (c) Leur avenir. A part leur œuvre immédiate de réaction contre les manœuvres tracassières du : capital, elles doivent maintenant agir sciemment comme foyers organisateurs de la classe ouvrière dans le grand but de son émancipation radicale. Elles doivent aider tout mouvement social et politique tendant dans cette direction. En se considérant et agissant comme les champions et les représentants de toute la classe ouvrière, el- ; les réussiront à englober dans leur sein les «non-society men» (hommes ne faisant 1:120 point partie des sociétés) ; en s'occupant des industries les plus misérablement rétri- buées, comme l'industrie agricole, où des circonstances exceptionnellement défa- vorables ont empêché toute résistance organisée, elles feront naître la conviction dans les grandes masses ouvrières qu'au lieu d'être circonscrites dans des limites étroites et égoïstes, leur but tend à l'émancipation des millions de prolétaires foulés * % \f ï $25 aux pieds. Le Courrier International. Nr. 11, 16. März 1867 7. I m p ô ts directs et indirects. (a) Aucune modification de la forme de perception des impôts ne saurait pro duire un changement important dans les relations du capital et du travail. (b) Néanmoins, ayant à choisir entre deux systèmes d'impôts nous recomman- I |0 dons l'abolition totale des impôts indirects et leur substitution complète par les im pôts directs ; parce que la perception des impôts directs est à meilleur marché et f ' n'intervient pas dans la production ; parce que les impôts indirects haussent le prix jfV des marchandises, les commerçants les chargeant non-seulement du montant de f~ ces impôts, mais encore de l'intérêt et du profit du capital avancé dans le paiement ; p35 parce que la méthode des impôts indirects mystifie le contribuable sur ce qu'il paye à l'Etat, tandis que les taxes directes n'admettent pas de déguisements. C'est pour quoi les impôts directs tiennent éveillé le contrôle du gouvernement par chaque membre de l'Etat, tandis que les impôts indirects tuent la tendance au self-govern ment (gouvernement par soi-même). 641 Karl Marx 8. Crédit international. Laissé à l'initiative des Français, qui l'ont proposé aux conférences de septembre. 9. De la nécessité d'anéantir l'influence russe en E u r o pe p o ur l'application du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m es et de reconstruire u ne Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u es et sociales. (a) Pourquoi les ouvriers d'Europe prennent à cœur cette question? En premier lieu parce qu'il y a conspiration du silence de la part des écrivains et des agitateurs bourgeois ; quoiqu'ils patronisent toutes sortes de nationalités, même l'Irlande sur le continent. D'où vient ce silence? Parce que ensemble, bourgeois et aristocrates comptent sur ce sinistre pouvoir asiatique placé dans l'arrière scène, qui doit faire son appari tion lorsque la marée montante de la classe ouvrière débordera. Ce pouvoir ne peut être renversé réellement que par la reconstruction d'une Pologne sur des bases dé mocratiques. (b) Avec les changements récents de l'Europe centrale, et spécialement de l'Alle magne, une Pologne démocratique et indépendante est plus que jamais nécessaire, car de son existence dépendra le sort de l'Allemagne, devenant l'avant-garde de la Sainte-Alliance ou la co-opératrice de la France républicaine. Le mouvement ou vrier sera continuellement interrompu, entravé et retardé jusqu'à ce que cette grande question soit résolue. (c) Il est spécialement du devoir des classes ouvrières allemandes de prendre l'ini tiative de cette question, l'Allemagne ayant été participatrice du démembrement de la Pologne. 10. A r m é es p e r m a n e n t es ; leurs rapports avec la production. (a) L'influence délétère des grandes armées permanentes sur la production a été suffisamment dénoncée par les congrès bourgeois de toute couleur et de toute dé nomination (congrès de paix, congrès des économistes, congrès de statistique, con grès philanthropique, congrès sociologique). Nous pensons pour cela qu'il est tout à fait superflu de s'étendre sur ce point. (b) Nous proposons l'armement universel du peuple et son instruction complète dans le maniement des armes. (c) Comme nécessité transitoire, nous acceptons de petites armées permanentes, pour servir d'école aux officiers de la milice, chaque citoyen étant obligé de passer un temps très court dans cette armée. 6 42 Rapport du Conseil Central 11. Des idées religieuses; leur influence sur le m o u v e m e nt social, politique et intellectuel. Laissé à l'initiative des Français, qui l'ont proposé aux conférences de Londres. 643 S p e c i al R e g u l a t i o ns v o t ed at t he G e n e va C o n g r e ss ( 1 8 6 6) Von Laura Marx a u f g e z e i c h n e te e n g l i s c he Fassung I Special Regulations. 1.) The general Council is commissioned to carry into Effect the resolutions of "j^î the Congress. a. For this purpose it recieves all documents that the Central Committees of the different countries forward to it and all such as they can procure by other means. : - <- b. It is charged with organizing the congress and communicating the programme of the congress to each branch, by the means of the different Central Commit- tees. -.|^ .<¿ ;-f^ 2.) As often as the means of the general Council shall permit, it shall publish a re- inaB \'l ^ \J. -y? port, giving information upon all matters likely to interest the International Workingmen's Association. It shall principally attend to the demand for and the offer of work, Co-operative Societies, and the condition of the working- Classes throughout all countries. 3.) This report, to be published in the different languages, shall be forwarded to all the Corresponding Committees whose business it will be to send one copy to every branch. 4.) To render possible the discharge of these obligations laid upon the general Council, there shall be levied, for the year 1866-67 Exceptionally, a contribu- tion of 30 cent. (3d.) on Every member of the International Workingmen's As sociation. These contributions, generally, are intended to meet the numerous outlays of the general Council, such as the salary of the general secretary, and the ex- penses of publications, correspondence, arrangements and other work prepara- tory for the congress and so forth. 5.) In all parts, circumstances permitting, Central Councils shall be organized. Their functionaries, appointed by the respective branches but always liable to be dismissed, shall send to the general Council their reports, at least once a month and if necessary more frequently. 6.) The costs of the Central Councils shall be borne by the various branches con nected with them. | 7.) The corresponding Central Councils, as well as the general Council, are only ,' ?. .4¾" ' ^ j j .¾ 644 Special Regulations voted at the Geneva Congress (1866) bound to make good the credit given to the members of the Association by their respective branches when their carnets have been countersigned by the secretary of that branch to which the bearer belongs. If funds be wanting in that branch where the bearer intends making use of his credit, the said branch is entitled to draw a bill at sight on that office or branch which has issued the assignation. 8.) The Central Councils and branches must gratuitously grant, upon demand, to Every member of the Association, inspection of the report of the general Council. 9.) Every branch, whether large or small, has the right to send a delegate to the congress. Where a branch is not in a position to send a delegate, it is to asso ciate itself with other branches which will then nominate in common one del egate. 10.) The delegates shall be indemnified by such branches or amalgamation of branches as have appointed them. 11.) Every member of the International Workingmen's Association has the right to vote and to be elected. 12.) Every branch or group numbering more than 500 members has the right to send an extra delegate for Every additional 500. 13.) Each delegate has but one vote in congress. 14.) Every branch is free to accomodate its local statutes and regulations to its lo cal circumstances and to the peculiar constitution of its country. These local regulations, however, must contain nothing contradictory to the general stat utes and regulations. 15.) The present statutes and regulations may be revised by Every congress, pro vided that two-thirds of the delegates present demand such change. | 645 R è g l e m e n ts s p é c i a ux v o t és au C o n g r ès de G e n è v e. ( 1 8 6 6) Von Paul Lafargue mit Unterstützung von Laura Marx redigierte französische Fassung 1-31 - Règlements spéciaux - Art. 1 - Le Conseil général est nommé pour mettre en exécution les résolutions du Congrès. a) A cet effet il reçoit tous les documents que les Comités centraux des diffé rents pays lui envoient et tous ceux qu'il peut se procurer par d'autres moyens. b) Il est chargé d'organiser le Congrès et de communiquer le programme du Congrès à chaque branche, par l'aide des Comités centraux. Art. 2 - Aussi souvent que ses moyens le lui permettront, le Conseil central pu bliera un rapport, donnant des détails sur tous les sujets intéressant l'association in ternationale des travailleurs. Ce rapport aura trait principalement à l'offre et à la demande du travail, aux sociétés coopératives et aux conditions des classes ouvrières de tous les pays etc. Art. 3 - Ce rapport sera publié dans différentes langues et sera expédié aux Co mités correspondants, qui seront chargés d'envoyer un exemplaire à chaque branche. Art. 4 - Pour que le Conseil général puisse accomplir ces résolutions, exception nellement pour l'année 1866-67, il sera levé une contribution de 0 f. 30e (3 pence) sur chaque membre de l'association internationale des travailleurs. Ces contributions sont principalement faites dans le but de couvrir les nom breuses dépenses du Conseil général, telles que salaire du secrétaire général, les frais de publications, des correspondances, des arrangements et autres travaux pré paratoires du Congrès etc. ... Art. 5 - Dans tous les endroits, où les circonstances le permettront, des Conseils centraux seront organisés. Leurs fonctionnaires nommés par les branches respec tives, et toujours susceptibles d'être destitués, enverront au Conseil général leurs rapports, au moins une fois par mois et s'il est utile plus souvent. Art. 6 - Les dépenses des Conseils centraux seront couvertes par les différentes branches en rapport avec lui. Art. 7 - Les Conseils centraux correspondants, aussi bien que le Conseil général, ont pour seule mission de reconnaître le crédit fait aux membres de l'association par leurs branches respectives, lorsque leurs livrets sont contresignés par le secré taire de la branche à laquelle le porteur appartient. 646 Règlements spéciaux votés au Congrès de Genève (1866) Si la branche, à laquelle le porteur s'adresse, pour faire usage de son crédit, man que de fonds, celle-ci est autorisée à tirer à vue sur le bureau ou la branche d'où émane le crédit. | |4| Art. 8 - Les Conseils centraux et les branches doivent, sur demande, commu niquer gratuitement à chaque membre de l'association les rapports du Conseil gé néral. Art. 9 - Chaque branche, petite ou grande, a le droit d'envoyer un délégué au Congrès. Lorsque la branche n'a pas les moyens d'envoyer un délégué, elle peut s'associer avec d'autres branches, qui réunis nommeront un délégué commun. Art. 10 - Les frais du délégué seront payés par la branche ou l'association des branches qui l'ont nommé. Art. 11 - Chaque membre de l'association internationale des travailleurs a le droit de participer au vote et d'être élu. Art. 12 - Chaque branche ou groupe comptant plus de 500 membres a le droit d'envoyer un délégué de plus par chaque 500 membres. Art. 13 - Chaque délégué a seulement un vote au Congrès. Art. 14 - Chaque branche est libre d'accommoder ses règlements et statuts aux circonstances locales et à la constitution particulière de sa contrée - Cependant ces règlements locaux ne doivent contenir rien de contradictoire aux statuts et règlements généraux. Art. 15 - Les présents statuts et règlements peuvent être revisés par chaque Congrès, pourvu que les deux tiers des délégués présents en demandent le change ment. I 647 A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u r s. C o m p te r e n du du C o n g r ès de G e n è ve ( 1 8 6 6) Liste des délégués Le Courrier International. Nr. 6/7, 16. Februar 1867 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève. Liste des Délégués présents au Congrès Ouvrier du 3-8 Septembre 1866. Délégués des Sections de l'Association I n t e r n a t i o n a le des Travailleurs. Délégués du comité central de Londres, 18, Bouverie street, E. C. : George Odger, cor donnier; Carter, parfumeur ; Jung, horloger; Eccarius, tailleur; Cremer, charpentier. Délégué de la section française de Londres : Dupont, facteur d'instruments de musique. Délégués des sections de Paris, 44, rue des Gravilliers : Tolain, ciseleur ; Caméli- nat, monteur d'appareils à gaz ; Bourdon, graveur ; Perrachon, monteur en bronze d'art ; Murât, mécanicien ; Guyard, monteur en bronzes pour meubles ; Chemalé, commis architecte ; Cultin, corroyeur ; Benoît Malon, journaliste ; Varlin, relieur ; Fribourg, graveur décorateur. Représentant les sections de Lyon, à l'adresse de Schettel, à Lyon, 1, rue de l'Hospice-des-Vieillards : Richard, teinturier; Schettel, mécanicien; Sécrétant, tis seur en soie ; Baudy, mécanicien. Représentant la section de Fleurieux, à l'adresse de Schettel, à Lyon, 1, rue de l'Hospice-des-Vieillards : Baudrand de Neuville-sur-Saône. Représentant la section de Rouen, 12, rue de l'Amitié : Aubry, lithographe. Délégués de la section française de Genève, rue de la Pélisserie, 4 : Dupleix, re lieur; J. Card, journaliste. Représentant la section de Lausanne : Cornaz. Représentant la section de Montreux : Bocquin, menuisier. Délégués de la section allemande de Genève, 33, près l'Evêché: Jean Philip Becker; Charles Heidt, agent de commerce. Délégué de la section de Zurich : Charles Burkli. Représentant la section française de La Chaux-de-Fonds, à l'adresse du docteur Coullery, 8, me de la Place-Neuve: Coullery; Jules Vuilleumier, monteur de boîtes 651 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) de montres; Joseph Vanza, graveur; Jean-Marie Fournier, fabricant de cadrans; Otterstaetter, graveur. Représentant la section allemande de La Chaux-de-Fonds : Philippe Peter. Représentant la section allemande de Lausanne : Pierre Eggenweiler. Section de Neuchâtel : Dagond, agent d'affaires ; Huguenin, employé du service civil. Section de Locle, canton de Neuchâtel: Guillaume, professeur. Sections de Saint-Imier et Sonvilliers, canton de Berne : Schwitzguébel, graveur. Section de Bienne, canton de Berne : Pierre Mosimann, graveur. Section de Bale, Bourgweg, 7 : Frey, tisseur de rubans. Section de Stuttgart, Wurtemberg : Louis Muller, cordonnier. Section Magdeburg, Hirschgasse, n° 9 : Frédéric Butter. Sections de Cologne et de Solingen : Frédéric Moll. Délégués des Sociétés A d h é r e n t e s. Délégué de la société des tailleurs de Londres : Lawrence, tailleur. Délégués de la société des graveurs de Genève : Masson ; Bonnet, John ; Perret, Henri. Délégués de"la société des monteurs de boîtes de montres de Genève: Vismer; Grass. Délégué de la société des faiseurs de boîtes de musique : Marcel, Louis. Délégué de la société la Famille de Genève : Maguin. Délégué de la société l'Union, section de Genève : Guilmeaux. Délégué de la société des menuisiers de Genève : Varinard. Délégué de la société des charpentiers de Genève : W. Rau. Délégué de la société d'enseignement des ouvriers allemands de Genève: Aug. Hoppenworth, relieur. Délégué de la société d'enseignement des ouvriers allemands de Lausanne- Schlaifer, tailleur. Délégué de la société d'enseignement des ouvriers allemands de Vevey : Moess- ner, ébéniste. En tout, 60 délégués, dont 46 représentant 25 sections de l'Association Interna tionale et 14 représentants de 11 sociétés adhérentes. Le Courrier International. Nr. 6/7, 16. Februar 1867; Nr. 8-10, 9. März 1867; Nr. 11, 16. März 1867 Rapport du conseil central. Sur les différentes questions mises à l'étude par la conférence de septembre 1865. [Siehe S. 635-643.] 652 Le Courrier International. Londres. Nr. 8-10, 9. März 1867. Titelseite mit dem Beginn des „Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866)" Séance du 3 septembre 1866 Le Courrier International. Nr. 12, 23. März 1867 Congrès de Genève. Société Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu des débats. Séance du 3 Septembre. Président : le citoyen Dupleix. La section de Genève, ayant été chargée par le conseil central de faire les prépara tifs nécessaires pour la tenue du congrès, procède à la vérification des pouvoirs. La présentation des mandats a donné le résultat suivant : Délégués des sections, 45 ; Délégués des sociétés adhérentes, 15 ; total, 60. Une discussion très-vive a été provoquée par la demande de quelques personnes qui, sans pouvoir présenter de mandats, se croyaient en droit d'être admises, comme délégués des sections de Paris, à prendre part aux travaux du congrès. Ils al léguaient la situation administrative de la France, où les réunions ne sont point permises. Quelques membres appuyaient leur demande, d'après eux l'organisation du congrès n'étant ni complète ni définitive, il ne convenait pas d'être trop exi geant, et qu'au contraire il serait plus utile d'admettre aux travaux du congrès tout homme de bonne volonté. Les délégués anglais affirmaient, au contraire, qu'étant les représentants de sections et de sociétés comptant plusieurs milliers de membres, ils étaient venus au congrès avec la conviction que le système représentatif en for merait la base et qu'en cas d'admission de personnes ne représentant aucun corps constitué, ils seraient dans les discussions et les votes sur le pied d'une inégalité contraire à la justice et que leurs droits comme représentants en seraient lésés. L'as semblée, en passant outre, décide que le droit de prendre part dans les discussions et au vote appartient exclusivement aux délégués ayant leurs mandats en règle. Les délégués, après cette interruption, se sont occupés de l'élection de leur prési dent, et le citoyen Jung, délégué du conseil central, a été choisi pour diriger les dé bats du congrès à une majorité de 45 voix. Le citoyen Dupleix, de la section française de Genève et le citoyen Becker, de la section allemande de la même ville, ont été nommés vice-présidents. Les citoyens Coullery (de La Chaux-de-Fonds), Card (de Genève), Bourdon (de Paris), Moll (d'Allemagne) ont été nommés secrétaires. On a décidé qu'il y aurait deux séances par jour, la première à 9 heures du matin et la deuxième à deux heures de l'après-midi. Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) demande à ce que tout membre qui fait une propo sition n'ait que 15 minutes pour l'introduire et l'appuyer; et qu'il ne reprenne la pa role qu'une seule fois pour répondre aux objections faites, et qu'alors il n'ait plus que dix minutes et que les membres qui parleront sur la question ne gardent la pa role que pendant dix minutes. La proposition est votée à l'unanimité. 655 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Séance du 4 Septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin. Président : le citoyen Jung. Le citoyen Fribourg donne lecture, au nom de la section de Paris, du rapport éta blissant l'état des recettes et dépenses de la société dans cette ville. Ce rapport fait connaître aussi le résultat moral obtenu en France. Le citoyen Cremer donne également lecture du rapport administratif du conseil central de Londres. De ce rapport il résulte que déjà 25173 citoyens de diverses professions font partie de l'Association. Le rapport fait espérer que plus de 20 000 nouveaux membres s'y adjoindront prochainement. Le résultat moral obtenu par l'Association internationale a été très grand en Angleterre. Le citoyen Coullery remercie, au nom de l'assemblée, les ouvriers anglais de tout ce qui a été fait par eux. Le citoyen Fribourg, au nom de tous les délégués français, remercie le conseil central et demande que la dette de Londres soit considérée comme internationale. Sur la proposition d'une grande partie des membres de l'assemblée, le citoyen Dupont donne lecture de la traduction du mémoire rédigé par le conseil central de Londres, qui embrasse presque toutes les questions mises à l'étude par le pro gramme de l'Association internationale. Le citoyen Chemalé donne ensuite lecture, toujours au nom de la section de Pa ris, du mémoire comportant l'étude de toutes les questions du programme. Cette lecture est interrompue par l'heure de la clôture. Séance du 4 Septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir. Président : le citoyen Jung. 10- 153 201 25 3 Le citoyen Chemalé (Paris) continue à donner lecture du rapport de la section pari sienne. Le citoyen Tolain propose que tous les rapports soient lus et relus ; et qu'ensuite la discussion générale sur les rapports s'ouvre. La proposition est adoptée à une grande majorité. Le citoyen Eccarius fait la lecture en allemand du rapport du comité central de 30 Londres. Sur la question de l'instruction existe un rapport rédigé par la minorité et un par la majorité de la section parisienne. La délégation de Lyon, après la lecture du rapport parisien, dit qu'elle renonce à faire la lecture du sien et adhère complètement à ce dernier, celui-ci contenant ses idées, ses principes. Cependant sur la question de l'instruction, elle se prononce pour l'éducation donnée par la famille. 35 Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris) ayant déposé sur le bureau un mémoire provenant de deux membres de l'Association de Paris, qu'il venait de recevoir à l'instant même, 40 656 Séances du 5 septembre 1866 on se demande ce que l'on devait faire de mémoires envoyés par des membres indi viduellement. Sur la proposition du citoyen Cremer (Londres), l'assemblée décide que le co mité Genevois serait chargé de les examiner et d'en faire un rapport sommaire à l'assemblée0'. 5 Le citoyen Card (Suisse) propose la nomination d'une commission chargée de ré diger les statuts définitifs. Adopté à l'unanimité. Le citoyen Card (Suisse) veut que chaque nationalité soit représentée par un 10 nombre de membres proportionné au nombre des membres de la délégation. La proposition de Card est adoptée. Allemands, 4 : Burkli, Hoppenworth, Becker, Schlaifer. Anglais, 3 : Eccarius, Carter, Dupont. Français, 5 : Varlin, Fribourg, Scheitel, Tolain, Aubry. Suisses, 2 : Dupleix, Coullery. 15 Séance du 5 Septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin. Président: le citoyen Jung. Le citoyen Card (Suisse) propose la discussion du programme, article par article. Il 20 demande qu'on rédige pour chaque question une formule qui servira de point de départ pour la discussion publique. La proposition du citoyen Card est appuyée par tous les membres présents. La deuxième question allait être mise à l'étude, conformément à cette proposi tion, lorsque le citoyen Cremer (Londres) fit remarquer qu'on ne pouvait discuter 25 avec fruit sans la présence de tous les délégués, car il pourrait arriver que les mem bres de la commission rejetassent une ou plusieurs résolutions prises par l'assem blée. Le citoyen fait aussi remarquer que tous les programmes ne sont pas sembla- bles. L'ordre des questions est interverti, quelques articles même du programme français n'existent pas sur le programme anglais et genevois. • 30 Séance du 5 Septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir. Président : le citoyen Jung. Le citoyen Card (Suisse) lit une lettre adressée de Milan par le citoyen Stampa aux membres du congrès. Dans cette lettre, les citoyens italiens expriment le regret de 35 ne pouvoir assister à la grande réunion qui assemble les ouvriers de tous les pays. Ils espèrent que leur adhésion sera considérée comme un acte de présence. Cette lettre produit une grande impression sur l'assemblée, elle est accueillie par d'una- °' Ce rapport n'a pas été fait faute de temps. 657 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) nimes applaudissements. Plusieurs membres demandent que cette lettre soit tra duite en allemand et en anglais et insérée dans le procès-verbal du congrès. Cette proposition est acceptée par tous les délégués. Le président fait connaître que les journaux anglais, le Times et le Daily News, viennent de publier chacun un article sur le congrès et sur l'Association internatio nale, qu'ils avaient dédaignés jusqu'aujourd'hui. Il ajoute que ce fait a une grande importance pour l'Angleterre, ces deux journaux étant les plus considérables de Londres. Le citoyen Coullery (Suisse) est ensuite appelé à donner lecture, au nom de la commission nommée pour l'élaboration des statuts, du rapport de cette commis sion. Plusieurs membres demandent qu'on fasse en entier la lecture des statuts, qui se ront ensuite discutés un à un. La proposition acceptée, le rapporteur commence la lecture. Sur l'article 1, ayant trait à la nomination du secrétaire général, les délégués se trouvent très divisés. La délégation anglaise propose qu'il soit nommé par le congrès afin de rendre sa responsabilité plus grande. Les citoyens Tolain (Paris) et autres, veulent, au contraire, que le secrétaire géné ral soit nommé par le conseil central. Ces citoyens veulent éviter toute scission qui pourrait naître de ces deux pouvoirs issus du même vote, le conseil central et le se crétaire général. Les conflits qui pourraient en résulter dureraient peut-être jusqu'au prochain congrès et entraveraient la marche de l'Association. Cette dernière opinion obtient la majorité de l'assemblée. Sur l'article 2, concernant la fixation du congrès, le citoyen Card dit qu'il croit que le choix du jour et du lieu du congrès doit être laissé à l'initiative du conseil central. Cette proposition est appuyée par les délégués allemands et anglais. Elle est com battue par beaucoup d'autres membres des délégations française et suisse. Le citoyen Murât, fait la proposition suivante : que l'époque du congrès soit irré vocablement fixée chaque année par le congrès lui-même et que la faculté de choi sir le lieu, suivant les circonstances, où devra se tenir l'assemblée, soit laissée à l'initiative du conseil central. Les membres qui appuient cette proposition désirent que les délégations des di vers pays puissent, quelle qu'en soit la décision du conseil central, se réunir à une époque fixe, sans convocation aucune. La proposition du citoyen Murât est acceptée par la majorité. Le citoyen Tolain prend la parole sur une question d'ordre, il propose qu'on em ploie pour les amendements faits aux différentes propositions la méthode employée au Corps législatif français et dans d'autres parlements étrangers, qui consiste à dé poser sur le bureau les amendements écrits. Le président les met en discussion en commençant par celui qui s'éloigne le plus de la proposition. La proposition du citoyen Tolain, combattue par les délégués anglais, est ap puyée et adoptée par la majorité. La discussion des articles des statuts continue. A propos du congrès annuel, les citoyens Cremer et Odger disent qu'ils ne 658 Séances du 5 septembre 1866 croient pas utile de tenir un congrès tous les ans ; leur principale raison en faveur de leur dire est le prix dispendieux du voyage, i La majorité des membres croit que chaque congrès amènera une recrudescence de vie dans l'Association et attirera un plus grand nombre de membres, ce qui per- 5 mettra de trouver plus facilement les moyens d'action. L'assemblée décide qu'un congrès aura lieu chaque année. Les articles 4, 5 et 6 sont adoptés à l'unanimité. Sur l'article 7, qui a rapport aux avances à faire aux membres qui voyagent d'un pays à l'autre, les délégués émettent des avis partagés. Les uns veulent que l'on ne 10 donne pas aux sections le pouvoir d'accorder à tous les membres un crédit dont elles pourraient devenir victimes. Ils disent que l'ouvrier doit s'habituer à l'écono mie et ne compter sur aucun secours d'argent. Ils ajoutent que l'Association inter nationale doit seulement s'occuper de trouver de l'ouvrage à l'ouvrier qui se pré sente et lui accorder ce que dans certains pays on nomme un viatique. ¿15 Les citoyens Tolain et Fribourg, répondent qu'il est très facile de parer à ces in convénients et proposent le moyen suivant : chaque section à laquelle appartiendra le membre qui se déplace se portera nécessairement garant de sa solvabilité envers la section ou les sections correspondantes qui feront des avances au membre voya geur. Et dans le cas, très rare, où le bureau correspondant n'aurait pas d'argent en 20 caisse, il n'aurait qu'à tirer immédiatement à vue sur le bureau expéditeur afin de se faire rembourser de suite l'avance faite. De cette façon, il n'y aura ni charité ni production. C'est un droit qui appartiendra à tout citoyen. La section est seule juge de la manière dont elle doit créditer le membre demandeur. La délégation anglaise demande l'ajournement de cette question. Il n'est pas ac- ï 25 cepté. Et la proposition est votée à la majorité. - Deux opposants. Sur l'article 8, qui a trait aux conditions exigées pour faire partie de l'Association internationale, une discussion très animée a lieu. Une partie de l'assemblée demande que tout citoyen qui, quoique ne travaillant pas manuellement, concourt à l'émancipation de la classe ouvrière, soit admis à faire partie de l'Association internationale des travailleurs. •30 Les délégués de Paris et plusieurs de la Suisse demandent, au contraire, que la qualité de travailleur manuel soit exigée. Leur raison est que bien des ambitieux et des intrigants s'introduiraient dans l'Association afin de s'en rendre maître dans un temps plus ou moins long et de la faire servir à leur intérêt personnel, et par conse ns quent ils la détourneraient de son but. Après une longue discussion, l'assemblée se prononce pour la proposition sui vante, présentée par les membres de la commission : Sera admis membre de l'Association internationale des travailleurs tout homme pouvant justifier de sa qualité de travailleur; de cette façon chaque section restera ¿40 maîtresse d'admettre sous sa responsabilité qui bon lui semblera. Les articles 9, 10, 11, sont admis à l'unanimité. 659 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Le Courrier International. Nr. 13, 30. März 1867 Séance du 6 Septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin. Président: le citoyen Jung. Art. I du p r o g r a m m e. Organisation de l'Association. Les citoyens Dupont (Londres) et Carter (Londres) proposent de nommer une com mission de 5 membres pour rédiger les règlements spéciaux de l'Association. Cette proposition est acceptée. Sont nommés : Les citoyens Eccarius, Fribourg, Burkli, Coullery et Schettel. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris) demande si les travaux, les mémoires présentés au congrès seront publiés aux frais du conseil général. Le citoyen Card (Polonais) demande qu'on nomme une commission pour juger des choses nécessaires à publier, en laissant aux sections la liberté de publier leurs travaux dans le cas de non insertion au procès-verbal du congrès. Le citoyen Becker (Allemagne) s'oppose à la nomination de cette commission et soutient que ce travail, qui nécessite dix à quinze jours, doit être confié aux soins du conseil général de Londres. La proposition du citoyen Becker est votée à l'unanimité. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris) propose que les trois rapports des délégations anglaise, allemande et françaises™ soient publiés in extenso dans les comptes rendus du congrès. Voté à l'unanimité. Le citoyen Dupont demande que toutes les publications faites par les différentes sections soient envoyées au conseil général pour être conservées dans les archives de l'Association internationale. La proposition du citoyen Dupont est adoptée. Le citoyen Tolain propose que la lettre du citoyen Stampa soit publiée in extenso dans les comptes rendus. Le bureau propose d'écrire une lettre en réponse à celle des ouvriers italiens. Cette proposition est approuvée. ( 1) Le conseil général a décidé que le mot «français» comprend le mémoire lyonnais aussi bien que le mémoire parisien. 660 Séances du 6 septembre 1866 Séance du 6 Septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir. Président: le citoyen Jung. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) appelle l'attention de l'assemblée sur un fait qui s'est passé à Ferney et qu'il est important de faire connaître à tous les délégués. La musi que de Ferney, composée de travailleurs, avait manifesté l'intention de participer au congrès en offrant son concours gratuit pour la fête de dimanche. Un arrêté pré fectoral les en a empêchés. L'autorité a retiré en même temps au chef de musique l'allocation qui lui était accordée. Le citoyen Dupleix (Genève) confirme les faits avancés par le citoyen Dupont. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris) émet la proposition suivante : «Le congrès manifeste hautement son étonnement à propos de l'acte administra tif dont le chef de la musique de Ferney a été victime, et charge son président de lui exprimer ses regrets et l'assurance de ses sympathies. » La proposition est votée. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) fait remarquer qu'un groupe de Français étant venu à Genève sans délégation pour participer aux travaux du congrès, il serait utile que la réunion votât immédiatement l'admission d'un membre de ce groupe pour faire connaître le sujet qu'ils désirent traiter en séance publique; et il ajoute que ce groupe accuse la délégation parisienne de vouloir mettre la lumière sous le boisseau. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris) donne, au nom des Français, un démenti formel à cette accusation et dit que la délégation parisienne a toujours demandé et demande encore l'admission du groupe dissident. Plusieurs membres allemands et anglais disent qu'ils ne comprennent pas pour quoi cette question est encore soulevée, et demandent l'ordre du jour. Un tumulte s'étant élevé dans la salle, le citoyen Dupleix dit que le congrès étant placé sous les auspices du comité genevois, il engage les membres de cette section à rétablir l'ordre. L'ordre du jour étant proposé, il est accepté par la majorité. 17 opposants. Art. II du p r o g r a m m e. C o m b i n a i s on des efforts au m o y en de l'association p o ur les différentes luttes sociales e n t re le capital et le travail. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) donne lecture du passage du rapport du conseil cen tral ayant trait à cette question et ajoute ces paroles : J'appelle l'attention du congrès sur la statistique proposée par le conseil central. C'est une des premières et des plus importantes questions que nous ayons à résou dre, car c'est elle seule qui nous fournira des données positives sur la position res- 661 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) pective des classes ouvrières de tous les pays ; alors seulement nous pourrons agir en connaissance de cause, car nous connaîtrons les éléments de la lutte sociale. Le citoyen Lawrence prend la parole sur cette question et explique quelles com binaisons doivent être employées pour activer cette lutte et pour lui donner un ca ractère de jour en jour plus accentué. Il veut que des liens s'établissent entre les classes ouvrières des différents pays, afin qu'elles connaissent leurs situations res pectives. Par ce moyen on parviendra à déjouer les projets des patrons. A l'appui de son raisonnement, il cite la dernière grève des tailleurs de Londres. Les patrons, pour éluder les justes demandes de leurs ouvriers, firent venir des ouvriers alle mands, qui, une fois arrivés, se trouvèrent sans travail et au milieu d'une popula tion dont ils ne comprenaient point la langue ; aussi furent-ils exploités d'une ma nière indigne par les patrons, qui les faisaient travailler au-dessous du prix payé aux Anglais. La société des tailleurs de Londres et le conseil général ont fait leur possible pour ces pauvres ouvriers, les ont aidés à retourner dans leur pays ou à re cevoir leur salaire légitime. Un fait analogue vient de se passer avec les terrassiers des chemins de fer de Londres. Puisque les capitalistes, grâce aux moyens fournis par l'industrie, ont tant de puissance pour pressurer l'ouvrier, celui-ci n'a qu'un moyen de secouer le joug, c'est l'entente entre tous les travailleurs de tous les pays pour déclarer une lutte à mort à la race des capitalistes. Pour établir cette lutte, il faut que chaque section de l'Association internationale devienne un bureau de ren seignements où chaque ouvrier puisse trouver des données positives sur l'état de la classe ouvrière du pays où il veut aller. Dans ce but, le citoyen Lawrence fait la pro position suivante : Que les différentes sections de cette Association entrent en communication avec les sociétés ouvrières ou les travailleurs individuels, là où il n'existe pas de société, qu'elles fassent un rapport sur l'état économique et politique de la classe ouvrière du pays et le communiquent aux autres sections. Le citoyen Murât (Paris) appuie la proposition du citoyen Lawrence. Le citoyen Coullery (Suisse) s'appesantit sur ceci, que les capitaux amassés par les ouvriers ne doivent pas retomber aux mains des capitalistes, mais doivent servir à former des associations de co-opération, qui enrichiront la classe ouvrière et aug menteront sa puissance dans la lutte contre la classe des exploiteurs, et il termine par ces mots : l'exploitation capitaliste est le vol reconnu par la loi. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) dit que l'on doit considérer la proposition de Law rence comme non avenue, car le conseil général a prévu le cas en proposant une statistique devant fournir toute espèce de détails sur la position de la classe ouvrière. Cette statistique est impérieusement réclamée, ajoute-t-il, car la position de l'ouvrier en présence du patron est des plus précaires. Jugez-en par ce fait: un ouvrier avait été à Sheffield embauché pour deux ans par un patron. Une grève ar rive, les ouvriers obtiennent une augmentation de salaire ; l'ouvrier embauché veut jouir de la même augmentation ; le patron refuse, alors l'ouvrier cesse de travailler. Le patron a recours alors aux tribunaux, qui condamnent l'ouvrier à trois mois de prison. A sa sortie le patron réclame l'ouvrier, mais celui-ci de nouveau refuse éner- giquement tout travail ; le magistrat le menace d'un emprisonnement de trois mois à trois ans, si immédiatement il ne rentre dans l'atelier au prix convenu antérieure- 662 Séances du 6 septembre 1866 ment à la grève. Vous le voyez, tout est tourné contre l'ouvrier, qui, en présence du capitaliste, est livré sans défense. Il faut au moins que par cette statistique nous lui fassions connaître le terrain sur lequel il marche. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris) dit qu'en Angleterre, grâce à la liberté, le mouvement social s'est manifesté par la résistance, par la grève ; tandis qu'en France, à cause des entraves apportées à l'organisation de la classe ouvrière, la grève n'a été qu'un moyen extrême ; et l'association a été considérée comme le seul moyen d'émanci pation. Le citoyen Odger (Londres). Dans nos grèves d'Angleterre, les patrons obligent leurs ouvriers à céder par l'importation d'ouvriers continentaux, ou par la seule me nace de leur importation. 11 faut que, grâce à l'Association internationale, des faits pareils ne puissent plus se renouveler. Et, comme la cause première d'où dérivent ces importations gît dans l'infériorité des salaires des ouvriers sur le continent, les ouvriers anglais appuieront de leur côté toute réclamation des ouvriers continen taux et feront au besoin des sacrifices pécuniaires pour les soutenir dans leur lutte. Le citoyen Eccarius (Londres). Les grèves ne doivent plus se borner à une seule nation, la centralisation capitaliste est devenue si puissante que les patrons les dé jouent soit par l'autorisation des ouvriers étrangers, soit en commandant le travail dans d'autres pays, c'est ce qui est arrivé dernièrement pour la grève de Sheffield ; les patrons ont fait commander en Amérique pour paralyser le mouvement de leurs ouvriers, mais les travailleurs américains ont refusé de se prêter à leurs machina tions. Des faits semblables n'arrivent pas tous les jours, ordinairement le patron triomphe par ce moyen. Donc, aujourd'hui, pour rendre la grève profitable, il faut qu'au même moment les ouvriers de tous les pays refusent de travailler; qué la grève soit universelle. Demander la grève universelle, c'est réclamer la révolution. Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) reconnaît la nécessité de cette statistique, et, pour en faire comprendre toute l'importance, il cite ce qui s'est passé en Angleterre en 1859, lors de la fameuse grève des building's trades (ouvriers constructeurs de bâti ments). Cette grève gigantesque était faite par plusieurs milliers d'ouvriers, des mil liers de livres sterling ont été dépensés pour la soutenir, toutes les associations ouvrières anglaises ont voulu contribuer à cette lutte, toutes ont ouvert leur caisse. Les patrons ont menacé de faire des importations en masse des ouvriers étrangers. Les ouvriers immédiatement ont écrit à toutes les sociétés ouvrières étrangères, mais, n'ayant pas les relations que possède l'Association internationale, les ouvriers ont dû céder après 38 semaines de grève. D'après ce fait, vous le voyez, pour mener à bonne fin la lutte que le travail a entreprise contre le capital, il faut qu'une publi cité immense soit mise au service des classes ouvrières. Et pour éviter l'importation des ouvriers d'un pays à l'autre, il faut arriver à établir un salaire à peu près uni forme et on n'y parviendra qu'en aidant toutes les manifestations tendant à élever les salaires et à diminuer les heures de travail. Le citoyen Becker (Allemagne) fait la proposition suivante : Que les sociétés ouvrières dans toutes les parties du monde soient engagées à en trer en communication les unes avec les autres au moyen du conseil général, qu'elles s'instruisent réciproquement sur le montant des salaires, des heures du tra vail, du mode de louer le travail, etc. De cette manière on pourra parvenir à égaliser 663 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) les salaires dans les différents pays. Comme la question des salaires n'est pas natio nale mais internationale, nous engageons les ouvriers des différents pays à s'assister autant que possible par l'intermédiaire du conseil central dans leur lutte journalière contre le capital; et par ce moyen ils empêcheront les patrons de faire venir des ouvriers étrangers pendant une lutte sociale des ouvriers indigènes. Adoptée. 8 opposants. Le citoyen Cornaz (Suisse) propose la création des bureaux de renseignements dans chaque ville où les ouvriers pourront s'adresser pour trouver de l'ouvrage et les patrons pour trouver des ouvriers. Le citoyen Card (Polonais) condamne la grève en principe. C'est un moyen bar bare, dit-il, qui confirme le salaire que nous voulons abolir. C'est l'association que nous devons préconiser, car elle organise la classe ouvrière, lui assure la jouissance de son travail et développe son intelligence. Le citoyen Jung (Londres) quitte le siège présidentiel, pour défendre la grève, du moins telle que les conditions économiques l'ont faite en Angleterre. Les grèves an glaises sont des actes de défense contre les exactions infames des patrons. Ordinai rement ce sont les patrons qui ferment leurs ateliers, comme cela vient d'arriver pour les tailleurs et les ouvriers de Sheffield. La grève, quoique coûtant cher, rap porte davantage aux Anglais qui sont bien organisés, soit qu'elle soit faite pour di minuer les heures de travail, soit pour une augmentation des salaires. Le citoyen Card (Polonais) et le citoyen Camélinat (Paris) protestent contre la grève et ne croient pas aux bénéfices que les Anglais en ont retirés. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) dit que les Anglais ne préconisent pas la grève comme principe, mais comme moyen de lutte. La grève, ajoute-t-il, a organisé la classe ouvrière anglaise, et aucun pays Européen n'offre un spectacle pareil, et la grève seule, dans la position actuelle, pouvait accomplir cette œuvre ; l'association, réduite aux moyens insignifiants dont elle peut disposer, aurait été impuissante à atteindre ce résultat. C'est pourquoi si l'on condamne la grève en principe on doit l'admettre comme le seul moyen de lutte dont dispose la classe ouvrière ... Et reve nant sur le projet de statistique, il soumet à l'approbation de l'assemblée le plan de statistique proposé par le conseil général, qui est adopté à l'unanimité. Les citoyens Card (Polonais) et Tolain (Paris) font la proposition suivante : Le congrès déclare que, dans l'état actuel de l'industrie, qui est la guerre, on doit se prêter aide mutuelle pour la défense du salaire, mais qu'il croit de son devoir de déclarer qu'il y a un but plus élevé à atteindre, qui est la suppression du salariat. Il recommande l'étude des moyens économiques basés sur la justice et la réciprocité. Cette déclaration est adoptée. 664 Séances du 7 septembre 1866 Le Courrier International. Nr. 14, 6. April 1867 Art. VI du p r o g r a m m e '1'. Sociétés ouvrières. L e ur passé, leur présent, leur avenir. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris), au nom de la délégation parisienne, fait la proposition suivante : Le passé, c'est la corporation, c'est-à-dire le despotisme ; le présent, c'est l'insoli- darité ; l'isolement, c'est-à-dire l'antagonisme et l'asservissement au capital ; l'ave nir, c'est l'identité du consommateur, du producteur et du capitaliste amené par la co-opération. Cette proposition est adoptée, ainsi que l'extrait du rapport anglais ayant trait à |,- 10 cette question. Séance du 7 Septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin. Président : le citoyen Jung. Art. V du p r o g r a m m e. Travaux co-opératifs. Le citoyen Eccarius (Londres) donne lecture du rapport du conseil central, qui est adopté à l'unanimité. Les citoyens Fribourg et Chemalé (Paris) font l'addition suivante : Le congrès recommande aux Sociétés d'éviter la forme d'administration par un seul et de laisser aux associés le droit plein et entier d'administration sur tous les points conformément au contrat consenti par eux. 20 Le citoyen Bocquin (Montreux) propose de féliciter la section de Lausanne, qui, l'hiver dernier, a entrepris à ses frais des travaux pour occuper les ouvriers. 25 Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) cite un fait pareil. Les ouvriers terrassiers de Lon dres ont entrepris à leur frais des travaux pour plus de 20000 livres sterling (500000 fr.). Voir ci-dessus. Art. VI du p r o g r a m m e. ( 1) Le congrès a probablement entrepris la discussion de cet article en dehors du programme ¡30 de Londres parce qu'il avait été discuté incidemment pendant la discussion de l'article II. 665 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Art. VII du p r o g r a m m e. I m p ô ts directs et indirects. Le travail du conseil central sur cette question est lu. Après une courte discussion, la délégation parisienne soumet aux votes du congrès la proposition suivante : L'impôt est la quote part à payer par chacun pour acquitter les dépenses géné rales: c'est donc un échange entre les citoyens et la collectivité représentée par l'Etat. Les citoyens étant seuls juges des services dont ils ont besoin et du prix qu'il leur convient d'y mettre, ont donc seuls le droit de voter et lever l'impôt. L'impôt doit être aussi direct que possible de façon à ce que la part de chacun soit nettement déterminée et sa juste répartition facilement contrôlée. Le citoyen Coullery (La Chaux-de-Fonds) voudrait introduire un amendement dans cette proposition, qui tendrait à remplacer les mots : l'impôt doit être aussi direct que possible, par l'impôt doit être direct; qui sont les propres termes du rapport an glais. Mais après une courte discussion il retire son amendement, et la proposition est acceptée par l'assemblée. Art. VIII du p r o g r a m m e. Crédit international. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris) développe la proposition suivante : Io Le congrès met à l'étude le crédit international et invite toutes les sections de l'Association à faire parvenir leurs travaux sur ce point au conseil général, qui les insérera dans le bulletin, de cette façon la question sera connue de tous et pourra être résolue par le prochain congrès. 2° Le congrès met dès maintenant à l'étude l'idée d'une fédération de toutes les banques ouvrières créées ou à créer pour les relier plus tard par un établissement central de l'Association internationale des travailleurs. La proposition soutenue par le citoyen Coullery (La Chaux-de-Fonds) est adop tée à l'unanimité. Art. III du p r o g r a m m e. R é d u c t i on des h e u r es de travail. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) lit le rapport du conseil central : Io Le congrès considère la diminution des heures de travail comme un des pre miers pas vers l'émancipation du travailleur. 2° Il propose que la journée de travail soit limitée à huit heures. 3° Que le travail de nuit ne doit être permis que dans des cas exceptionnels et prévus par la loi, et seulement pour les hommes. La délégation française fait la proposition suivante : 666 Séances du 7 septembre 1866 Io L'homme n'est libre qu'à la condition de développer toutes ses facultés, en conséquence toute prolongation de travail qui le rendrait incapable de développer et de jouir de toutes ses aptitudes, doit être condamné comme anti-physiologique et anti-sociale. 2° Dès à présent nous considérons un travail de dix heures par jour comme de vant être suffisant à la création des services nécessaires à la vie. 3° L'Association doit donc faire tous ses efforts pour affirmer l'équivalence des fonctions en établissant un minimum de salaire rétributaire du service rendu par l'individu à la collectivité. 10 Séance du 7 Septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir. Président: le citoyen Jung. Le citoyen Odger (Londres). Quant à ce qui touche à la fixation du minimum du salaire, il croit l'exécution de ce projet difficile. Mais il tient essentiellement à ce 15 que les huit heures de travail proposées par le conseil central soient maintenues par le congrès. Huit heures de travail sont plus que suffisantes pour payer les dépenses de l'ouvrier; Elles sont suffisant pour qu'un homme fournisse grandement sa part dans la production sociale. N'oubliez pas que Owen, le fameux communiste, a dé montré pièces en main que trois heures de travail données par tous les hommes se- raient assez pour produire la richesse sociale actuelle, et songez que depuis Owen, les mécaniques ont fait des progrès immenses, et que tous les progrès tendent à abréger le travail humain. ; 20 Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) dit que le citoyen Odger, en parlant d'un minimum de salaire, parle en son nom personnel, car il croit qu'il est impossible d'établir ce ; 25 minimum. Dans cette proposition, la question vraiment importante est celle des heures de travail; c'est la seule que nous devons résoudre dans un sens positif, et nous devons réclamer énergiquement huit heures de travail. En Amérique, il existe en ce moment un grand mouvement dans la classe ouvrière, pour réduire la journée de travail à huit heures. L'Association internationale a été prise en grande conside ration par les prolétaires américains, précisément à cause de cette question ; ils sont convaincus que nous les soutiendrons dans cette lutte. Nous ne pouvons les aban donner en demandant moins qu'eux. D'ailleurs, plus nous demanderons, plus nous obtiendrons. Dernièrement, les ouvriers en bâtiments ont fait une grève pour obte nir une réduction dans les heures de travail; si, au lieu de neuf heures, ils en ro 35 avaient réclamé huit, ils auraient obtenu ce qu'il demandaient. Donc, que huit heures de travail soit le mot d'ordre de la classe ouvrière de tous les pays. Cette demande n'est pas trop prétentieuse, je suppose. Le citoyen Coullery (La Chaux-de-Fonds) dit que c'est la plus importante ques tion que le congrès puisse agiter. Avant tout, pour faire la révolution nous devons 40 avoir des hommes, et le régime manufacturier actuel les tue, les réduit au simple rôle de rouages. Huit heures de travail sont déjà trop, surtout pour la femme. Les capitalistes eux-mêmes en Angleterre ont commencé les premiers à demander la ré- 667 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) duction des heures du travail, et cela à leur point de vue seul, car ils ont compris que l'excès du travail diminuait la force productive de l'animal humain. Le citoyen Card (Pologne). Nous n'avons pas besoin d'aller chercher nos exem ples en Angleterre, nous les trouvons ici. Les patrons du canton de Saint-Gall ont pris aussi l'initiative de ce mouvement et sont parvenus à des résultats. Aujourd'hui, l'heure légale du travail est de 14 heures pour les fabriques, qui, de même que les maisons de tolérance, sont soumises à la surveillance de la police. Le citoyen Ch. Burkli (Allemagne) défend fortement la proposition du conseil central. Tous ceux qui veulent l'instruction du peuple doivent voter pour les huit heures de travail, car, dit-il, que pouvez-vous demander à un homme qui travaille 12 et 14 heures par jour, peut-il, en rentrant chez lui, trouver la force et le courage d'ouvrir un livre? Et puis, nous autres du continent, nous devons soutenir nos frères d'Angleterre et d'Amérique dans leur lutte contre les capitalistes et ce serait les trahir que de demander une diminution inférieure à leur réclamation. Le citoyen Murât (Paris). Quoique le développement industriel ne soit pas par tout parvenu au même degré, ce qui fait que les classes ouvrières des différents pays ne sont pas dans les mêmes positions dans leur lutte contre le capital, et que par conséquent des lois générales s'appliquant à tous les pays ne peuvent être prises, cependant ici nous ne pouvons faire rien de mieux que d'encourager par notre approbation le mouvement des classes ouvrières anglaise et américaine, car ces pays sont ceux où l'industrie est la plus développée, et quand la France aura un développement semblable, nous serons obligés de faire la même demande ; et nous serons heureux de trouver le précédent approuvé par le premier congrès ouvrier. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris) dit qu'ils ne demandent pas une réduction semblable, la délégation parisienne tient seulement à ce que le travail des ouvriers ne soit pas défavorable au développement naturel de leurs facultés et aptitudes; et qu'elle ne croit pas qu'il soit possible d'établir aucune réglementation à ce sujet. L'extrait du rapport du conseil central qui a trait aux heures de travail, est mis aux voix et adopté à la majorité. Dix opposants. La délégation parisienne présente cette proposition : Que l'Association doit faire tous ses efforts pour affirmer l'équivalence des fonc tions en établissant le minimum de salaire rétributif du service rendu par l'individu à la collectivité. Elle est adoptée à l'unanimité. Art. IV du p r o g r a m m e. Travail des femmes et des enfants. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) donne lecture du rapport du conseil central. Le congrès doit s'occuper sérieusement de l'apprenti. Un contrat existe entre le patron et l'apprenti. Celui-ci est tenu de le remplir, et le patron s'en moque, car, pendant la durée de l'apprentissage, l'enfant est exploité de toute manière par le pa tron, qui le fait servir à toutes sortes de travaux en dehors de sa profession ; aussi ne commence-t-il à apprendre son métier que du jour où il a fini son apprentissage et 668 Séances du 7 septembre 1866 devient ouvrier. Nous devons nous appesantir sur cette question, car l'exploitation de l'enfant a quelque chose de plus inique que celle de l'homme. Le citoyen Coullery (La Chaux-de-Fonds). Je suis heureux de voir le congrès s'occuper de la femme ; nous devons déclarer d'une façon catégorique que nous tra vaillons aussi bien pour l'émancipation de la femme que pour celle de l'homme. Il faut que non-seulement nous l'arrachions à la prostitution de la rue, mais encore à celle de l'atelier. Il faut que, comme celle de l'homme, son instruction soit com plète, pour qu'elle ne devienne la proie des ministres d'aucune religion. En un mot, il faut qu'elle puisse se développer complètement, cérébralement et corporellement, car elle est l'espoir de l'espèce humaine. Les citoyens Chemalé, Fribourg, Perrachon, Camélinat font la proposition sui vante : Au point de vue physique, moral et social, le travail des femmes et des enfants dans les manufactures doit être énergiquement condamné en principe comme une des causes les plus actives de la dégénérescence de l'espèce humaine et comme un des plus puissants moyens de démoralisation mis en œuvre par la caste capitaliste. La femme, ajoutent-ils, n'est point faite pour travailler, sa place est au foyer de la famille, elle est l'educatrice naturelle de l'enfant, elle seule peut le préparer à l'exis tence civique, mâle et libre. Cette question doit être mise à l'ordre du jour du pro chain congrès, la statistique fournira des documents assez puissants pour que nous puissions condamner le travail des femmes dans les manufactures. Le citoyen Varlin (Paris). Comme vous tous, je reconnais que le travail des femmes dans les manufactures, tel qu'il se pratique, ruine le corps et engendre la corruption. Mais partant de ce fait, nous ne pouvons condamner le travail des femmes d'une manière générale; car vous qui voulez enlever la femme à la prostitu tion, comment pourrez-vous le faire si vous ne lui donnez le moyen de gagner sa vie. Que deviendront les veuves et les orphelines? Elles seront obligées ou de tendre la main ou de se prostituer. Condamner le travail des femmes, c'est reconnaître la charité et autoriser la prostitution. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris). Les veuves et les orphelines seront toujours une ex ception et ne peuvent en aucune façon infirmer la loi que nous posons. Car, dit-il, en voulant que tous les hommes travaillent, nous savons parfaitement que beau coup en seront empêchés par des accidents naturels, et cependant nous réclamons la loi générale. Les veuves et les orphelines sont dans le même cas que les infirmes. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris). Tant que la manufacture existera pour la femme, elle ne sera jamais un être libre, elle ne pourra jamais développer ses facultés naturelles. L'atelier l'abâtardit. Le citoyen Lawrence (Londres). Il y a quelque chose de plus fort que tous les rai sonnements que nous tenons ici, de plus vrai que tous les sentiments philanthropi ques que nous émettons : c'est la marche de la Société. Nous ne devons pas faire des théories, nous sommes des ouvriers, des hommes pratiques et non des uto pistes. Eh bien ! si nous voulons aider d'une façon efficace l'émancipation de notre classe, il faut que notre rôle se borne à observer ce qui se passe autour de nous, à comprendre le mouvement social et non à lui imposer nos sentiments et nos vues particulières. Comme le rapport du conseil central le dit très bien la tendance de 669 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) l'industrie moderne, est de faire coopérer la femme et l'enfant à la production so ciale. Et ceci est tellement vrai que dans certaines parties de l'Angleterre, la femme ne demeure plus à la maison, et c'est l'homme qui est réduit à faire la cuisine. Nous sommes cependant loin d'admirer la manière dont on fait travailler la femme¿ mais le fait existe et ce serait folie que de vouloir condamner d'une façon générale le travail de la femme; mais ce que nous pouvons faire, c'est protester énergique- ment contre l'exploitation de la femme telle que la pratique la caste capitaliste. L'extrait du rapport du conseil central, concernant le travail des femmes, est mis aux voix et voté à la grande majorité. L'amendement suivant, présenté par les citoyens Varlin (Paris) et Bourdon (Pa ris), tendant à accentuer davantage le rapport anglais, est mis aux voix et rejeté. Le manque d'éducation, l'excès de travail, la rémunération trop minime et les mauvaises conditions hygiéniques des manufactures sont actuellement pour les femmes qui y travaillent des causes d'abaissement physique et moral ; ces causes peuvent être détruites par une meilleure organisation du travail, par la co-opéra- tion. La femme ayant besoin de travailler pour vivre honorablement, on doit cher cher à améliorer son travail et non à le supprimer. Quant aux enfants, on doit retar der leur entrée dans la fabrique et restreindre autant que possible la durée de leur travail. La proposition des citoyens Chemalé, Fribourg, Perrachon, Camélinat, est mise aux voix et adoptée. Au sujet de l'éducation des enfants, la délégation française fait la proposition suivante, qui est adoptée à l'unanimité : Le congrès déclare que l'enseignement professionnel doit être théorique et prati que, sous peine de voir se constituer une aristocratie à l'aide de l'instruction spé ciale, qui ferait non des artisans, mais des directeurs d'ouvriers. Le Courrier International. Nr. 15, 13. April 1867 Séance du 8 Septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin. Président: le citoyen Jung. Art. 10 du p r o g r a m m e. Des armées p e r m a n e n t es et de leurs rapports avec la production. Le citoyen Dupont (Londres) ouvre la discussion en lisant le rapport du conseil central ayant trait à ce sujet. Le citoyen Vuilleumier (Chaux-de-Fonds) propose la résolution suivante : a) Le congrès reconnaît que le système d'armées permanentes est contraire à la marche et au développement actuel de l'organisation sociale. b) Que sachant l'impossibilité de changer immédiatement cet état de choses, il 670 Séances du 8 septembre 1866 n'en est pas moins pénétré d'une grande confiance que l'association de tous les tra vailleurs devra amener leur disparition. 5 La délégation française fait les propositions suivantes: a) Les armées permanentes enlèvent aux travaux pacifiques les hommes les plus robustes pour les rendre à la société (si elles les rendent) incapables d'un travail ré gulier. L'emploi qu'on en fait, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur, augmente encore les dangers qu'elles font courir à la production. b) Le système de milice, c'est-à-dire de la nation entière armée, est le seul qu'on puisse admettre à titre de transition. 10 c) Le congrès voyant avec bonheur les efforts tentés pour l'abolition des armées permanentes, de l'extinction de la guerre et de l'antagonisme international, té moigne ses sympathies à tous ceux qui se sont préoccupés de répandre ces idées et en particulier aux fondateurs de la Ligue du bien public. Le citoyen Heidt (Allemand) fait la proposition suivante: appuyée par les ci- 15 toyens Rau et Burkli (Allemands) : Le congrès recommande aux sections de former partout où les circonstances le permettront, des sociétés d'exercices militaires, autant que possible sur les mêmes bases et selon les mêmes principes, pour accélérer l'armement général du peuple. Le citoyen Heidt. Déjà il existe des sociétés pareilles en Allemagne, et là où les 20 gouvernements défendent ces exercices, dans les cercles gymnastiques on remplace les fusils par des bâtons. Toute l'assemblée approuve les principes développés par les orateurs, et admet toutes les résolutions. 25 Article XI du p r o g r a m m e. Des idées religieuses, de leur influence sur le développement social, politique et individuel. La délégation française soumet la proposition suivante : Le congrès affirme la liberté physique et intellectuelle de l'espèce humaine et constate que l'influence des idées religieuses tend à nier le libre-arbitre et la dignité 30 de l'homme; cependant, toutes les idées religieuses se dérobant aux investigations de la raison, le congrès se borne à protester contre cette influence et à passer outre. Le citoyen Peter (Allemagne). Aujourd'hui nous ne devons plus confondre la re ligion et la morale, ce sont deux choses distinctes, contradictoires même. Il faut que nous réclamions énergiquement leur séparation complète et que nous réunis- sions tous nos efforts pour combattre la religion, qui a engendré plus de maux que les armées permanentes. 35 Le citoyen Coullery (Chaux-de-Fonds). La morale a été attachée aux flancs de la religion, qui en a fait sa vassale et l'a traînée dans toute espèce de mauvais lieux ; et l'a fait servir à excuser, à autoriser même tous ses crimes ; il faut que nous émanci- 40 pions la morale de cette tutelle. La morale doit trouver sa base dans la raison et la science ; ainsi élaborée, elle doit être inculquée aux enfants ; il faut donc que l'en seignement religieux soit banni d'une manière absolue des écoles. 671 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Le citoyen Muller (Allemagne) s'élève contre la confusion de la morale et de la religion. La religion pervertit la morale. C'est surtout dans les campagnes que la re ligion exerce ses ravages, c'est là surtout qu'il faut réclamer le bannissement de la religion et l'enseignement de la morale rationaliste. Le citoyen Schlaifer (Allemagne) développe l'antagonisme de la religion et de la morale, et s'élève contre l'influence cléricale. Le citoyen Card (Pologne) combat l'enseignement religieux surtout pour la femme. Le citoyen Bocquin (Montreux) réclame énergiquement la séparation de la mo rale et de la religion. Les citoyens Vuilleumier (Suisse) et Schwitzguébel (Allemagne) émettent la pro position suivante : Que le congrès déclare qu'il veut la liberté de conscience, la séparation de l'Eglise de l'Etat et l'exclusion dans toutes les écoles de toute espèce d'enseigne ment religieux. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris). Les progrès de la science détruiront les préjugés reli gieux et ramèneront l'homme au sentiment de la dignité. Il propose que le Congrès n'approuve aucune résolution. Tous les membres du Congrès ont été unanimes sur la nécessité de débarrasser l'homme de toute espèce de préjugés religieux ; et, en constatant l'unanimité de ses membres, l'assemblée passe à l'ordre du jour. Art. IX du p r o g r a m m e. De la riécessité d'anéantir l'influence du despotisme et de l'absolutisme de la Russie en E u r o p e, par l'application du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m es et de reconstruire u ne Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u es et sociales. Les citoyens Card et Becker (Pologne et Allemagne) voulaient que le Congrès se prononçât affirmativement sur cette question ; mais l'assemblée la rangeant parmi les questions politiques, l'a écartée du débat en laissant aux membres allemands et suisses la faculté de signer la proposition de Becker en faveur de la reconstitution de la Pologne. Considérant que par le développement et la consolidation de l'Association inter nationale des travailleurs tout despotisme disparaîtra, la reconstruction de la Po logne démocratique et sociale se fera d'elle-même. 672 Séances du 8 septembre 1866 Séance du 8 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir. Président : le citoyen Jung. 5 10 Etablissement des Sociétés de secours m u t u e l s. A p p ui moral et m a t é r i el accordé a ux orphelins de l'Association. Le citoyen Dupleix (Suisse) dit que toutes les personnes qui ont adhéré à l'Associa tion internationale ont réclamé la création d'une institution générale de secours mutuels. Les différentes sociétés de secours mutuels étant locales, beaucoup d'ouvriers perdaient leurs droits en changeant de pays. La section de Genève a es- sayé de fonder une association comprenant: secours en cas de maladie, crédit mu tuel et appui donné aux orphelins de l'Association. La section de Genève demande au Congrès son appui, afin que cette Association devienne internationale ; car son établissement nous aidera puissamment à atteindre le but que nous nous propo sons. 15 Le citoyen Becker (Allemagne) voudrait qu'on laissât à chaque section le soin de fonder sa société de secours ; et qu'on les engageât à consacrer une partie de leurs fonds à cette œuvre. Le citoyen Chemalé (Paris) serait d'avis de fédéraliser ces diverses sociétés de se cours mutuels ; mais il est difficile de réaliser cette idée en France ; les sociétés de secours mutuels se trouvant dans la main du gouvernement et leur argent étant versé dans les coffres de l'Etat. 20 Le citoyen Bocquin (Montreux) prétend que la société de Genève résout toutes les difficultés qu'on pourrait rencontrer dans les différents pays. Pour cela chaque société n'aurait qu'à tirer à vue sur la branche à laquelle appartient le membre se- 25 couru, afin de rentrer dans ses avances ; et il pense que ce moyen serait parfaite ment applicable en France. Le citoyen Muller fait, au nom de la section de Stuttgart, la proposition suivante : Un seul règlement doit régir toutes les associations de secours fédérées, sans quoi le but international serait manqué. Déjà en Allemagne, en Suisse, etc., il 30 existe des sociétés de secours de ce genre qui sont loin de pouvoir suffire aux be soins; ce n'est qu'en fondant une masse énorme dans une seule association que l'on pourra obtenir de meilleurs résultats. En conséquence, une organisation centrale nous paraît indispensable. Elle rece vrait les cotisations de toutes les sections et serait chargée de pourvoir à leurs frais. 35 Ce que nous vous proposons là est déjà mis en pratique par les assurances sur la vie, contre l'incendie, etc., on n'aurait qu'à suivre leur exemple. La délégation anglaise fait la proposition suivante : Que ce Congrès approuve entièrement les mesures prises par la section de Ge nève dans l'établissement de sociétés de secours mutuels, et qu'il recommande au 40 conseil central d'étudier les meilleurs moyens à adopter pour établir le principe sur une base internationale. 673 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) La proposition est mise aux voix et adoptée. Les délégations lyonnaise et parisienne émettent le vœu suivant : L'assemblée des délégués, en reconnaissant qu'il est désirable qu'il soit établi des sociétés de prévoyance et de secours mutuels, ne croit pas cependant devoir en faire pour le moment l'objet d'une mesure générale, et laisse sous ce rapport chaque groupe libre de se constituer dans son sein ces sociétés, ainsi que celle de crédit. Elle fait de plus appel aux sections qui sont entrées dans cette voie pour établir une statistique spéciale destinée à favoriser le développement de ces sociétés. Adopté à l'unanimité. Art. XIII du p r o g r a m m e. Discussion des règlements spéciaux. Le citoyen Coullery donne lecture des statuts, article par article, qui sont votés sé parément. Les articles 1, 2 et 3 sont adoptés à l'unanimité. L'article 4 ayant trait à la cotisation annuelle de chaque membre, devient le sujet de la discussion suivante : Le citoyen Dupleix (Suisse) dit que cet article ne concerne que les membres in dividuels, les différentes sociétés adhérant aux principes de l'Association interna tionale, versant une somme annuelle sans avoir égard au nombre de leurs membres. Le citoyen Coullery désirerait que les membres des diverses associations eussent à verser une somme moins forte. La délégation française propose, au contraire, que la cotisation soit personnelle et par conséquent égale pour tous. Le citoyen Lawrence (Londres) voudrait qu'on n'épouvantât pas les différentes sociétés adhérentes, et qu'on encourageât leurs efforts en faisant une diminution en leur faveur. Le citoyen Fribourg (Paris). Il y aurait inégalité de droits, puisqu'il y aurait iné galité de devoirs ; aussi conclut-il à ce que tous les membres supportent les mêmes charges. Le citoyen Chemalé (Paris) dit qu'en principe il faudrait que tous les sociétaires eussent à payer la même contribution : néanmoins, il propose qu'en raison de la si tuation exceptionnelle des sociétés anglaises déjà adhérentes et de celles qui pour raient s'adjoindre, on fit une réduction de 50 p. c. en leur faveur. Le citoyen Camélinat (Paris) croit qu'on ne peut établir une cotisation inégale sans faillir à la devise de l'Association internationale : Pas de devoirs sans droits. La discussion sur ce sujet continue pendant un temps assez long encore; les citoyens Varlin, Fribourg, etc. prennent tour à tour la parole, et se prononcent pour que la cotisation de 0 fr. 30 c. soit établie exceptionnellement pour l'année 1866-1867, et qu'elle soit individuelle. L'article est mis aux voix et adopté. 674 Séances du 8 septembre 1866 Le Courrier International. Nr. 16, 20. April 1867 Les articles 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 et 10 sont adoptés à l'unanimité. L'article 11 ainsi conçu : Chaque membre de l'association a le droit de participer au vote et d'être élu, devient le sujet de la discussion suivante : Le citoyen Tolain (Paris). S'il est indifférent d'admettre, comme membre de l'As sociation internationale, des citoyens de toute classe travailleur ou non; il ne doit pas en être de même, lorsqu'il s'agit de choisir un délégué. En présence de l'organi sation sociale actuelle dans laquelle la classe ouvrière soutient une lutte sans trêve ni merci contre la classe bourgeoise, il est utile, indispensable même, que tous les hommes qui sont chargés de représenter des groupes ouvriers soient des travail leurs. Le citoyen Perrachon (Paris) parle dans le même sens, et va plus loin, car il croit que ce serait vouloir la perte de l'association, que d'admettre comme délégué un ci toyen qui ne serait pas ouvrier. Le citoyen Vuilleumier (Suisse) en éliminant quelqu'un de notre association, nous nous mettrions en contradiction avec nos règlements généraux, qui admettant dans son sein tout individu sans distinction de race, ni de couleur, et par le seul fait de son admission il est apte à prétendre à l'homme d'être délégué. Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) s'étonne de voir cette question revenir de nouveau à la discussion, il n'en comprend pas la nécessité, car, dit-il, parmi les membres du conseil central se trouvent plusieurs citoyens qui n'exercent pas de métiers ma nuels, et qui n'ont donné aucun motif de suspicion, loin de là il est probable que sans leurs dévouement l'association n'aurait pu s'implanter en Angleterre d'un fa çon aussi complète. Parmi ces membres je vous citerai un seul, le citoyen Marx, qui a consacré toute sa vie au triomphe de la classe ouvrière. Le citoyen Carter (Londres) : On vient de vous parler du citoyen Karl Marx, il a compris parfaitement l'importance de ce premier congrès, où seulement devaient se trouver des délégués ouvriers, aussi, a-t-il refusé la délégation qu'on lui offrait dans le conseil central. Mais ce n'est point une raison pour l'empêcher lui ou tout autre, de venir au milieu de nous, au contraire, des hommes se dévouant entièrement à la cause prolétaire sont trop rares pour les écarter de notre route. La bourgeoisie n'a triomphé que du jour où riche et puissante, par le nombre elle s'est alliée à la science, et c'est la prétendue science économique bourgeoise, qui, en lui donnant du prestige, maintient encore son pouvoir; que les hommes qui se sont occupés de la question économique, et qui ont reconnu la justice de notre cause et la nécessité d'une réforme sociale, viennent au congrès ouvrier battre en brèche la science éco nomique bourgeoise. Le citoyen Tolain (Paris). Comme ouvrier je remercie le citoyen Marx de n'avoir pas accepté la délégation qu'on lui offrait. En faisant cela le citoyen Marx a montré que les congrès ouvriers devaient être seulement composés d'ouvriers manuels. Si ici nous admettons des hommes appartenant à d'autres classes, on ne manquera pas de dire que le congrès ne représente pas les aspirations des classes ouvrières, qu'il n'est pas fait pour des travailleurs, et je crois qu'il est utile de montrer au monde que nous sommes assez avancés pour pouvoir agir par nous-mêmes. 675 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) L'amendement du citoyen Tolain voulant la qualité d'ouvriers manuels pour re cevoir le titre de délégué, est mis aux voix et est rejeté, 20 pour et 25 contre. L'article 11 est mis aux voix et adopté à la majorité, 10 votant contre. Les articles 12, 13, 14, 15 sont votés à l'unanimité. L'assemblée décide par un vote que le siège du conseil central pour l'année 1866-67 sera Londres. Le citoyen Eccarius (Londres) propose que les pouvoirs de l'ancien conseil cen tral soient continués. La délégation parisienne veut bien appuyer la proposition, mais par l'intermé diaire du citoyen Fribourg elle demande l'élimination du conseil central du citoyen Le Lubez comme s'étant rendu coupable d'imputations calomniatrices contre lui, Fribourg, et contre le citoyen Tolain en particulier, et contre la section parisienne de l'association internationale en général. Une discussion très-grave s'engage à ce sujet, les citoyens Fribourg et Tolain de mandent à ce que la délégation du conseil central réponde, si oui ou non, les faits avancés par eux et concernant le citoyen Le Lubez sont vrais. La délégation du conseil central ayant répondu qu'en effet le citoyen Le Lubez s'était rendu coupable des calomnies dénoncées. L'assemblée déclare qu'un mem bre du conseil central ayant failli au contrat de l'association en répandant des accu sations fausses sans les appuyer d'aucune preuve, ni même d'aucun semblant de preuves, ce membre devrait être rayé de la liste des membres du conseil central. L'assemblée adopte ensuite sur les citoyens Fribourg et Tolain la résolution sui vante: - Le congrès déclare que les citoyens Fribourg et Tolain n'ont jamais démérité de l'association, et que leur conduite a toujours été loyale. L'assemblée porte alors le nombre des membres du conseil central à 50, et décide que leurs pouvoirs soient prolongés. Sur la proposition du citoyen Cornaz qui a été chargé d'en faire la demande, l'as semblée décide à l'unanimité que le prochain congrès se tiendra à Lausanne et que le jour du congrès sera fixé au premier lundi de septembre de l'année 1867. Le citoyen Cremer (Londres) propose que tous les délégués en restant dans leurs pays fassent des efforts pour amener leurs gouvernements à établir une taxe postale unique, qui réduirait à 0,10 c (1 penny), le port de lettres d'une nation à l'autre. Il propose qu'une commission soit nommée pour aller à Genève, Berne, Paris, et Lon dres faire cette demande. L'assemblée adopte la proposition du citoyen Cremer et nomme comme commis sion la délégation anglaise. Sur ce, le président déclare la session du congrès terminée. 676 Résolutions du Congrès Ouvrier Américain de 1866 [Extraits d es A p p e n d i c e s] Le Courrier International. Nr. 17, 27. April 1867 Résolutions du Congrès Ouvrier Américain de 1866. Tandis que le Congrès de l'Association internationale des travailleurs se tenait à Genève, les ouvriers américains se réunissaient, eux aussi, pour formuler leurs * 5 vœux et leurs aspirations. Comme la classe prolétarienne se trouve unie par le même lien, la même nécessité de s'organiser pour pouvoir résister à la classe capita liste et pour arriver à son entière émancipation ; nous croyons utile de faire suivre les résolutions du congrès genevois par ceux du congrès américain, tenu à Balti more le 20 août 1866. La classe ouvrière européenne sera heureuse de constater que le mouvement ouvrier n'est pas seulement concentré en Europe, mais s'affirme aussi en Amérique d'une manière d'autant plus énergique que la liberté politique dont jouit ce pays a appris aux prolétaires américains à n'accepter aucun compro mis avec les meneurs de la classe bourgeoise. 10 I 15 «Attendu qu'un congrès international d'ouvriers va avoir lieu dans la ville de Ge nève, et comme l'époque en est trop rapprochée pour pouvoir y envoyer un délégué représentant les Etats-Unis, nous proposons : 20 Que le conseil exécutif de l'Association nationale des travailleurs soit chargé de faire parvenir les souhaits de cette convention à l'Association internationale des travailleurs avec une copie des débats de cette assemblée, priant Dieu de les aider dans leur glorieuse entreprise ; et que le conseil exécutif soit autorisé d'envoyer un délégué au congrès européen, s'il avait lieu, avant la prochaine réunion de notre convention. » II 25 «Attendu que l'histoire et la législation du passé ont démontré ce fait qu'aucune confiance ne peut être accordée dans les questions touchant les intérêts des classes ouvrières, aux professions de foi et aux garanties des partis politiques existants, Il est résolu : Que le temps est venu pour la classe ouvrière américaine de briser tous les liens 30 et toutes les affections qui l'attachaient aux anciens partis et de s'organiser en Ligue du travail national. L'objet de cette ligue sera d'abord de forcer le congrès national et les législatures d'Etat de promulguer une loi réduisant à huit heures la journée de travail et de nommer des hommes chargés de soutenir et de représenter les intérêts de la classe ouvrière ; 677 Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève (1866) Que les moyens les plus efficaces pour arriver aux résultats désirés sont une agi tation systématique et l'établissement de ligues de huit heures de travail avec le concours de la presse et des orateurs publics ; et ce congrès recommande à tous ses membres à leur retour dans leurs foyers de démontrer à leurs camarades ouvriers la nécessité d'une organisation immédiate; Que dans l'intention de mettre à exécution les résolutions du congrès, nous re commandons à tout ami du mouvement ouvrier de n'accorder son vote qu'au can didat qui, sans équivoque, reconnaîtrait la nécessité de promulguer une loi rédui sant à huit heures la journée de travail et qui consentirait à réclamer toutes les réformes demandées par le mouvement ouvrier; Que partout où un ouvrier offrirait les garanties exigées pour remplir n'importe quel emploi, il soit choisi de préférence à tout autre.» III «Comme les empiétements accroissants et alarmants des privilèges de la classe, l'étude calme et approfondie des moyens les plus appropriés, les plus efficaces, pour diriger la classe ouvrière vers le même but nous adoptions les propositions sui vantes : Que le premier et le grand desideratum de l'heure présente pour affranchir le tra vail de l'esclavage dans lequel il se trouve, est l'adoption d'une loi qui porterait à huit heures la journée légale du travail dans tous les Etats de l'Union américaine, et pour cela il faut que la classe ouvrière se décide à ne jamais discontinuer ses efforts jusqu'à ce que ce glorieux résultat soit obtenu: Que c'est un devoir impératif pour tout ouvrier des Etats-Unis de s'incorporer dans les ligues du travail, là où il en existe et dans les endroits où il n'en existerait pas de commencer immédiatement à en former sur la même base; il est également: du devoir de chaque ligue de se faire représenter dans les Trades' Unions (associa tions de métiers) et d'apporter son concours pour la formation d'une organisation nationale et internationale des travailleurs. Que dans la co-opération nous trouvons un remède certain et durable contre les abus du système industriel actuel, et que nous appelons de tous nos vœux la fonda tion de magasins et fabriques co-opératives dans ce pays et conseillons leur forma tion dans chaque partie de cette contrée et dans chaque branche de l'industrie. Que le système des maisons pénitentiaires, tel qu'il est pratiqué dans ce pays, est non-seulement offensant pour les classes productrices, mais est une invitation pour les patrons rapaces d'obtenir par l'entremise du gouvernement une diminution de prix sur le travail, en conséquence nous recommandons aux ouvriers de ne patroner que les partis qui n'admettent le travail des prisonniers que s'il est rémunéré de la même façon que dans les fabriques avoisinantes. Que nous accordons notre protection, tant individuelle qu'associée, aux fileuses et aux femmes industrieuses et sollicitons ardemment leur co-opération, car nous savons qu'il n'existe pas de classe industrielle dont la position nécessite plus d'amé lioration que celles des fileuses ou ouvrières de l'industrie ; 678 Résolutions du Congrès Ouvrier Américain de 1866 Qu'aujourd'hui nous devons tendre la main aux laboureurs dans l'intérêt de l'agriculture, c'est pourquoi nous déclarons : Io que nos différentes ligues devront adopter la même résolution: Que ce congrès condamne ce que communément l'on nomme grèves, et recom mande aux ouvriers de n'y recourir que lorsqu'ils n'auront le moyen de faire autre ment; Que l'institution d'écoles technologiques et polytechniques, de bibliothèques et la construction d'édifices à cette intention est recommandée aux ouvriers de tous les pays et de toutes les villes comme un moyen d'activer leur culture intellectuelle et leur progrès social.» 679 I n t e r n a t i o n al A s s o c i a t i on of W o r k i ng M e n. R e p o rt of t he C o n g r e ss of G e n e va ( 1 8 6 6) The list of the delegates The International Courier. Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867 International Association of Working Men. Congress of Geneva. The List of the Delegates present at the Working Men's Congress of Sept. 3-8, 1866. 5 Delegates from the Sections of the I n t e r n a t i o n al Working M e n 's Association. Delegated by the Central Council of London, 18, Bouverie street: George Odger, ladies shoemaker; Carter, hair dresser; Jung, watchmaker; Eccarius, tailor; Cremer, carpenter. 10 Delegated by the French branch in London: Dupont, musical instrument maker. Delegated by the Paris sections, 44, rue des Gravilliers: Tolain, bronze chaser; Camélinat, gas-fitter; Bourdon, engraver; Perrachon, mounter in bronzes; N^rat, machinist; Guyard, mounter in bronzes; Chemalé, architect's clerk; Cultin, currier; Benoît Malón, journalist; Varlin, binder; Fribourg, decorative engraver. 15 Delegated by the Lyons' sections, 1, rue de l'Hospice-des-Vieillards: Richard, dyer; Schettel, machinist; Sécrétant, silk weaver. Delegated by the section at Fleurieux-sur-Saône: Baudrand. Delegated by the Rouen section, 12, rue de l'Amitié: Aubry, lithographer. Delegates from the French section of Geneva, rue de la Pélisserie, 4: Dupleix, 20 binder; J. Card, journalist. Delegate from the Lausanne section: Cornaz. Delegate from the Montreux section: Bocquin, joiner. Delegates from the German section at Geneva: Becker J. Philip; Heidt Charles, commercial agent. 25 Delegate from the Zurich section: Bürkli Charles. Delegates from the French section of Chaux-de-Fonds, 8, rue de la Place-Neuve: Coullery; Vuilleumier Jules, watch case maker; Vanza Joseph, engraver; Fournier Jean-Marie, watch dial maker; Otterstaetter, engraver. Delegate from the German section at Chaux-de-Fonds: Philippe Peter. Delegate from the German section at Lausanne: Eggenweiler Peter. 30 683 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Delegate from the Neuchâtel section: Dagond, attorney; Huguenin, employé of the civil service. Delegate from the Locle section (Neuchâtel canton): Guillaume, professor. Delegate from the St. Imier and Sonvilliers sections (Berne canton): Schwitz - guébel. Delegate from the Bienne section (Berne canton): Mosimann Peter, engraver. Delegate from the Bale section: Frey, ribbon weaver. Delegate from the Stuttgart section: Müller Louis, shoemaker. Delegate from the Magdeburg section: Butter Frederick. Delegate from the Cologne and Solingen sections: Moll Frederick. Delegated from Affiliated Societies. Delegate from the tailors of London: Lawrence. Delegates from the engravers' society of Geneva: Masson; Bonnet; Perret. Delegates from the watch case makers of Geneva: Vismer; Grass. Delegate from the musical box manufacturers' society: Marcel Louis. Delegate from the society called "the Family" of Geneva: Maguin. Delegate of the "Union" society (Geneva branch): Guilmeaux. Delegate of the joiners' society of Geneva: Varinard. Delegate from the carpenters' society of Geneva: W. Rau. Delegate from the Bildungs-Verein of the German working men of Geneva: Hop- 20 penworth August, binder. Delegate from the Bildungs-Verein of the German working men of Lausanne: · ; Schlaifer, tailor. Delegate from the Bildungs-Verein of the German working men of Vevey: Moessner, cabinet maker. Making a total of 60 delegates, of whom 46 represented 25 sections of the Inter national Association of Working Men and 14 represented 11 affiliated societies. The International Courier. Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867; Nr. 8-10, 13. März 1867 Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council. The different questions. [Siehe S. 225-235.] 25 3D 684 Sitting of September 3, 1866 Sitting of September 3. Citizen Dupleix in the Chair. The International Courier. Nr. 11, 20. März 1867 Verification of powers. The Geneva branch having been commissioned by the Central Council to make the necessary preparations for the holding of the Congress, proceeded to verify the cre dentials of the delegates. The credential tally gave the following result: Delegates of branches, 45; delegates of affiliated societies, 15; total, 60. Right of admission. 10 A warm discussion arose on the demand of some individuals who, though unpro vided with credentials, considered that they had a right to be admitted as delegates of the Paris sections, and to take part in the proceedings of the Congress. They al leged the state of the law in France, where meetings were not allowed. Several members supported their demand. In their opinion, the organisation of the Con- 15 gress was neither complete nor definitive; therefore one ought not to be too exclu sive or exacting; that on the contrary it would be better to admit to the proceedings of the Congress every well-meaning individual. The British delegates insisted on the contrary that they had come to the Congress as representatives of branches and societies, reckoning several thousands of mem- 20 bers, and that, as such, they were of the opinion that the representative system should form the basis of the Congress, and that were individuals, representing no organised body, to be admitted, they would violate the rule of equality by voting, and that the rights of themselves (the representative Britons) would thereby be dam nified. 25 The meeting decided that the right of taking part in the debates and decisions be longed exclusively to the delegates who had regular credentials. Election of Chairman and officers. The delegates, after this interruption, set to work at the election of a Chairman, and citizen Jung, a delegate of the Central Council, was elected to preside over the dis- 30 eussions of the Congress by a majority of 45 votes. Citizen Dupleix, of the French branch of Geneva, and citizen Becker, of the Ger man section of the same city, were appointed vice-presidents. Citizens Coullery, of Chaux-de-Fonds, Card, of Geneva, Bourdon, of Paris, Moll, of Cologne, were appointed Secretaries. 685 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Rules of meeting. It was resolved that there should be two sittings daily, the first at 9 a.m. and the sec ond at 2 p.m. Citizen Cremer (London) proposed that every member who brought forward a motion should have 15 minutes, and no more, for his opening speech, and only one speech in reply, not to occupy more than ten minutes, and that the members who should speak upon the question should only speak for ten minutes each at the most. This proposition was resolved in the affirmative unanimously. Sitting of September 4, 1866. (9 a.m.) Citizen Jung in the Chair. Reading Reports. Citizen Fribourg, in the name of the Paris section, read the report and balance sheet of the receipts and expenses of the Association in that city. This report also made known the moral result which had been obtained in France. Citizen Cremer read the executive Report of the London Central Council. This report states that 25,173 citizens were members of the Association. The report ex pressed hope that more than 20,000 new members would soon adhere to the same. The moral effect of the International Association had been very great throughout Britain. Citizen Coullery, in the name of the meeting, thanked the working men of Brit ain for what they had done. Citizen Fribourg, in the name of the French delegates, expressed gratitude to the Central Council, and moved that the debt due by the said Council be considered as international. Reading of Essays. At the request of many members, Citizen Dupont read a translation of the essay drawn up by the Central Council of London,—an essay which discusses almost all the questions propounded by the programme of the International Association. Citizen Chemalé, of Paris, then read, in the name of the Paris branches, the Paris ian essay, which dealt with all the questions set down upon the programme. This reading was interrupted by the hour of closing. 686 Sittings of September 4, 1866 2 o'clock Sitting. Citizen Jung in the Chair. Reading of Essays. Citizen Chemalé (Paris) concluded the reading of the report of the Parisian branch. Citizen Tolain (Paris) proposed that all the reports be read in the three languages 5 and that then the general discussion on these reports should commence. This motion was adopted by a large majority. Citizen Eccarius (London) read in German the report of the Central Council of London. 3 On the question of Popular Education, there was presented a report drawn up by the minority and one by the majority of the Paris section. The Lyons delegation, after the reading of the Parisian essay, said that they ab stained from reading their report and that they entirely adhered to the said essay, in as much as it contained their ideas and principles. On the question of popular edu- cation, they pronounced in favour of Home Education. 5 Essays of individual members. Citizen Fribourg having laid on the table an essay which he had just received from two members of the Association at Paris, the question arose as to what should be done with this and many other essays contributed by individual members of the As- sociation( , ). It was unanimously resolved, on the motion of citizen Cremer, that the Geneva committee of management should take these essays in charge and make a summary report thereupon to the Congress®. Organkation Committee. Citizen Card (Geneva) proposed the appointment of a committee to draw up the de finitive rules for the government of the Association. Adopted unanimously. Citizen Card proposed that every nationality be represented by a number of members in proportion to the number of the delegates. Card's proposition is adopted. The following Committee was appointed: Germans, 4: Bürkli, Hoppenworth, Becker, Schlaifer. British, 3: Eccarius, Carter, Dupont. French, 5: Varlin, Fribourg, Schettel, Tolain, Aubry. Swiss, 2: Dupleix, Coullery. (1> See catalogue of this in the Appendix. (2> For want of time, this report was never drawn up. 687 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Sitting of September 5, 1866. Morning Sitting. Citizen Jung in the Chair. Citizen Card (Geneva)( I) proposed the discussion of the programme, article by arti cle. He demanded that for every question a resolution be drawn up which should serve as the basis of the public discussion. 5 Card's proposition was supported by all the members present. The second question was about to be formulated according to the above proposal, when citizen Cremer (London) pointed out that the meeting could not discuss the resolution profitably except in the presence of all the delegates, for it might happen 10 that the members of the Committee would reject one or more of the resolutions come to by the meeting. He also pointed out that the various programmes were not alike. The order of the questions varied in each, and some heads of the French pro gramme did not appear in the London and Genevese programmes. Afternoon Sitting. Citizen Card read a letter from Milan addressed by citizen Stampa of that city to the members of the Congress. In behalf of the Italian working classes the writer ex pressed his regret that none of their delegates could take part in this remarkable In ternational Congress of the working classes. Those in whose behalf he wrote hoped that their adhesion would be deemed equivalent to their presence. 15 20 This letter produced a great impression on the meeting, and was greeted by unan imous applause. Several members demanded that it be translated into German and English and inserted in the minutes of the Congress. The letter was accordingly translated and the motion for its insertion was carried. The Chairman announced that the London journals the Times and the Daily News 25 had both inserted articles on the Congress. He added that this fact was a cheering one, in as much as these journals were two of the most consideration in England. They had hitherto not deigned to mention the Association. The Rules of the Association. Citizen Coullery (Switzerland) was then called upon in the name of the Committee 30 appointed to draw up the rules or constitution of the Association, to read the report of this Committee. Several members asked that the Rules be read through to the end, and that they then be taken up one by one. This mode of proceeding was approved of and adopted. Concerning article 1, having reference to the appointment of the general secre tary, the delegates were divided in opinion. The London delegates proposed that he be appointed by the Congress in order to render his responsibility greater. <'> By birth a Pole. 35 688 Sittings of September 5, 1866 Citizen Tolain and others argued, on the other hand, that the General Secretary should be appointed by the General Council. They argued that a difference might arise between these two authorities if they both held office on the same tenure. The difference and conflict might last from the dissolution of one Congress to the reas- sembling of another and might check the march of the Association. 5 The latter opinion obtained the sanction of the majority of the members. On article 2, which concerned the fixing of the date of the Congress, citizen Card said that he thought that the selection of the time and place for the Congress should be left to the initiative of the General Council. 10 This proposition was supported by the German and London delegates. It was op posed by many members of the French and Swiss delegates. Citizen Murat made the following motion: That the fixing of the time of the reassembling of the Congress be irrevocably set tled every year by the Congress itself, and that the power of choosing the place be left to the General Council. 15 20 The members who supported this motion demanded that the delegations of the different countries irrespective of the decision of the General Council, should have the right of assembling without any convoking of a Congress. Murat's motion was accepted by the majority. Citizen Tolain spoke to a question of order. He proposed that in the disposal of amendments made to the different motions, the procedure of the French Legisla ture be adopted. This procedure was to draw up written amendments and to lay them on the table. The President then brings them forward for discussion, begin ning with the one which is most at variance with the original motion. 25 This proposition was adopted by the majority, although opposed by the London delegates. The discussion of the articles continued. A propos of annual Congress, citizens Cremer and Odger (London) urged that it was inexpedient to hold Congress so often as once a year; their principal reason in favour of their conclusion was the travelling and other expenses of the delegates. 30 The majority of the members thought that every Congress would produce a new flood of life to the Association and would attract a larger number of members, which would correspondingly increase their funds. 35 The meeting decided that the Congress should be held annually. Articles 4, 5 and 6 were unanimously adopted. On article 7, which relates to advances to be made to members who pass from one country into another, the delegates emit contrary opinions. Some argue that the power ought not to be granted to the branches to grant to all the members a credit by which those branches might be victimised. They said that the working 40 man must break himself in to economy and not reckon on any pecuniary aid. They add that the International Association ought only to try and find employment for the emigrating working man and grant him only what in some countries is called a viaticum. Citizens Tolain and Fribourg (Paris) replied that it was easy to meet these diffi- 45 culties, and proposed the following means of doing so. His branch will be guarantee 689 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) for the monies advanced to the emigrating member. And in case the hospitable branch shall have no funds in hand, let it draw at sight on the home branch the amount advanced. In this way, there would be neither charity nor hospitality. The migrating citizen would simply exercise his right. The home branch is the sole judge of the way in which it will accredit its migrating member. 5 The London delegation demanded the adjournment of this question. This ad journment was voted down. The original proposition was carried with two dissen tients. On article 8, which related to the conditions necessary for admission to the Inter national Association of Working Men, a very animated discussion took place. 1C A part of the meeting desired that every man, hand-worker or otherwise, who contributes to the emancipation of the working class, be admissible to the Associa tion. The Parisian and several Swiss delegates demanded, on the contrary, that the condition of hand-worker be dispensed with. Their reason was that many self-seek- 15 ing men would worm themselves into the Association in order to make themselves masters of it and to make it serve their personal ends. In this way, they would divert the Association from its true aim. After a long discussion, the meeting pronounced in favour of thefollowing pro position, which was presented by the members of the Organising Committee. 20 "Every one who can make good his title to working-man-hood shall be admissi ble as a member of the Association; so as that every branch shall have the right of admitting whomsoever it pleased on its own responsibility." Articles 9, 10, 11, were voted unanimously. The International Courier. Nr. 12, 27. März 1867 25 Sitting of September 6, 1866. (9 a.m.) Citizen Jung in the Chair. First Article of the P r o g r a m m e. Organisation of the Association. Citizens Dupont and Carter, both of London, proposed that a committee of five be 30 appointed to draw up the rules of the Association. Motion accepted. The members appointed were Eccarius, Fribourg, Bürkli, Coullery and Schettel. Publication of Essays and Programmes. Citizen Tolain (Paris) asked if the Essays and mémoires presented to the Congress 35 are to be published at the expense of the General Council. Citizen Card (Switzerland) proposed that a Committee be appointed to decide as 690 Sittings of September 6, 1866 to what should be published at the general expense and what not, leaving to the several sections the right to publish their contributions in case of their non-inser tion in the official report of the Congress. Citizen Becker opposed the appointment of this Committee and maintained that this work of selection which would require from ten days to a fortnight to accom plish must be entrusted to the General Council of London. The proposition of Becker's was voted unanimously. Citizen Tolain (Paris) proposed that the three Programmes of the London, Ger man and French delegations be published in extenso in the official Report of the Transactions of the Congress. Voted unanimously. Dupont proposed that all the contributions published by the several sections be sent to the General Council in order that they may be there preserved among the ar chives of the Association. This proposition was adopted. Stampa's letter. Tolain proposed that Citizen Stampa's letter be published in extenso in the official Report. Passed unanimously. The Managing Committee (bureau) proposed that a letter in reply to that of the Italian working men be sent. Passed. Afternoon Sitting. Citizen Jung in the Chair. Citizen Dupont called the attention of the Association to a circumstance which had passed at Ferney and which it was important to make known to all the delegates. The band of Ferney, which was composed of working men, had manifested the in tention of taking part in the Congress by offering its gratuitous services for the Sun day festival. A Prefectoral order had prohibited them from doing so. The Prefect had at the same time withdrawn from the band-master the stipend which was allot ted to him. Citizen Dupleix, of Geneva, corroborated the facts advanced by Citizen Dupont. Citizen Fribourg, of Paris, proposed the following resolution: "This Congress is astonished at the stretch of authority of which the band-master at Ferney has been the victim and instructs its President to convey to him its regret and its sympathy." The resolution was passed. 691 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) The Parisian malcontents. Citizen Dupont (London) points out that a group of Parisian members having come to Geneva without credentials with a view to take part in the proceedings of the Congress, it would be expedient that the meeting should vote the immediate admis sion of a member of this group to make known the subject matter which the group wanted to have discussed, and adds that this group accused the Parisian delegates of wishing to stifle discussion. Citizen Fribourg, in the name of the Parisian delegation, gave a formal denial to this accusation and said that the Parisian delegates have always contended for and do still contend for the admission of the malcontent group. Several German and British members said that they did not understand why this question was exhumed and demanded the order of the day. A "row" having been raised in the hall, Citizen Dupleix said that the Congress was placed under the auspices of the Genevese Committee and he accordingly in vited the members thereof to re-establish order. The order of the day was voted by a majority; 17 votes being thrown against it. Second Article of the P r o g r a m m e. C o m b i n a t i on of efforts by m e a ns of the Association in the different n a t i o n al struggles between capital a nd labour. Citizen Dupont read the Commentary on this article made by the General Council and added these words: "I request the particular attention of the Congress to the statistics proposed by the General Council. It is one of the most important questions that we have to solve; for it alone will furnish to us positive data on the relative position of the working classes of every country; then only shall we be able to act with the advan tage of that complete knowledge which familiarity with the elements of the social struggle will give us." Citizen Lawrence (London) proceeded to detail what combinations ought to be employed to develop this struggle and give it a constantly increasing intensity. He wished to see such ties formed between the working classes of every country that they may attain to a mutual knowledge of their respective situations; in this way they would be able to baffle the schemes of the employers. In proof of his allega tions, he cited the last strike of the tailors of London and Scotland. The employers, in order to escape from the just demands of their workmen, brought over into Brit ain some German operative tailors, who, on arrival, found themselves without work and surrounded by a population whose language they did not understand. The con sequence was that they were exploités by the employers and made to work at a lower price than that paid to the British operative. The Trade Society of the London tai lors and the General Council of the Association did what they could for these poor men. They helped them to return to their country or to obtain the full wages for 692 Sittings of September 6, 1866 5 their work in Britain. Something similar to this had just taken place in the case of the excavators of the South of England. Since the capitalists, thanks to the means furnished them by industry, have so many ways of putting "the screw" upon work ing men, the latter have but one way of shaking off the yoke, and that is an under- standing between working men of every country to declare war to the knife against the race of capitalists. With a view to prepare for this war, every section of the Inter national Association ought to be an Information Office where every working man may be able to obtain trustworthy intelligence concerning the condition of the working classes and of the particular trade to which he belongs in the country to 10 which he desires to emigrate. For the above reasons, Lawrence proposed the following resolution: "That the different sections enter into communication with the Trade Societies (or individual working men where no Trade Society exists) with a view to obtain a report upon the economical and political condition of the working classes of the country. Such report to be communicated to the other sections." Citizen Murat (Paris) seconded the resolution of Citizen Lawrence. Citizen Coullery insisted upon this, that the capitals saved and amassed by the working men ought not to return to the hands of the capitalists, but ought to be em ployed in the establishment of cooperative associations, which will enrich the work- ing classes and augment their power in the struggle against the class of exploiters; and he concludes by this mot: "Capitalist exploitation is legalised robbery." 15 20 Citizen Dupont said that the resolution of Lawrence was unnecessary inasmuch as the General Council had foreseen the proposition by proposing a scheme of sta tistics, which would furnish every kind of detail concerning the position of the 25 working man. This scheme, he added, is imperiously called for, the position of the working man in presence of the employers is precarious in the extreme. Judge by the following fact: A workman had been hired at Sheffield by an employer for the term of two years. A strike takes place, the workmen obtain an increase of wages. The working man under contract wishes to participate in the benefit of the increase. 30 The employer refuses to pay him the advance; the workman thereupon ceases to work. The employer takes out a summons, and the workman is condemned to three months imprisonment. On coming out of prison, the employer claims the benefit of the contract; the workman again refuses to work; the magistrate threatens him with successive three monthly terms of imprisonment, until the term of service has ex- 35 pired, if he do not immediately return to the workshop, at the wages agreed on pre vious to the general advance. You see everything is turned against the workman, who, in presence of the capitalist, is without means of defence. It is necessary that, by means of these statistics, he may at least have an opportunity of knowing the ground on which he stands. 40 Citizen Tolain said that in Britain, thanks to the genius of British liberty, the class movement manifested itself by a policy of resistance, whereas in France by reason of the shackles imposed upon the organisation of the working classes, a strike has only been a rare and extreme measure and cooperation has been there deemed to be the only means of working class emancipation. 45 Citizen Odger (London): "In our British strikes, the employers compel their 693 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) working men to give way by the importation of continental working men or by the mere threat of importing them. The International Association must put an end to this state of things. And as the primary cause of these importations is the compara tively low scale of wages on the Continent, the working men of Britain will support the claims of the Continental working men and in case of need, will make pecuni ary sacrifices to sustain them in their warfare." Citizen Eccarius (London). Strikes should no longer be confined to a single na tion; the capitalist centralisation has become so strong that the employers baffle the national strikers either by importations of foreign workmen or by giving orders to be executed in other countries. This is what occurred in the recent strike in the Sheffield file trades. The Sheffield employers sent orders to the United States in or der to paralyse the movement of their operatives; but the American file-smiths re fused to lend themselves to these stratagems. However such a fact is extraordinary; as a rule, the employers are able to avail themselves of this weapon and triumph by means of it. Therefore in order to render a strike profitable at the present juncture of the World's history, it is expedient that at the same moment the workmen of every country should refuse to work, that the strike be universal, worldwide! To de mand a Universal strike is to demand the Revolution. Citizen Cremer (London) perceived the necessity of these statistics and adduced in proof thereof what took place in England in 1859 at the time of the famous strike of the Building-Trades. This gigantic strike was made by several thousands of work ing men, thousands of pounds sterling were spent in sustaining it, all the English Trade Unions contributed to the funds spent in maintaining this strike. The em ployers threatened to import foreign workmen in mass. The English workmen im mediately wrote to all the foreign working men's associations, but, as they had not the relations which the International Association possesses, the workmen were forced to give in after a 38 weeks' cessation from work. This fact makes it plain that to guarantee success to the working class in the battle which they have to wage against capital, it is necessary that immense means of publicity be placed in the hands of the working classes. And to avert the importation of working men from one country to another, we must try and establish a nearly uniform rate of wages and one can only do that by aiding every movement for the augmentation of wages and the diminution of the hours of labour. Citizen Becker (Germany) makes the following proposition: "That the working men's Societies in all parts of the world be invited to enter into communication with each other through the medium of the General Council, that they give mutual information concerning the amount of wages, the hours of la bour, the mode of hiring labour, etc. That in this way it will be possible to arrive at the desideratum of a uniform rate of wages in all countries. As the wages question is not national but international, we invite working men of every country to aid each other as much as possible (through the medium of the General Council) in their daily struggles with Capital; and that by these means they would hinder the employers from obtaining foreign workmen during a class-battle of the native work ing men." Resolution adopted. Eight votes against it. 694 Sittings of September 6, 1866 Citizen Cornaz (Switzerland) proposed the establishment of information offices in every town where the working men might apply for work and where the employ ers might apply for workmen. Citizen Card (Switzerland), condemns strikes on principle. He said it was a bar barous method and one that strengthened the wage system, which they all wished to abolish. We ought to preach the benefits of cooperation, for it organises the work ing classes, guarantees to them the enjoyment of the fruits of their labour, and de velops their intelligence. Citizen Jung left the Presidential chair to defend strikes, at least under the eco nomic conditions of England. British strikes were acts of defence against the infa mous exactions of the employer class. Generally, it was the employers who closed their workshops and locked out their workmen, as was the case with the London tai lors and the file operatives of Sheffield. Although the strike was often dearly paid for, it brought back more on the balance to the well organised trades than it cost, whether it was entered upon for the sake of diminishing the hours of the working day or for an increase of wages. Citizen Card and citizen Camélinat of Paris protest against strikes and do not be lieve in the benefits said to be derived from them by the British workman. Dupont (London) argued that the British do not endorse strikes on principle, but only as a weapon of war. It is by means of this weapon alone that the British work ing class have been organised, and no other European country offers such an exam ple of compact organisation. Cooperation reduced to the insignificant resources of which it can dispose would have been powerless to attain this result. For this rea son, even if strikes be condemned on principle, they ought to be sanctioned as the only weapon which the working class have at their disposal. And, recurring to the statistical project, he submits for the approval of the meeting the Plan of Statistics proposed by the General Council, which was unanimously adopted. Card, of Switzerland, and Tolain, of Paris, propose the following resolution: "This Congress declares that, in the present condition of industry, which is a state of war, the working classes ought to proffer to each other aid for the defense of the scale of wages. But it also believes it to be its duty to declare that there is a more elevated aim to be sought after, which aim is the suppression of the wages' system, and it recommends a search after economical systems based on justice and reciprocity." Resolution adopted. 695 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) The International Courier. Nr. 13, 3. April 1867 Article VF». T r a d e s' U n i o n s. Their past, p r e s e nt a nd future. Citizen Fribourg (Paris), in the name of the Parisian delegation, moved the follow ing proposition: "The past was the guild, that is despotism; the present is each man for himself, that is mutual antagonism and universal subjection to capital; the future is the identification of the consumer, the producer and the capitalist brought about by co operation." This resolution was unanimously adopted as was also the extract from the Lon don Commentary bearing upon the subject. Sitting of September 7, 1866. (9 a.m.) Citizen Jung in the Chair. Article V. Co-operative labour. Citizen Eccarius (London) read the commentary of the General Council, which was unanimously adopted. Citizens Fribourg and Chemalé (Paris) made the following addendum thereto: "The Congress recommends co-operative associations to avoid the form of a one- man executive and to leave to the associates the plenary right of management on all points conformably to the articles of agreement signed by them." Citizen Bocquin (Montreux) proposed to congratulate the Lausanne section, which, during the last winter, had undertaken at its risk public works for the sake of employing the working class. Citizen Cremer (London) quoted an analogous fact. The excavators of London have contracted to execute works amounting to more than £20,000 (500,000 fr.). See antea. Article VI. ( 1> The Congress took up this article out of its order on the London programme probably be cause it had been incidentally discussed during the deliberation on article II. 696 Sittings of September 7, 1866 Article VII. Direct a nd indirect taxation. The Commentary of the General Council on this question was read. After a short discussion, the Parisian delegates submitted the following resolu tion to the Congress: "Taxes are the quota paid by the individual citizen towards the general expenses; it is therefore an exchange between the citizen and society represented by the gov ernment. The citizens being the sole judges of the services it requires and of the remuneration to be paid, therefore they are alone entitled to vote and levy the tax. The tax ought to be as direct as possible so as that the quota of each be clearly defined and its just incidence be easily controlled." Citizen Coullery (Chaux-de-Fonds) proposed an amendment to this resolution, substituting for the words "as direct as possible" the word "direct" without more, which was on all fours with the London Commentary. But after a short discussion, he withdrew his amendment and the resolution was accepted by the meeting. Article VIII. I n t e r n a t i o n al Credit. Citizen Fribourg (Paris) brought forward the following series of resolutions. "1. The Congress refers the subject of international credit to the study of the members of the Association and invites all the sections of the Association to send the result of their reflections on this question to the General Council which will in sert it in its Bulletin in order that the question may be brought to the cognisance of all and be ready for solution by the next Congress. 2. The Congress refers in the same manner the idea of a federation of all working class banks now formed or hereafter to be formed by means of a central establish ment under the management of the International Association of Working Men." These resolutions were seconded by citizen Coullery and unanimously adopted. Article III. L i m i t a t i on of the working day. Citizen Dupont read the recommendations of the General Council hereanent. The French delegates enunciated the following propositions: "1. That man only can be free who has the opportunity of developing all his fac ulties. Consequently all prolongation of toil which would render a man incapable of developing and enjoying all his capacities should be condemned as hostile to health and antisocial. 2. Under present circumstances, we deem ten hours per diem labour as what ought to suffice to produce or procure the necessities of life. 697 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) 3. The Association ought therefore to exert all its efforts to procure the recogni tion of the equal value of employments by establishing a minimum of wages in pay ment for the services rendered by the individual to society." Afternoon Sitting. Citizen Jung in the Chair. Article III. (Continued.) Citizen Odger (London) spoke as follows. Regarding the fixing of the minimum of wages, he thought it difficult to carry out. But he was decidedly of opinion that the 8 hours of work, as proposed by the General Council, should be supported by the Congress. Eight hours work are more than enough to pay the expenses of the work ing man. They are enough to enable him to furnish a due share to the sum of social products. Do not forget that Robert Owen, the famous communist, demonstrated with the greatest exactness that three hours work per day, if given by all without ex ception, would be enough to produce the actual amount of social riches and reflect that since Owen's time, machinery has made immense progress and that its prog ress has tended to abridge human labour. Citizen Cremer (London) thought it would be impossible to establish a minimum of wages. In this debate, the really important question is that of the hours of labour. It is the only one which we need resolve in a positive sense and we must energet ically claim an eight hours day. In America, a great movement among the working class is on foot to obtain this object. The International Association is well thought of by the American workingmen simply because of this question, for they are con vinced that we shall back them in this struggle and set on foot ourselves an eight hours' movement. We cannot abandon them by demanding less than they do. Be sides the more extensive our demands are, the more we shall get. Of late the arti sans in the building trades struck to obtain a reduction in the hours of work to 9 hours; if instead of claiming 9 hours they had claimed eight, victory would have perched upon their eagles. Therefore let the rallying cry of the working classes of the world be "Eight hours per day!" I presume we are not too presumptuous in mak ing such a demand. Citizen Coullery (Chaux-de-Fonds) said that this was the most important ques tion which the Congress had to pronounce upon. In order to accomplish the social revolution we must have men, and the present manufacturing regime kills the hu man being and reduces him to a mere wheel. Eight hours work per day even are too much, especially for women. English capitalists themselves were the first to demand a reduction in the hours of toil for their "hands" and this from their point of view only, for they knew that excess of toil diminished the productive strength of the hu man animal. Citizen Card (Poland) said: We need not go so far as England to seek our exam ples, they are here in Switzerland. The masters of the Canton of Saint-Gall have also taken the initiative in this movement for the reduction of the hours of labour 698 Sittings of September 7, 1866 and have accomplished something. At present, the legal hours are fourteen for fac tories which are subjected to the surveillance of the police. Citizen Bürkli (Germany) warmly defended the proposition of the General Coun cil. Those who desire the instruction of the people ought to vote for the eight hours' 5 principle for what can you expect from a man who works from 12 to 14 hours a day? Can he on coming home have the strength left to study a book? Secondly, the con tinental working men ought to stand by our brethren of England and America in their struggle against the capitalists and to demand a less diminution than they do, would be to betray them. 10 15 20 Citizen Murat (Paris). The development of industry has not reached the same lev el everywhere; the consequence of which is that the working classes of the civilised world are not in the same relative position in their struggle with capital, and that therefore general rules applying universally to all countries cannot be laid down. Nevertheless in this Congress we cannot do better than accord our approbation to the movement among the working classes of England and America, for those are the countries where industry is most highly developed and when France shall have achieved a similar state of development we shall be obliged to make the same de mand, and we shall be glad to find the principle of the same endorsed by the first working men's Congress. Citizen Fribourg (Paris) said that they, the Parisian delegates, do not ask for such a reduction. All that those in whose name he spoke asked for is that the toil of the workmen be not such as to be unfavourable to the natural development of their fac ulties and aptitudes, and they do not think it possible to adopt any fixed rule on this subject. 25 The extract of the Commentary of the General Council relating to the hours of labour was then put to the vote and adopted by the majority. 10 votes being then thrown in the negative. The Parisian delegates then brought forward the following resolution: "That the Association ought to make every effort to affirm the principle of the 30 equal value of occupations by establishing a minimum of wages payable for the serv ice rendered by the individual to Society." This resolution was adopted unanimously. Article IV. T he labour of w o m en a nd children. 35 Citizen Dupont (London), read the commentary of the General Council upon this subject. He added: The Congress ought to give its serious attention to the question of the apprentice. A contract exists between the employer and the apprentice. The latter is compelled to fulfil his part of the bargain, but the master sets his part at naught, for during the term of the apprenticeship, the apprentice is exploité in every way. He is made to perform all kinds of work which is quite aside from his trade. Therefore he only commences to learn his trade when he has finished his apprenticeship and becomes 40 699 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) a workman. We should insist upon this question for the exploitation of the child has something in it more iniquitous than that of the man. Citizen Coullery (Chaux-de-Fonds), said—I am happy to see the Congress take up the question of woman. We ought to declare in a categorical manner that we work as much for the emancipation of woman as for that of man. We must rescue her from the prostitution of the workshop as well as from that of the streets. It is nec essary that her education be as complete as that of man, in order that she may not become the dupe of the ministers of any religion whatever. In a word, she should have the means of developing herself completely, both in mind and body, for she is the hope of the human species. 5 10 Citizens Chemalé, Fribourg, Perrachon and Camélinat (Paris), proposed the fol lowing resolution: "On physical, moral and social grounds the labour of women and children in fac tories ought to be energetically condemned on principle as one of the most prolific causes of the degeneracy of the human species and as one of the most powerful 15 means of demoralisation put in motion by the capitalist caste." Women, they added, are not made to work hard; their place is at the family fire side; they are the natural educators of the children; they alone can prepare their children for a civic and free life. This question ought to be debated at the next Con gress. The scheme of statistics that has been voted will furnish a powerful body of 20 ' facts whereon we may base our condemnation of women's labour in factories. Citizen Varlin (Paris), said—Like the rest of you, I admit that female labour in factories, as it is practised at present, ruins the body and is corrupting. But do not let us generalise upon this fact so as to condemn female labour in general, for how can you, who wish to rescue women from prostitution, effect your purpose unless 25 you give her the means of earning her livelihood. What would become of widows and orphan girls? They will be obliged either to become recipients of charity or prostitutes. To condemn female labour is to sanction charity as an institution and authorise prostitution. \ Citizen Fribourg (Paris). Widows and orphan girls will always be exceptions and 30 cannot in any way impair the force of the rule we lay down. For while desiring that all men shall work, we know perfectly well that many men will be prevented from so doing by natural accidents, yet we insist upon the rule. Widows and orphan girls will be as much exceptions to the general rule of their sex as infirm men will be to the rule which requires all men to work. 35 Citizen Tolain said—So long as the factory is open to women, they will never be free beings, nor able to develop their natural aptitudes. The workshop unsexes women. Citizen Lawrence (London), said—There is something stronger than all our speeches here; there is something more true than all the philosophic sentiments we 40 utter in this building and that is, the march of Society. We ought not to be theorising, we are working men and therefore should aim at being practical rather than Utopi an. Accordingly, if we wish to aid in an efficient manner the emancipation of our class, we must limit our rôle to observing what is taking place around us, to gaining a comprehension of the social movement and not to think of imposing upon it our 45 700 Sittings of September 8, 1866 personal sentiments and theories. As the commentary of the General Council very well phrases it "the tendency of modem industry is to make the woman and the child cooperate in productive labour." This is so true that in certain parts of Eng land, the wife goes out to work and the man remains at home and does the house- 5 work. We of the London delegation are however far from admiring the way in which woman is obliged to work, but the fact exists and it would be folly on our part to condemn female labour in an unqualified manner, but what we may do is to pro test energetically against the exploitation of woman as it is carried on by the capital ist caste. 10 The commentary of the General Council on this subject was put to the vote and carried by a large majority. The following amendment presented by Citizens Varlin and Bourdon, of Paris, and tending to add point to the English Commentary, was put to the vote and re jected. 15 20 "The lack of education, the excess of toil, the low scale of remuneration and the bad hygienic conditions of factories are, under the present state of things, causes of physical and moral debasement for the women who work therein. These causes may be destroyed by a better organisation of labour, by cooperation. Woman has need to work in order to be able to lead an honourable life. Our aim should be to amelio- rate her labour and not to suppress it. As to children we ought to put off the period of their entrance into the factory as much as possible and curtail as much as possi ble their hours of labour." The proposition of Citizens Chemalé, Fribourg, Perrachon and Camélinat was put to the vote and adopted by the majority. 25 On the subject of the education of children, the French delegates proffered the following resolution which was unanimously adopted. "This Congress declares that technical education ought to be both theoretical and practical. In default thereof, it will lead to the establishment of an aristocracy based upon a special training which is calculated to make not artisans, but foremen 30 and overseers of artisans." The International Courier. Nr. 14, 10. April 1867 Sitting of September 8, 1866. (9 a.m.) Citizen Jung in the Chair. 35 Article X. On standing armies a nd their effects on production. Citizen Dupont (London) opened the discussion by reading the Commentary of the General Council on this question. Citizen Vuilleumier (Chaux-de-Fonds) proposed the following resolutions: 701 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) 1. The Congress acknowledges that the system of a standing army is in flagrant contradiction to the rational progress of society. 2. And while aware of the impossibility of immediately effecting a radical change in this state of things it is full of confidence that the association of all work ing men will ultimately cause the abolition of standing armies. The French delegates proposed the following series of resolutions: 1. Standing armies take away from industrial labour the most robust men to re turn them (when they are returned) unfit for regular work. The use made of them both at home and abroad still further augments the dangers wherewith such an in stitution menaces industry. 2. The militia system, that is to say the arming of the whole nation, is the only one which can be admitted as a transitional process. 3. The Congress gladly sees the efforts which are being made for the abolition of standing armies and the extinction of war and antagonism between nations and ex presses its sympathies with all those who have devoted themselves to the diffusion of those ideas and in particular to the founders of the Ligue du bien public. Citizen Heidt (Germany) proposed the following resolution, which was supported by citizens Rau and Biirkli (both from Germany) : The Congress recommends the sections, wherever circumstances permit them, to form associations for military exercise as much as possible on the same basis and plan, and this with a view to accelerate the general arming of the people. Citizen Heidt said: Already there exist such associations in Germany and where the Governments prohibit these exercises, sticks are substituted for guns in the gymnastic schools. The whole meeting approved the principles developed by the speakers and adopted all the resolutions. Article XI. Religious ideas; their influence u p on social, political a nd intellectual progress. The French delegates submitted the following resolution: "The Congress affirms the physical and intellectual liberty of the human species and declares that the influence of religious ideas tends to deny man's free will and his dignity; nevertheless inasmuch as all religious ideas shun the test of inquiry, the Congress confines itself to a protest against this influence and goes on to the next question." Citizen Peter (Germany) said: We must cease to confound religion with moral ity; they are two things entirely distinct from each other and even contradictory to each other. We must energetically go in for their complete separation and we must unite our efforts to combat religion, which has been a greater curse than standing armies have been. Citizen Coullery (Chaux-de-Fonds) said: Morality has been tacked on to the skirts of religion and been subjected and dragged through the mire by the latter. 702 Sittings of September 8, 1866 Morality has been compelled by religion to excuse and to authorise all the crimes committed by the latter. We must emancipate morality from this fatal tutelage. Morality should be based upon reason and science. Thus elaborated, it should be inculcated to children. Religious instruction should be banished from the schools in an unqualified manner. 5 Citizen Müller (Germany) protested against the confounding of morality with re ligion. Religion perverts morality. It is the country parts where religion perpetrates its ravages. It is there especially that we must guard against it and go in for the in culcation of a rationalistic morality. 10 Citizen Schlaifer (Germany) dwelt upon the antagonism between morality and religion and protested against the influence of the clergy. Citizen Card (Poland) denounced religious instruction, the injurious effects of which were particularly felt by the female sex. Citizen Bocquin (Montreux) spoke in the same sense as citizen Schlaifer. Citizen Vuilleumier (Switzerland) and Schwitzguébel (Germany) proposed the 15 following resolution: "The Congress declares that it desires liberty of conscience, the separation of Church and State and the exclusion from all schools of any kind of religious in struction." 20 Citizen Tolain (Paris) said: The progress of science will gradually destroy relig ious prejudices and will bring mankind to a sense of its dignity. He recommended that the Congress should not come to any resolution on the subject. All the members of the Congress were unanimous in favour of ridding the human race of every variety of religious prejudices. It desired that note be made of this 25 unanimity and thereupon it passed to the next question. Article IX. T he necessity of annihilating the influence of Muscovite despotism in E u r o pe by the application of the right of n a t i o ns to dispose of their own destiny a nd by the reconstitution of Poland on a democratic basis. 30 Citizen Card (Poland) and Becker (Germany) were desirous that the Congress should declare in favour of this question, but the meeting considering it as a purely political one decided not to discuss it, but to leave to the German and Swiss mem- 35 bers the power to sign the following resolution of Becker in favour of the reconstitu tion of Poland. "Considering that by the development and consolidation of the International As sociation of Working Men every despotism will disappear, the reconstitution of Po land on a democratic basis will follow as a matter of course." ¡y 703 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Afternoon Session. Citizen Jung in the Chair. Article X I I. T he establishment of Benefit Societies. T he affording of moral a nd material aid to orphans left by m e m b e rs of the A s s o c i a t i o na ). 5 Citizen Dupleix (Switzerland) said that all the adherents to the Association have called for the establishing of a general Society of mutual aid. The different benefit societies being merely local ones, many working men lost their rights on migrating to another country. The Geneva section had endeavoured to found an association 10 whose objects are help in case of sickness, mutual credit and support to the orphans left by members of the Association. The Geneva section demands from the Con gress its endorsement of this Benefit Society in order that if may become an inter national one. Citizen Chemalé (Paris) would recommend that the different Benefit Societies 15 be linked together by a federal tie; but it would be difficult to realise this idea in France, as all these societies are under the thumb of the Government and their money was deposited in the coffers of the State. Citizen Bocquin (Montreux) claims that the Geneva Benefit Society obviated all the difficulties that were to be encountered in the different countries. For this pur- 20 •••·•:[ pose, each Society would have only to draw at sight upon the branch to which the member aided belonged, in order to get its advances repaid, and he thought that this method would be completely practicable in France. Citizen Müller, in the name of the Stuttgart section, spoke as follows: A uniform code of rules ought to govern all the federated Benefit Societies without which the 25! international aim would fail. Already in Switzerland, Germany etc., there exist Benefit Societies which are far from sufficing for the public needs. It is only by merging an enormous mass of them into one mammoth Association that better re sults can be obtained. Consequently a central organisation appears to us to be in dispensable. It would receive the contributions of all the sections and would under- 30•' take to provide for their outlay. What we propose is already carried out by fire and life insurance offices. We should only have to work after their models. The London delegation proposed the following resolution: "That this Congress entirely approves of the measures taken by the Geneva Sec- ; tion in the establishment of Benefit Societies and it recommends the General 35 r Council to study the best means of establishing the principle of the same upon an international basis." This resolution was put to the vote and carried. The Lyonnese and Parisian delegations made the following motion: ( 1) This article appears neither on the London nor on the Paris Programme. It was, however, in- 40 ¡ ¡ serted in the Geneva Programme and was therefore introduced by the Swiss delegates. 704 Sittings of September 8, 1866 "The assembled delegates while acknowledging the desirability of establishing Benefit Societies, do not however think that the moment is opportune for making a general measure of it. They therefore leave each section free to constitute these So cieties, as well as Loan Societies, in their midst. Moreover they appeal to the sec- tions who have entered on this path to draw up special reports with a view to facili tate the development of those Societies." 5 Unanimously adopted. Article XIII. S e t t l e m e nt of the R u l e s. • io Citizen Coullery then read the whole of the rules through. They were then taken up one by one. Rules 1, 2 and 3 were adopted unanimously. Rule 4, which relates to the annual contribution of members was the object of the following discussion. 15 Citizen Dupleix (Switzerland) said that this article only related to individual members; the different Societies adhering to the principles of the International As sociation would pay a round sum as composition money for their members. Citizen Coullery wished that the members of the different affiliated bodies should have to pay a smaller sum than the per capita contribution. 20 The French delegates, on the contrary, proposed that the contribution be personal and therefore equal for all. Citizen Lawrence (London) warned the meeting not to frighten the affiliated so cieties and thought that they should be encouraged by allowing them to pay a com position. 25 Citizen Fribourg said: Inequality of obligations would entail inequality of rights. Therefore he argued that a uniform rate should be charged to each member. Citizen Chemalé (Paris) said that as a matter of principle it would be right that all members should pay the same contribution; yet, considering the exceptional sit uation of the English Trades' Unions, he was willing that a reduction of 50 per cent 30 be made in their favour. Citizen Camélinat (Paris) thought that an unequal contribution could not be charged without being false to the devise of the International Association: "No rights without duties." 35 The discussion on this point continued for a considerable time. Citizens Varlin and Fribourg eventually proposed that a contribution of 30 cen times or 3 pence be established exceptionally for the year 1866-67 and that it be levied per capita. This proposition was put to the vote and adopted. 705 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) The International Courier. Nr. 15, 17. April 1867 Article X I I I. (Continued.) Settlement of the Rules. Rules 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 were unanimously adopted. Rule 11, relating to the qualification of a delegate gave rise to the following de bate: 5 Citizen Tolain (Paris) said: If it is unobjectionable to admit citizens of every so cial class as members of the International Association, it should not be so when we come to fix the qualifications for a delegate. In presence of the existing social organ isation in which the working classes maintain a merciless struggle with the middle classes, it is expedient, yea indispensable, that every representative of a section be a 10 working man. Citizen Perrachon (Paris) speaks in the same strain and adds, that to admit a non-working man to become a delegate would be to aim at the destruction of the Association. Citizen Vuilleumier (Switzerland) said: By eliminating anyone from our Associa- 15 tion, we should set ourselves in contradiction with our general Rules which admit as members every individual without distinction of race or colour, and by the mere fact of his admission, he is fit to become a candidate for election. Citizen Cremer (London) regretted that this invidious question had been raised. Among the members of the General Council there are several citizens who are not 20 hand-workers and who have not given any ground of suspicion. Far from that, it is probable that but for their devoted co-operation, the Association would not have struck so deep a root in Britain. Among those members I will mention one only, Citizen Marx, who has devoted all his life to the triumph of the working classes. 25 Citizen Carter (London) said: The personality of Karl Marx has just been in voked. That distinguished man perfectly understood the importance of having only hand-workers as delegates to this first International Congress of Working Men. Ac cordingly, he refused the appointment which was offered to him by the General Council. But that sentiment of delicacy is no reason for passing a rule to exclude 30 him, or any one else, from being sent to our Congresses. On the contrary, men who devote themselves to the cause of the prolétaires are too rare to make it expedient that they should be "snubbed." The middle class only triumphed when it allied it self with men of Science and it is the pretended science of middle class political economy which gives it prestige and through that prestige, ministers to its power. 35 Let those who have studied political economy from a working class standpoint come, by all means, to our Congresses, there to shiver the fallacies of middle class political economy. Citizen Tolain (Paris) said: As a man whose hands are brown with toil, I am deep ly grateful to Citizen Marx for having refused to accept the appointment of del- 40 egate which was offered to him. By so acting, Citizen Marx intended to inculcate 706 Sittings of September 8, 1866 that delegates to working men's Congresses should be hand-workers, and hand workers only. If we admit to our Congresses men of other classes, the public will not fail to say that the Congress does not represent the aspirations of the working classes, that it does not consist of working men. I think, moreover, that it is well to show to the world that we are sufficiently advanced to be able to act by ourselves. 5 The amendment of Tolain wishing to impose the qualification of hand-workers upon delegates to the Congress was put to the vote, and rejected by 25 votes against 20. The rule as it stood was then put to the vote, and passed with ten dissentients. Rules 12, 13, 14 and 15 were unanimously adopted. 10 Seat of General Council. The Assembly decided that the Seat of the General Council for the years 1866-67 should be London. Continuation of Powers. 15 Citizen Eccarius (London) proposed that the old General Council be re-appointed. 20 25 The Parisian delegation expressed their general assent to this proposal, but they had an exception to make with reference to Citizen Le Lubez, who (said Citizen Fribourg) had been guilty of calumnies against himself and Tolain in particular, and against the Parisian Section of the International Association in general. A serious debate arose on this point. Citizens Fribourg and Tolain having challenged the London delegates to reply categorically to the question, whether the facts stated by them concerning Le Lubez were true, and the London delegates having admitted the accuracy of the state ments made by Tolain and Fribourg, the meeting declared, "That a member of the General Council having failed in his duty to the Associa tion by spreading false accusations, without supporting them by any proof, or any semblance of proof, that member must be struck off the list of members of the Gen eral Council." The meeting fixes the number of members of the General Council at 50, and pro- 30 longs their powers until the next Congress. Certificate of Good Conduct. The meeting adopted in reference to Citizens Fribourg and Tolain the following resolution: — "The Congress declares that Citizens Fribourg and Tolain have never failed in 35 their duty to the Association, and that their conduct has ever been upright." 707 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Time and Place of next Congress. On the motion of Citizen Cornaz, the Meeting unanimously decided that the next Congress should be held at Lausanne, and that the day for the re-assembling of the Congress be on the first Monday in September, 1867. International Penny Postage. Citizen Cremer (London) proposed that the assembled delegates after their return to their respective homes, should exert themselves in favour of establishing a un iform postal-rate, which would reduce to 1 penny the charge on a letter going from one nation to another. He proposed that a committee be appointed to go to Geneva, Berne, Paris and London to make this request. The Meeting adopted the motion of Citizen Cremer, and appointed as its com mittee, for this purpose, the London delegates. The President then announced the termination of the Congress. [Extract from the A p p e n d i c e s] Appendix A. The Congress received several letters expressing the concurrence of the writers with the objects of the International Working Men's Association, and regret at their in ability to attend the Congress. We give a list of the senders of the same. 1. Eugène Jaccard, of Chaux-de-Fonds, formerly editor of the Progrès, a Swiss newspaper. 2. G.G. Casareto, L.D. Canessa, Pietro Piccarolo, in the name of the Council of the Association of Working Men's Societies at Genoa (44 members). To this letter the Congress sent an official reply. 3. Dr. Augustus Ladendorf, of Zürich. This letter has been published in full in the Geneva Vorbote of February, 1867. 4. Friedrich Beust, of Zürich, German republican exile. 5. Martiny, of Kaukehmen (Prussia). This letter has been published in full in the Geneva Vorbote of February, 1867. 6. Friedrich Albert Lange, of Duisburg, writer on social economy. This letter has been published in the Geneva Vorbote of February, 1867. 7. Schmiedrich, Augsburg. 8. H.Wuttke, Leipzig, teacher of history at the University of Leipzig. Letter pub lished in the Vorbote of March, 1867. 9. W. Fischer, of Breslau, letter published in the Vorbote of March. 10. Regnauld, of Paris, steel-engraver. 11. Schily, of Paris. 12. Dr. Timothée Riboli, of Turin. 13. Joseph Dassi, of Naples, representative of the Working Men's Societies of Cerignola. This letter has been published in the Vorbote of December, 1866. 708 Extract from the Appendices 14. Dr. Louis Büchner, the author of Kraft und Stoff, letter ordered by the General Council to be published in full in English and French. The International Courier. Nr. 16, 24. April 1867 (Translation.) 10 "Darmstadt, August 28, 1866. 5 All the political changes in Europe which at present so strongly preoccupy men's minds are in point of real significance transitory when compared with the changes which are germinating in the bosom of European Society, and the public on the ap pointment of new ministers and party leaders should inquire more curiously about their social ideas and capabilities than about their political ones. What avails the full- est political liberty if the largest part of the human race is at the same time suffer ing from want and destitution and if one portion of society is doomed to slave and suffer eternally in order that the other portion may enjoy itself? Whenever this idea has penetrated into the minds of the destitute classes and the resolution to better their situation has been firmly taken, the social revolution is at once accomplished. 15 For as these classes form an immense majority, there can be no question about re sisting them. Unfortunately the recognition of this fact among working men is still far too exceptional and sparse, hence their want of unity and mutual understand ing. The more you, by means of your Association, strive for the diffusion of right views and disposition among the largest conglomerations of the working classes, so 20 much the more will you aid the good cause and the international bond you seek to form is an excellent means of arriving at the result at which you aim. In this way it will become clear that unadulterated humanity is everywhere one and the same and that the European peoples are destined to form a large, affectionate and mutually- aiding family, whereas previously they have been hounded on by their rulers to 25 mutual murder and destruction like a characterless herd. In this way it cannot long remain concealed from the working classes that the division which has been made in the last ten or twenty years between the so-called 'working men' and the so- called 'Social' question is an unnatural and artificial one and enuring to the great disadvantage of the needy classes. According to my rooted conviction the working 30 man's question can never be thoroughly solved by itself and apart from the social question and all the infinitely numerous proposals for the amelioration of the con dition of the working classes, whether they are issued from the Schulze-Delitzsch, Lassalle or intermediary mints, are all mere palliatives which simply prolong the agony of death. Especially are the Co-operative Associations of production, as 35 preached by Lassalle, and from which his adherents hope to extract a panacea for all evils, only a means for raising up a Fourth Estate, as formerly the Third Estate was elevated, and to make room for a still more suffering Fifth Estate consisting of working men not employed in the said Co-operative Associations and of the general mass of working men. The root of the evil is much deeper than these gentlemen and their adherents believe or wish to believe, and it draws its nourishment not from the 40 7 09 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) neglected interest of a single class, but from the unnatural and unjust condition of society itself. For as long as the good things of life or the means of subsistence are by the laws of inheritance and without any personal merit divided in the unequal manner that has hitherto prevailed, it is nonsense to talk of a successful competi tion of the less-favoured individual in the great battle of life, except of course, in rare and peculiar cases. The liberal middle class of our day who are demanding as the highest aim of personal freedom 'a free course of all,' in other words, free play for the development of all their powers by the removal of all limitations imposed by the State, entirely forget that the freedom of the course is not sufficient to make a successful competition possible but that, for that purpose, there is needed an equal- 10 ity of ways and means, for the sustaining of that competition. 5 The most vigorous and accomplished working man, if empty handed, can bear up against the power of Capital as little as the naked savage can against artillery and the needle-gun. All this is so self-evident that one has to use some compulsion over one's self to induce one's self to repeat it, but antiquated custom has so blinded the majority of mankind that they are not in a condition to comprehend even such sim ple truths as the foregoing. 15 Of course I do not mean to say withal that the working man should give up his previous efforts for improving his condition. On the contrary, he should go on with them and with everything else that can procure him even a merely transitory allevi- 20 ation and this in the most zealous manner, in expectation of the time which will permit him to deal with the evil in a radical manner. But while doing that which lies nearest to his hand, let him never forget the great aim of the future, for which he must make, and which alone can furnish him a radical and lasting cure for his evils. Every working man who makes that the aim of his life, must be not only the 25 friend and defender of his class, he must at the same time be a s o c i a l i s t, he must embrace in the range of his intellect and feeling not only the sufferings of his class, but also those of society itself. In this latter case he will be a humanitarian and a Cosmo-politan, while in the other case he will be only a c l a s s - e g o t i s t. Finally, warn your working men in their efforts for the future to confide only in 30 themselves and in a few tried friends if they desire to avoid manifold illusions. Neither the present possessors of power, nor the liberal middle class, nor the politi cal democracy, will ever do anything earnest and fundamental for them except upon compulsion. Let them adopt, therefore, as their motto the device of 'self-re liance'. Amid the hurley-burley of political life, you will be sure to hear many who 35 will proclaim themselves to be 'friends of the people', but who in reality are, in some respects, their most dangerous enemies. Therefore be upon your guard! Let deeds, not words, speak! These are the only observations I have to make to you and your friends. One sub ject of moment I have not mentioned, I mean intellectual emancipation. I take it 40 for granted that the working man who is striving for freedom from social tyranny has already completed in his interior his own intellectual liberation, or at least has begun the process of so doing. The slavery of the mind must have fallen before the bondage enforced by the State and by society can fall. How glad I should have been to have been present at your Congress; I regret to 45 710 Extract from the Appendices say domestic matters make this impossible this year. With the best wishes for your success and for the rapid dissemination of your admirable work, I subscribe myself, Most devotedly yours, Dr. Büchner." 15. Gaspare Stampa, member of the Central Council of the Working Men's Socie ties of Italy, ordered by the Congress to be printed in full in the official report of its proceedings0'. (Translation.) Milan, Sept. 2nd, 1866. Place de St. Ambroise, No. 53. Brothers, My colleagues who compose the Central Council of the Working Men's Associa tions of Italy are scattered throughout the different parts of the Peninsula. Several have taken up arms. I acknowledge that it would be necessary for our working men to have at least a voice in that great Assembly, but my health is too broken down to allow of my com ing to Geneva. I assure you that the working men's societies feel the need of a federation among themselves, while preserving to each society the autonomy which is befitting. That is why, last year, there was formed, at Naples, a Union of whose statutes I send you a copy. It is the combined forces of many that have ever executed the greatest and most generous projects. The vital principles for the salvation of the working classes will be discussed by the delegates from the various nationalities. The Italian working men offer you their hands in sign of brotherhood. In the midst of the grave deliberations with which your assembly will be occupied, throw into the balance the votes of Italian working men whenever it shall be proposed to proclaim liberty, equality and eman cipation from the modem tyranny of capital. The firm and unanimous will of work ing men is bound eventually to triumph over the parasites who burden society. Let our voice aid in fraternising the people! Fraternally, Gaspare Stampa. Member of the Central Council of the Working Men's Societies of Italy. (1> This letter was answered by Citizen Jung, as Chairman of the Congress.—Editor Unterna tional] C[ourier]. 711 International Association of Working Men. Report of the Congress of Geneva (1866) Appendix B. Two members of the Association only, so far as is known to the General Council, addressed essays to the Congress. These were Citizen Fox, of London, a member of the General Council of the Association, and Citizen Leneveux, of Paris, one of the founders of the Parisian Socialist journal, L'Atelier. The Essay of citizen Leneveux is divided into 15 sections and treats of the prin cipal questions in the Congressional programme. The system of apprenticeship, ac cording to citizen Leneveux, is a domestic drudgery and ought, therefore, to be transformed. A strike is the only means the workman has of defending his liveli hood. Combination of effort is the working man's only chance of salvation. The Essay of citizen Fox is on the necessity of restoring the independence of Po land. The subject is handled under the following six headings. 1. The connection between the last Polish insurrection and the formation of the Interna tional Working Men's Association. 2. The claim of Poland on every European party. 3. On the atonement which British Democrats owe to Poland. 4. The effect of the French revolutions of 1789 and 1792 upon the destinies of Poland. 5. The Polish question considered in its bearing upon the past and future relations be tween Germany and France. 6. Concluding appeal to the Congress. 712 J o h a nn G e o rg E c c a r i us A w o r k i ng m a n 's r e f u t a t i on of s o me p o i n ts of p o l i t i c al e c o n o my e n d o r s ed a nd a d v o c a t ed by J o hn S t u a rt M i l l, E s q ., M. P. A working man's refutation ... II.Capital—Its formation and accumulation The Commonwealth. Nr. 192, 10. November 1866 A Working Man's Refutation of Some Points of Political Economy Endorsed and Advocated by John Stuart Mill, Esq., M.P. II. Capital—Its F o r m a t i on a nd A c c u m u l a t i o n. 5 15 In my last I endeavoured to point out under what peculiar circumstances the pre requisites of production are capital. But there is both a history and a theory of capi tal. The former is generally ignored by middle class economists; the latter, with them, is the theory of confusion, errors, and sophistry. In the material sciences men commenced with things as they found them, dissolved them into their component 10 parts, and gradually ascertained their origin. The professors of political economy, on the contrary, took things as they found them for granted; left the origin of capital to take care of itself; invented some specious theory respecting its existence and workings, and all the money-making public cried "Amen!" Had they, like modern geologists do the rocks, dissolved capital into its component parts, they would have arrived at conclusions different to those they have arrived at. They would not have met with so much applause at the hands of the magnates of modern society had they followed this course, they would rather have had to encounter their hostility as those who are not satisfied with writing apologetic eulogies upon the existing state of things, but dive deeper into the matter have to do; but political economy would 20 have become a science under their hands, instead of a handmaid of the ruling classes. The origin of capital is the division of labour. As long as the division of la bour was confined to the patriarchal and feudal family, capital was not formed and was not required. When the division of labour into separate and organized trades superseded the division of labour in the family, intermeddlers established them- selves to distribute some of the produce of other people's labour. In the transit from the producer to the consumer a certain amount of this produce stuck to their fin gers which they accumulated. In due course of time money making, buying and sell ing, became the aim of production. Those who had appropriated and accumulated the produce of other people's labour found themselves hampered and impeded by the guild and corporation laws, which required personal and technical, not wealth 25 30 715 Johann Georg Eccarius owning qualifications, to carry on the business of production. The so-called mon eyed interest burst these fetters which had been forged to insure a subsistence to the handicraft man, to convert the runaway serf into a free citizen. They were regu lations which were only compatible with a production that was for the most part cal culated to supply local wants. The enriched intermeddler required a world for his market, and labourers who had either to do his bidding or die of starvation. He fur nished the material which he had accumulated out of the past labour of others, and the most needy had to work them up on his own premises under his immediate con trol. Thus the division of labour was carried into the workshop, the produce of la bour became the exclusive property of the employer, the labourer, the producer, be- 10 came an appendage to, instead of an agent in, the process of production, buying and selling, exchange value, money-making became the aim of production. So much for the history of capital, now for the theory. 5 "Parsimony," says Adam Smith, "is the immediate cause of the increase of capi tal." "Capital is the result of saving," says Mr. Mill. What the father of political 15 economy stated a hundred years ago is repeated in other words by the would-be Adam Smith of the nineteenth century, the man of new ideas. Had capitalist produc tion, modem industry, not advanced by more rapid strides than her votaries—those who profess to explain her workings, and to trace the path upon which she is to pro ceed—it is a dead certainty that journeymen tailors would not be able to publish ar- 20 tides on political economy in working men's papers. Mr. Mill in his sophistical rea soning assumes that abstinence is the foundation of the accumulation of capital. Let us pause to examine this theory. If the man whose income is 50,000/. a year is content to live upon 25,000/., he will have 25,000/. to dispose of as capital the fol lowing year. He thus abstains from consuming 25,000/. which he might have done. 25 So far so good. But how does he get the 50,000/.? By his own exertions! It never happened. Mr. Mill, again repeating Adam Smith, says:—"Everything which is pro duced is consumed, both what is saved and what is said to be spent; and the former quite as rapidly as the latter. When people talk of the ancient wealth of a country, of riches inherited from ancestors, and similar expressions, the idea suggested is, 30 that the riches so transmitted were produced long ago, at the time when they are said to have been first acquired. The fact is otherwise. The greater part, in value, of the wealth now existing in England has been produced by human hands within the last twelve months." How then can capital be the result of saving? How does it hap pen that one man gets 50,000/. worth out of the produce of one year's labour? Ac- 35 cording to Professor Leone Levi's estimate, which I have no reason either to ques tion or endorse, the average earnings of adult male labourers in England is 58/. 10s. a year. The man with 50,000/. therefore gets 1,030 times as much as the labourer. I have nearly forty years of business experience in villages, small towns, and large towns, and different countries, but I never found that a quick and industrious man 40 could, under equal facilities, earn twice as much as a slow and lazy one. But here is a man getting one thousand and thirty times as much as the average labourer. It may be objected that the intellectual labour of direction and superintendence de serves a higher remuneration. We do not know that the 50,000/. man directs and su perintends. How intellectual labour is remunerated, unless a man is in keeping with 45 716 A working man's refutation ... II. Capital—Its formation and accumulation certain parties and becomes a bishop or a lord chancellor, we all know. The men who are engaged to direct and superintend may get five, ten, even twenty times as much as a good skilled workman and then it will not amount to thousands. The fate of Mr. Snider is a striking proof what estimate intellectual labour is held in. Some 5 years ago a man discovered that certain poor iron ores in Scotland contained suffi cient coal for their own smelting. The capitalists of the neighbourhood would not even advance the money to test the discovery by an experiment on a large scale, the man died in penury, and the capitalists are making fortunes out of his discovery at the present moment. This shews how capitalists value the intellectual acquirements 10 of others—it is for the poor to value theirs. Let us look at the case from another side. According to Professor Leone Levi, the annual produce of the labour of the United Kingdom amounts to 745,000,000/. To raise this produce 10,697,000 people of both sexes, under sixty years of age are employed. They produce on an average 69/. a year and receive as remuneration 38/. a year. Now it is generally acknowl- edged as an axiom in political economy that labour determines the exchange value of goods, that is, that a certain quantity of labour embodied in a certain quantity of what will exchange for another certain quantity of labour embodied in the fourth edition of Mr. Mill's essay on political economy. 15 20 25 30 Thus, when the farmer buys books, and the publisher buys com, real equivalents are exchanged between the so-called capitalist producer and the consumer. The case is different between the labouring producer and the capitalist appropriators. Out of every 69/. worth produced by the labouring class the capitalist class appropri ates 31/. worth as a reward for having taken the trouble of appropriating a similar amount the previous year. This is the secret how one man can obtain 50,000/. out of a production that yields only 69/. per head of the effective labourers; it is the secret of the formation and accumulation of capital. The Times' correspondent at New York told us the other day that Alexander J. Stuart, merchant and importer of New York, had returned a taxable income for 1865 of 4,071,256 dollars, upon which he was to pay a tax of 407,000 dollars. Suppose Mr. Stuart to be an abstemious man, that he manages to defray his expenses with one half of his income, say two million dollars, that he devotes a hundred thousand a year to charitable purposes, and lays by 1,500,000 dollars. Without interest or profit upon these savings they would amount to 15,000,000 dollars in ten years; a pretty capital the result of abstinence. Another case: A New York gentleman applied the other day to an insurance com- 35 pany whose policy he held for twenty-one thousand dollars to cover the loss of his daughter's wardrobe by fire. The young lady's wardrobe contained among other things twenty-six robes of silk and satin, two of velvet, twenty-four dresses of other stuffs, in all as many dresses as there are weeks in the year. There is not the re motest doubt that this young lady will some day bring to the man of her choice not 40 only a rich store of clothing but also a considerable amount of capital— the result of abstinence. But whose abstinence? That of the Stuart's and the likes of that young lady—the abstinence of which Mr. Mill speaks? No; the plain, unsophisticated and untutored working men know far better—alas! from long and sad experience—what kind of parsimony and saving, and whose abstinence and compulsory privation lay the foundation for forming and accumulating capital. 45 717 Johann Georg Eccarius That the working man receives only 2s. 5d. for every 4s. Id. worth he produces is bad enough, but it is infinitely worse that out of this he has not only to pay his own share of local taxation but that of his landlord as well—in the house rent; he has to pay more than his share of the general taxation in the price of the articles he con sumes, and, to add insult to injury, after all this, the whole host of sophists are con- tinually telling him that he might save what he leads a dissipated life with. 5 The Commonwealth. Nr. 193, 17. November 1866 III. F u n d a m e n t al Propositions respecting Capital. Sir W. Hamilton has stated that a man may think upon two subjects at the same time. Mr. Mill's capacities far exceed this. He can entertain two convictions upon the same subject, the one diametrically opposed to the other. He says: "While on 10 the one hand industry is limited by capital, so on the other every increase of capital gives, or is capable of giving, additional employment to industry; and this without any assignable limit. ... Men of merit (Malthus, Dr. Chalmers, M. de Sismondi) have contended, that if consumers were to save and convert into capital more than a limited portion of their income, and were not to devote to unproductive consump- 15 tion an amount of means bearing a certain ratio to the capital of the country, the extra accumulation would be so much waste, since there would be no market for the commodities which the capital so created would produce." To prove the con trary Mr. Mill continues: "Every one can see that if a benevolent government pos sessed all the food, and all the implements and materials, of the community, it 20 could exact productive labour from all to whom it allowed a share in the food, and could be in no danger of wanting a field for the employment of this productive la bour, since as long as there was a single want unsatisfied (which material objects could supply) of any one individual, the labour of the community could be turned to the production of something capable of satisfying that want. Now, the individual 25 possessors of capital, when they add to it by fresh accumulations are doing precisely the same thing. Let us imagine the most extreme case conceivable. Suppose that every capitalist came to be of opinion that, not being more meritorious than a well conducted labourer, he ought not to fare better, and accordingly laid by, from con scientious motives, the surplus of his profits; or suppose this abstinence not spon- 30 taneous but imposed by law or opinion upon all capitalists and landowners like wise. ... The whole of what was previously expended in luxuries, by capitalists and landowners, is distributed among the existing labourers, in the form of additional wages. ... The increased accumulation and increased production might, rigorously speaking, continue, until every labourer had every indulgence of wealth consistent 35 with continuing to work, supposing that the power of their labour were sufficient to produce all this amount of indulgences for the whole number. Thus the limit of wealth is never deficiency of consumers, but of producers." Now for the contrary statements and admissions: "Dearth, or scarcity, on the one hand, and oversupply or, in mercantile language, glut on the other, are incident to 40 718 A working man's refutation ... III. Fundamental propositions respecting capital all commodities. In the first case, the commodity affords to the producers or sellers, while the deficiency lasts, an unusually high profit; in the second, the supply being in excess of that for which a demand exists at such a value as will afford the ordi nary rate of profit, the sellers must be content with less, and must even, in extreme 5 cases, submit to a loss." "If the present annual amount of savings were to continue without any of those counteracting circumstances which now keep in check the natural influence of those savings in reducing profits, the rate of profit would speedily attain the mini mum, and all further accumulation of capital would for the present cease." "The resisting agencies are of several kinds. First, is the waste of capital in peri ods of overtrading and rash speculation, and in the commercial revulsions by which such times are always followed. ... Mines are opened, railways or bridges made, and many other works of uncertain profit commenced, and in these enterprises much capital is sunk which yields either no return, or none adequate to the outlay. Facto- ries are built and machinery erected beyond what the market requires or can keep in employment. ... Besides this there is a great unproductive consumption of capi tal during the stagnation which follows a period of general overtrading. Establish ments are shut up or kept working without any profit, hands are discharged and numbers of persons in all ranks, being deprived of their income, and thrown for support on their savings, find themselves, after the crisis has passed away, in a con dition of more or less impoverishment. By the time a few years have passed over without a crisis, so much additional capital has been accumulated, that it is no longer possible to invest it at the accustomed profit: all public securities rise to a high price, the rate of interest on the best mercantile securities falls very low, and the complaint is general among persons in business that no money is to be made. Does not this demonstrate how speedily profit would be at a minimum, and the sta tionary condition of capital would be attained, if these accumulations went on with out any counteracting principle?" 10 15 20 25 Which is Napoleon and which is Wellington? Whichever you like, my little dear; 30 take your choice. The increase of capital gives employment without any assignable limits, overproduction is nonsense, but, the accumulation of capital would come to a standstill if overtrading did not periodically annihilate a large amount of capital, destroy implements of production, and throw hundreds of thousands out of work. And what is "overtrading" but over-production? Suppose that Mr. Stuart, at New 35 York, imported 500,000/. worth of British hardwares five years ago and that his de mand increased at the rate of ten per cent, per annum on the original amount, pro duction would accommodate itself to the demand. But in the fifth year, his custom ers being well supplied, would principally replace the wear and tear of their old stock, and require only 400,000/. worth. The moment Mr. Stuart became aware of such a state of things he would telegraph to his agents here that he required no more at present; there would be £350,000 worth of unsaleable stock, and those who had bills discounted upon such stock might find their names in the Gazette; bank ers would follow, workpeople would be put on short time, or factories shut up; other trades, having run in the same path, would follow the same course. There would be 45 more means than ever of satisfying wants, but the mass of the people would starve 40 719 Johann Georg Eccarius and perish from want, because they could not pay for what they had produced too much. This is what is implied in the phrase "overtrading;" yet Mr. Mill asserts that there is no such thing as a general over-supply, above the demand, as far as it con sists in the means of payment. The reduction of profits to a minimum is the wind-up of the capitalist mode of production, the end of the contest between labour and capital, the 5 emancipation of the hard-working, hard living, down-trodden millions. Although Mr. Mill refutes his own statements, his first supposition is, neverthe less, abstractedly true; but both the first and the second are totally incompatible with, and inapplicable to, the present state of society. The conception, it appears to me, stands in the same relation to the conception of the reality of such a state of 10 things as the flying fish to the eagle. Mr. Mill has a faint anticipation of a state of things in which the satisfying of wants, and that alone, might be the incentive to production, but he cannot elevate his conception above a state of society in which the materials and instruments of production are the private property of individuals. As long as the prerequisites of production are the property of capitalists, so long 15 will money-making continue to be the direct aim of production, so long will they abhor the idea "of not being more meritorious than a well-conducted labourer." As long as they obtain profits, so long the producers will have to work for wages, for less than their labour is worth, which will prevent "what was previously expended in luxuries to be distributed among them," and will preclude them from the indul- 20 gence of wealth; finally, as long as the capitalists are the controllers of production, so long no law or opinion will be imposed which will prevent those who work the least to get the most. Now for the "benevolent Government." This supposition implies a state of so ciety in which the materials and instruments of production are the joint property of 25 the community, and the direction of production the function of the Government. It implies a state of society in which the old proverb "he who does not work neither shall he eat" has become a reality. It implies a state of society which has been pre ceded by such a course of training and education as the Congress of the Interna tional Workingmen's Association recommends for society at large; a state of society 30 in which, if a thousand days' work is to be done, and a thousand men to do it, each will work a day. It implies a state of society in which the public Government per forms the same functions as the directors of a joint-stock company for such a com pany. It implies a state of society of which the present co-operative movement is only the germ. There would not even be the semblance of benevolence about such a 35 Government, it would only perform a bounden duty. As long as the members of a government are only the nominees of a class, so long they will have to legislate for, and defend, that class, and if that class happens to be in possession of all the mate rials and instruments of production, no amount of individual benevolence will en able the Government to direct production to the supplying of wants, instead of 40 profit-making for individual proprietors. 720 A working man's refutation ... IV. Excess of supply The Commonwealth. Nr. 194, 24. November 1866 IV. Excess of Supply. 5 Lest my readers should run away with the idea that Mr. Mill contradicts himself in the same breath, it is necessary to state that there is a considerable interval between the two statements I cited in my last article. The first, the hopeful view, which gives to the capitalist mode of production so universally beneficent a character, appears in the first volume, published in 1857; the second, the dry statement of the stem reality, occurs towards the end of the second volume, published in 1859. But be tween these statements there are others of a similar nature which require elucida tion. 15 10 Recurring to the opinion of Malthus, Dr. Chalmers, and Sismondi, about over production, Mr. Mill says:—"When these writers speak of the supply of commodi ties as out-running the demand, it is not perfectly clear which of the two elements of demand they have in view—the desire to possess or the means to purchase; whether their meaning is that there are, in such cases, more consumable products in existence than the public desires to consume, or merely more than it is able to pay for. Let us suppose that the quantity of commodities produced is not greater than the community would be glad to consume: is it, in that case, possible that there should be a deficiency of demand for all commodities, for want of the means of payment? Those who think so cannot have considered what it is that constituted the means of payment for commodities. Each person's means of paying for the pro ductions of other people consists of those which he himself possesses. All sellers are inevitably and ex vi termini buyers. Could we suddenly double the productive pow ers of the country, we should double the supply of commodities in every market; but we should, by the same stroke, double the purchasing power. Everybody would 25 bring a double demand as well as a double supply: everybody would be able to buy twice as much in exchange. At any rate it is sheer absurdity that all things should fall in value, and that all producers should in consequence be insufficiently remun erated. If values remain the same, what becomes of prices is immaterial, since the remuneration of producers does not depend on how much money, but on how 20 30 much of consumable articles, they obtain for their goods. A general oversupply, or excess of all commodities above the demand, so far as demand consists in the means of payment is thus shown to be an impossibility." Four chapters further we are told—"There is no absurdity in the hypothesis that of some given commodity a certain quantity is all that is wanted at any price." 35 40 Under existing circumstances I consider wheat as the commodity of which only a certain quantity is wanted at any price, and it is because wheat is an indispensable necessary of life, a commodity of which everybody, except those who are out of work, and those who are on the road to the workhouse, gets his share. What is the effect of the supply on the price of wheat? The following passage is quoted from Tooke's his- tory of prices by Mr.Mill:—"The price of corn in this country has risen from 100 to 200 per cent, and upwards, when the utmost computed deficiency of the crops has 721 Johann Georg Eccarius not been more than between one sixth and one third below an average, and that de ficiency relieved by foreign supplies." On the other hand when the supply exceeds the average the fall is as disproportionate. The agricultural statistics of France show that in 1817 the forty-eight millions of hectolitres of wheat harvested in that year were worth two thousand million francs, while nearly sixty-four millions, harvested in 1819, were only worth one thousand and one hundred millions. The increase of the produce was in the proportion of 3 to 4; the decrease in price was from 41 to 17 per hectolitre. 5 In this country the average price of wheat from 1850 to 1864 was about 21. 10s. a quarter. The average price for the year 1851 was 38s. 6d. a quarter with a supply of 10 home, and foreign wheat of 42,391,875 cwts.; in 1855 the supply fell to 36,469,782 cwts., and the price for the year rose to 74s. 8d. For every seven 41b. loaves that had been baked in 1851 there were but six in 1855, but the six cost nearly six shillings, while the seven were sold for something like three shillings and sixpence. The cause of these fluctuations is this: whether bread is dear or cheap the poor must have a 15 certain quantity to support life; if bread be dear all other articles of consumption have to be curtailed, some even abandoned, to obtain bread. There is even a possi bility of more bread being consumed in the poorest families when it is sufficiently dear to prevent the consumption of butcher's meat. There is little difference in the quantity of wheat consumed whether it is dear or cheap unless it reaches the famine price. When the price of bread falls, the poor, instead of eating more bread, in crease their consumption of everything else that comes within their reach, except bread. This explains the reason why butcher's meat rises in price when bread is cheap, and remains stationary when bread is dear. 20 Next to wheat, butcher's meat is an article the consumption of which could not 25 be increased beyond the actual want. The well-to-do getting already as much as they require, no fall in the price would induce them to eat more. A fall in the price, or an increase in the means of payment of the poor would no doubt result in a large increase in the consumption of butcher's meat; but, like bread, it would have its lim it. What holds good with bread and meat holds good with every other article of 30 commerce, with this difference, that the means of payment and the desire to pos sess, of those who have the means, are the limits of the demand. The rich could buy more gold watches than they do, but they buy only a certain number, and if the watch makers make more than the rich are willing to buy, the surplus is overpro duction that cannot be sold at all, or must be sold at a loss to people who are either 35 not willing or not able to buy at the remunerative price. The gentlemen who wear the broad cloth, which the London drapers cannot sell for less than 25s. a yard, re quire only a certain quantity, if much more were produced it would be dead stock. Now, we are ready to enter upon the examination of Mr. Mill's supposition. Sup pose the Wizard of the North could by one stroke double the production of every- thing, except man himself, his stomach and his stature, two suits of clothes, two quarters of wheat, two cwts. of beef, and two ounces of gold would respectively rep resent the same amount of labour as before, and ought to exchange in the same proportion as they do now, otherwise it would not be immaterial what became of prices. 40 45 722 A working man's refutation ... IV. Excess of supply Under existing circumstances the selling price is the form in which the labour ex change value must be realised. Amongst the various products of labour gold is the only one of which everybody is ready to appropriate any conceivable amount. Every thing else is produced to be sold for gold; it is only with respect to the commodity 5 gold that all sellers are inevitably buyers, hence it is that the quantity of gold which a given article will realise, determines the success or failure of the producer, and what becomes of prices is of the utmost consequence. 10 Suppose our old friend, farmer Brown, came to market with twice as much wheat as he used to, and the forestaller, the miller, and the baker, had twice as much gold as they used to have; but, having lately discovered that the poor, instead of eating more bread on account of it being more abundant, were drinking more beer, eating more meat, and looking out for finer clothes than formerly, they would only buy the customary quantity of wheat, its price would, at the very least, fall from 40s. to 20s., and farmer Brown's purchasing power, instead of having doubled would be reduced 15 by 50 per cent., while the liabilities—liabilities which could only be met by hard cash—would have increased 100 per cent. Suppose the farmer was in a position to tide over the difficulty for a season, would he continue working his farm as before? Certainly not. He would employ fewer hands, buy fewer implements, none at all for a season, land would be thrown out of cultivation and rents would fall, and the pur- chasing power of the farmer's tradesmen and their workpeople would be reduced to zero. We see now that it matters very materially what becomes of prices and that Mr. Mill's supposition about everybody's purchasing power being doubled is sheer nonsense. 20 25 I have selected wheat to illustrate the subject, because it exhibits the phenomena to which I desired to direct the reader's attention, in the most striking and unmis takable manner. That many other commodities would, at the very outset, share the fate of wheat is beyond question, particularly mere necessaries. There are some which are both necessaries and luxuries, the consumption of which is not limited by want. Upon an increase of means, the poor might far more than double their use 30 of furniture and clothing, either by a direct increase, or by replacing old ones by new and better, without being extravagant. Although a man could not eat a dozen times as much as another decently fed man, there are plenty [of] vain people, fond of show, who wear out, or spoil, a dozen suits of clothes where other decently dressed folks will make one suit suffice. In the same way a man may keep a number 35 of carriages and horses to match; but no one will keep two carts and horses for the work that one can do. The dead lock to production will therefore arrive sooner with regard to necessaries than luxuries. On the other hand what tends most to a greater steadiness in the prices of manufactured goods than of wheat is, that production can be arrested at any stage of the process when prices decline, and that it can be accelerated when they rise, and that few are so hard pressed as not to be able to sus pend purchasing for a time when prices run too high. Nevertheless a general over supply and a ruinous fall of prices periodically occur, as Mr. Mill so distinctly points out. 40 723 Johann Georg Eccarius The Commonwealth. Nr. 195, 1. Dezember 1866 V. Effect of the D e m a nd for C o m m o d i t i es on the D e m a nd for Labour. 5 10 On this subject we have a statement, a contradiction, and a prevarication. If a sim pleton were asked why so many geese are brought to London at Christmas time, he would probably reply—why, because the people want them for Christmas dinner, you know. There is also a notion abroad that country people rear and fatten geese for the very purpose of selling them to the London dealers, and that the London dealers bring them to market because they know, from experience, that many peo ple would not be contented without a Christmas goose. But this is an every day view of the matter. Mr. Mill endeavours to dispute the correctness of this vulgar notion. He says:—"What supports and employs productive labour is the capital expended setting it to work, and not the demand of purchasers for the produce of the labour when completed. Demand for commodities is not demand for labour." According to this version it is not the knowledge of the fact that the London people buy so many geese that induces country people to rear many more than they want for 15 themselves, but it is because they are fond of, and have the means for, rearing geese that they do it. What does the following passage, in the Times of November 19, im ply?—"The manufacturers' order books are very badly supplied—insufficiently in many instances to keep the men working nearly full time." This is from Bir mingham. Are orders a "demand for the produce of labour when completed" or 20 not? Do these orders exercise any influence upon the amount of labour employed by the hardware manufacturer or not? But independent of the fact, that the employ ment of a very considerable amount of labour, in many branches of industry, de pends upon the direct orders and demand of the consumers for finished goods, what is the ruling guide for the employment of labour, in those branches of industry in which the production of ready made goods is the rule, and orders the exception? The facility to sell. The trade reports of November 17 are: Bradford, "Stocks in crease and prices droop. Manufacturers of plain goods are working short time." Leeds, "Several large woollen mills are working short time." Manchester, "The manufacturers in the surrounding districts have unanimously resolved to work four 30 days a week instead of six; in many other parts of Lancashire spindles and looms by thousands are idle." "In making sales of either yarn or cloth the manufacturers have almost to force them on the market at a heavy reduction." I ask, then, does the de mand for commodities determine the demand for labour or not? Is it from want of capital, or is it from want of purchasers that the factory labourers are put on short 35 time? 25 Let us now hear what Mr. Mill has to say in elucidating his erroneous statement. He continues:—"Suppose, for instance, that there is a demand for velvet; a fund ready to be laid out in buying velvet but no capital to establish the manufacture. It is of no consequence how great the demand may be; unless capital is attracted into 40 724 A working man's refutation ... V. Effect of the demand for commodities ... the occupation, there will be no velvet made, and consequently none bought, unless the intending purchaser makes advances to workpeople that they may make velvet, i.e., to convert part of his own income into capital. Let us now reverse the hypothe sis, and suppose that there is plenty of capital ready for making velvet but no de- 5 mand, velvet will not be made. Manufacturers and their labourers do not produce for the pleasure of their cus tomers, but for the supply of their own wants, and having still the capital and the la bour, which are the essentials of production, they can either produce something which is in demand, or if there be no demand, they themselves have one, and can 10 produce things which they want for their own consumption." 20 This is "confusion worse confounded," and logic most unmercifully outraged. Let us analyse this kettle of fish. If velvet can be made after an advance of money by the intending purchaser, then the prerequisites to the production of velvet, Mr. Mill's capital per se, must exist in a latent state, waiting to be absorbed in the 15 process of velvet making. But Mr. Mill does not dispute this. He has for the mo ment forgotten the caution he gave at the outset, he confounds money with capital; what he really means to say is, that though there may be workmen possessing the requisite knowledge and skill for making velvet, the tools and materials in the ware house of the dealer ready to enter the workshop upon their price being tendered, and the purchasing price of the velvet in the hands of the intending purchaser, if no intermeddler, possessing a third equivalent in money, step in to purchase the tools and materials and employ the workpeople velvet will not be made, unless the in tending purchaser and the workmen contrive to do without him. Mr. Mill tells us that in this case, the intending purchaser converts part of his income into capital. 25 No such thing. What he advances is, the whole or part of the price of the velvet, which he parts with to gratify a desire. In gratifying this desire he may also satisfy a want, that of clothing himself; but he expects no pecuniary return—nothing beyond the pleasure of wearing velvet and displaying his wealth. His advancing money to obtain velvet is no more an investment of capital than a gentleman advancing mon- ey to an ostler to procure him a fine horse for his carriage. The money invested in the purchase of Pickford's vans and horses and the wages paid to the drivers, form an outlay which is expected to replace itself with a profit, hence it is capital; but the money expended for the horses and carriages of the Marquis of Westminster, and the wages paid to his grooms and coachmen form no outlay, it is expenditure which is not expected to yield anything beyond the pleasure which horses and carriages af ford, hence it is not capital. The simple admission that velvet can be made without the capitalist employer, if the demand for it be accompanied by its purchasing price, is fatal to Mr.Mill's fundamental proposition. According to the ordinary rules of reasoning the reversed hypothesis should, at least, hide the wound which this side stab has inflicted, but, instead of doing that, it enlarges it into an irreparable rent, for it states positively that with all the capital in the world being ready for vel vet making, if there be no demand, velvet will not be made. We are thus irresistibly led to the conclusion that if the demand for a commodity be accompanied by its purchasing price the commodity will be produced, but that in the known absence of 45 a demand nothing will be produced; hence demand for goods, and not capital as 40 35 30 such, creates the demand for labour. 725 Johann Georg Eccarius Mr. Mill is fully conscious of this, but his unbounded faith in the inherent pro pensities of capital to promote production at all hazards leads him to have recourse to prevarication. How do people supply their own wants in modern society? By making, from the cradle to the grave, things for everybody's use except their own. The cotton-miller and his hands, the tailors, the shoemakers, etc., do not enter into business to be able to make cotton, cloth, clothes, shoes, for themselves, but that by making these things for the pleasure of their customers they may get cotton, clothes, shoes, bread, meat, etc., for themselves. If their customers desire nothing they get nothing themselves. Mr. Mill says:—"Having the labour and the capital if there be no demand for one thing they can make another." Can they? The velvet- makers have been engaged in velvet making from their very childhood. All that has fallen to their share in the shape of consumables they got for velvet making, but they never wore any themselves. The demand stops. The ladies have taken it into their heads to wear cashmere shawls instead of velvet cloaks. What is to be done? Transfer the capital will be the ready reply of political economists. But the capital, in as far as it consists in tools and materials, is not transferable to the making of the article for which there is a demand nor the acquired skill of the labourer. The only thing transferable is the ready money that may be in the possession of their employ ers, but with this they assuredly will not employ their former hands, the velvet mak ers, and the only possible way in which the latter can produce anything to supply their own wants is by making velvet for the pleasure of other people. In the case of there being no demand for anything, capitalists and labourers setting to work to produce things for their own consumption, this is such a preposterous supposition that one can hardly take it as serious. The idea of the cotton millers of Lancashire giving their capital that their spinners apd weavers might produce food, shelter, shoes, even cotton shirts for themselves. Did the capitalists of Lancashire invest a single five pound note by way of business with such an end in view during the late crisis? If half the population of London were going naked from want of clothes, not a yard of cloth would be produced to cover their nakedness by way of business, unless there was a well founded belief that those who furnished it would be paid for it. Capital never employs labour with a view of satisfying wants or desires, unless those who have the want or the desire are also willing and able to give the capitalist more for the finished product than he gives to his work-people. Whatever capitalist acts contrary to this, renders himself liable to loss, insolvency, and ruin. The Commonwealth. Nr. 198, 22. Dezember 1866 VI. Fixed Capital—Its Effect u p on Labour. All contrivances that are got up with a view to aid or promote production, and are not rendered useless by being used once, come under the head of fixed capital. It is not my intention to treat of fixed capital generally, but only of those contrivances which are generally termed "improvements of production," and which enter into immediate competition with living labour. 726 A working man's refutation ... VI. Fixed capital—Its effect upon labour Mr. Mill supposes the case of a farmer who employs 2,000 qrs. of corn per annum in maintaining labourers producing 2,400 qrs., altering his mind, and one year ex pending 1,000 qrs. for the improvement of land, half the labourers would be thrown out of employment at the end of the year. He says: —"This improvement may, with the diminished quantity of labour, produce as much corn as before. This will en able the farmer to become a larger employer of labour. But the improvement may only produce 1,500 qrs., this will be a gain of 25 per cent., on the whole capital in stead of 20 per cent., but permanent injury to labourers." That an improvement in production, which brings grist to the mill of the capitalist, should only bring starva- tion to the labourer, is rather a bold supposition and Mr. Mill amends it by saying, "Nevertheless, I do not believe that as things are actually transacted, improvements in production are often, if ever, injurious, even temporarily, to the labouring classes in the aggregate." 5 10 This is simply a skuffle. What consolation is it to the poor wight whose labour 15 has been rendered useless by, no matter what, improvement that others get the arti cle he used to produce a trifle cheaper if the improvement has had the effect of de priving him of the means of subsistence? But the injury does not stop here. If the labour of one half is rendered useless that of the other half becomes depreciated, and a depreciation in any one branch generally, and immediately, affects all 20 kindred branches; but an improvement in the direction of the latter portion of Mr. Mill's supposition would not only have the effect of depreciating labour, it would, by diminishing the produce also enhance its price, and the farmer's gain would be everybody else's loss. But why have recourse to hypothetical suppositions at all? Are there no real, heart-stirring—aye, and heart-rending facts, to illustrate the subjects? Facts that admit no equivocating beliefs? Is it not a fact that in conse quence of the improvement in agriculture the number of labourers is as steadily di minishing as the produce is increasing? Is the increase in the wages of labour more than, or even equal to the depreciation of gold since 1851? 25 30 Facts are said to be stubborn things. I have before me a pamphlet—"Stubborn facts from the factories, by a Manchester Operative." John Ollivier, Pall Mall, Lon don, 1844, from which I will give a few extracts. The raw cotton consumed in this country amounted in 1781 to 5,198,7781bs; in 1841 it amounted to 528,000,0001bs; in 1781 the hand loom weaver obtained 33s. 3d., for weaving 20 yards; in 1841, 3s. 9d. for weaving 24 yards. The power loom 35 weavers of Sidebottom's mill, Waterside, received in 1823, for weaving 24 yards, 21 picks to the quarter inch, 2s.; in 1841, one more pick to the quarter Is. Ashton's Mill, Newton Moor, 1825, for 24 yards, 2s. 8d.; 1836, ditto, Is. 2d. The spinners received in 1806, for one thousand hanks, forty hanks to the pound, 9s. 2d.; in 1823, 6s. 3d.; in 1832, 3s. 8d.; and in 1843, from Is. lOd. to 2s. 3d.; and 40 one shilling only where self-acting mules were employed. In Houldsworth's fine mill, there were in 1829,127 spinners and 83,376 spindles; Thirty-five of the largest firms employed in 1829 one thousand spinners, 674,074 spindles; in 1841 there were but 487 spinners working 736,128 spindles. Thirty-six coarse firms employed in 1829, 1,088 spinners; 1841 only 448, working 53,353 spindles more than the larger number in 1829. Between 1835 and 1843 the number of spinners employed 45 727 ta Johann Georg Eccarius in Stockport dwindled down from 800 to 140. A fortunate who had remained in work, stated in 1843, "In 1840 I was working on wheels carrying 672 spindles, and could earn 11. 2s. a week. I now work upon a pair of wheels carrying 2,040 spindles and earn 13s. a week." This is more than doubling the productive power. The Fustian cutters were paid in 1827, 4d. a yard; 1843, l%d. a yard; women and 5 children employed. In a petition to Parliament from the blockprinters of Lancashire, Cheshire, and Derbyshire, 1842, it is stated that 10,000,000 pieces were printed by machines, for which the printers and their boys would have received 1,125,0001; the wages of those who attended these machines was 29,000/., and with this improvement in pro- 10 duction children from 7 to 9 years old had to work from 16 to 18 hours a day. Perhaps some of my readers may be led to the conclusion that the machine mak ers must have had a jolly time of it, let us see; I give in full what is said on this sub ject:—"Introduced between the year 1838 and 1844 in one of the large machine making shops of Manchester: 15 One plaining machine, equal to fourteen men employs one man or boy to direct it. Five smaller ones equal to three men each, employ one person each. One blotting machine equal to twelve men, one person directs it. One self-acting lathe equal to three men, with one person to superintend it. One nut-cutting machine equal to three men, employs one boy. One wheel-cutting machine, equal to twenty men, employs one man. One boring machine, equal to ten men, employs one person. In another shop there are twenty self-acting lathes, equal to one hundred men, 20 one man or a boy attends two of them. Eight plaining machines, equal to ninety-six men, one man or a boy attends one 25 of them. One nut-cutting, upon a further improved principle, equal to twenty men, em ploys one boy only. One slotting machine, equal to twenty men, one man or boy to direct it." Hardly a day passes without some political wiseacre talking about the benefits 30 conferred upon the working-classes by a rapid increase in the accumulation of capi tal, but here we see that in the very branch of industry, the name of which is synon ymous with all that is modern in production—all that is typical of the capitalist mode—the accumulation of capital has had no other effect, during a space of fifty years, than that of displacing labour, and depreciating what was not displaced. The 35 man, the husband, the father, the natural protector and provider of the family was sent home from the factory to cook and mend stockings, and the wife and the little children had to take his place in the mill to procure him food. Beliefs do not easily go down with everybody now-a-days, and it requires a very credulous person indeed to believe that improvements in production are not even 40 temporarily injurious to the labouring classes. Did the hand loom weavers of 1841 stick to their trade from choice? What became of those who were turned adrift? The au thor says:—"Great numbers may be seen about the streets selling salt; gathering rags and bones; sweeping the streets; anything that may offer the least apology for a livelihood." 45 728 A working man's refutation ... VII. Fixed capital—its effect upon labour Thus the capitalist mode of production is at best a social war in permanence, im provement of the productive power going about like a roaring lion seeking whom it can devour; it is a cruel war, all the victory and the shooting is on one side, and the being shot at on the other; it is a detestable, abominable war, engendered by greed—undisguised greed—rendered the more hateful because the accumulation of wealth, for the sake of accumulation, is held up as an ennobling principle, is looked upon by its votaries as a divine ordinance, or a natural law, and is represented as humane and beneficial in its effects upon the poor by apologetic sophists and mountebanks. Those who perish in the struggle have not even the consolation of falling in a good cause or dying for glory, they are void of all fanaticism, of illusion, and delusion; they are simply victims sacrificed at the shrine of Plutus; they are conscious of their doom, and see themselves perish inch by inch. 5 10 VII. The Cost of P r o d u c t i o n. The Commonwealth. Nr. 200, 5. Januar 1867 15 20 25 30 35 40 This is one of the burning questions upon which the two main divisions of the pop- ulation, that constitute modern society, will never come to an agreement. Those who are in possession of all the food, the clothing, the shelter, and the implements and materials of production, consider the question from a utilitarian, those who possess nothing but the requisite ingenuity, skill, dexterity, and muscular strength for manual operations, from a humanitarian point of view. A reconciliation of these stand-points is utterly impossible, and conversion is out of the question. A writer in the Daily Telegraph said the other day that, if such men as George Odger were sent into the House of Commons, their erroneous notions on questions of political economy would melt like wax before the fire, before the eloquence of Mr. Glad stone. Vain delusion! This is only the conversion of time servers and place hunters. It is not a matter of comprehension but of social position. It is hardly probable, if it were possible, that the cottier, who is under notice to quit, to make room for sheep, because wool and mutton are dear; and the spinner, whose employer is about to in vest his previous year's income, which the spinner has helped to produce, in self- acting machinery to supersede manual labour, should be equally convinced of the advantages of the change with the landlord and the millowner. The representative spokesman of an aspiring class, or an advanced party, are inconvertible. From the moment they exhibit signs of softening they cease to be representative leaders. Had Richard Cobden and John Bright softened before the charms of protectionist elo quence they would no longer have been the spokesmen of the industrial middle- class, and would certainly have been repudiated as turn coats and deserters. Others would have taken their places. In a rational state of society the cost of production of the annual produce of the community would be equal to the amount of labour required to produce it. But un der existing arrangements this is not the case. The utilitarians, the owners of all the produce of labour, call that portion of the produce which they have to expend to ob tain the whole, the cost of production. 729 Johann Georg Eccarius 5 If a farmer required twenty horses for the ploughing of his land, whatever quan tity of grain and hay they consumed would be reckoned as cost of production, and he would consider his horses very useful as long as he could not do without them. But if, by some mechanical contrivance, the ploughs were so much improved that they could be worked with half the horse-power, ten horses would become useless; if, by a further improvement, the ploughs could be worked by a ten-horse power steam engine, at half the expense of the keep of the ten living horses, all the horses would become useless. These improvements might tend to a large increase of the produce of the farm, larger than what would be required to feed all the horses as be fore, yet if the farmer could not sell them all, and was not allowed to kill them or 10 turn them adrift, he would consider himself injured if he had to provide food for any one of them until it died a natural death, though the work of these very horses might in the first instance have furnished the means to purchase the improved ma chinery. This is precisely the utilitarian, the bourgeois point of view. The proprie tors of all the wealth are, as it were, morally convinced that they have an indisput- 15 able right to it, and consider every farthing of expense, besides what they spend for their own enjoyment, as a waste and an injury unless it be used or used up in the production and increase of their wealth. In the actual state of things the cost of pro duction consists of the quantity of the produce of labour that is necessary to keep a certain number of productive agents in working condition, and replacing them 20 when they are worn out. There is no difference between the steam engine, the horse, and the man. The engine requires fuel and water; the horse, grain, hay, and water; the man, bread, meat, and drink, to keep them in working condition; all else is luxury. Mr. Mill says, "as much of the wages of labour as exceeds the actual nec essaries of life and health is not actually applied to production, but to the unpro- 25 ductive consumption of productive labourers, indicating a fund for production sufficiently ample to admit of habitually diverting a part of it to a mere conven ience." Nor is there any difference between the horse and the man respecting the danger of becoming useless. 30 Dr. Ure, one of the greatest panegyrists of the factory system says:—"The con stant aim and tendency of every improvement in machinery is to supersede human labour altogether, or to diminish its cost, by substituting the industry of women and children for that of men; or of ordinary labourers for trained artizans. On the auto matic plan, skilled labour gets progressively superseded, and will eventually be re- 35 placed by mere overlookers of machines. Mr. Anthony Strutt, of Belper and Milford. will employ no man who has learned his craft; but in contempt of the division of la bour principle, he sets a plough boy to turn a shaft of several tons weight, and never has reason to repent his preference. The effect of substituting the self-acting mule for the common mule, is to discharge the greater part of the men spinners, and to 40 retain adolescents and children. The proprietor of a factory near Stockport states that by such substitution, he would save 50/. a week in wages, in consequence of dispensing with nearly forty male spinners." (This was written 30 years ago.) However loud the millowner may sing on Sunday "No more than others I deserve but God has given me more," he would be exceedingly shocked if his workpeople 45 730 A working man's refutation ... VII. The cost of production told him point blank on Monday morning that they considered themselves entitled to a share in such improvements. But there is a difference between those horses and men that have not yet become useless. As long as the horse is used the useless ones do not deprive him of his food, but the unemployed men deprive the employed ones of food by forcing their wages down below the point of subsistence. Remember the Stockport spinner cited in my last. There is another difference between the man and the horse, the man has a will of his own. Left to the bourgeois rule of supply and demand, and to cope single- handed with the capitalist, the labourer would be at the mercy of the employer. But, in combination with his fellow workmen he can exact somewhat better terms. The trades unions and factory laws are a bitter pill, a very bitter pill, for the spokesman of the capitalists to swallow, but there is no help. Thirty years ago Dr. Ure showed that in consequence of trades unions and factory laws the English millowners had to pay l i s. average wages for 69 hours work weekly, while in France the factory hands worked from 72 to 84 hours for 5s. 8d„ and in Bonn in Prussia, 94 hours for 2s. 6d. A week ago, two men, who have visited the coal and iron works in Belgium, enlarged in the Times upon the happiness of the Belgian coal and iron masters who, owing to the absence of trades' unions and factory laws, can make the whole fami lies of their operatives work more hours for less money than the puddlers in the black country obtain for their own individual labour. 5 10 15 20 However willing a portion of the aristocracy is to impose restrictions upon the mill-lords, they are quite as utilitarian in their own sphere as landlords. Not long ago a noble lord, who has rendered signal service to the factory labourers, endeav oured to prove that the rustic labourers in his county were well paid, that if they 25 were good boys they could, by a series of shifts and problematical advantages make 14s. a week. The Bishop of Oxford, and one of his subordinates, consider the clergy, the nobility, and the gentry, above all blame, because a labourer in the neighbour hood of Windsor Castle, who has eleven children, has never earned less than twelve shillings a week and sometimes as much as fifteen. Because the agricultural labour- ers vegetate and rear children, and cultivate on an average 28 acres of land each, on twelve shillings a week, nobody, in the opinion of these noble lords, has any busi ness to find fault. Lord Dufferin, an Irish landlord, thinks that as one labourer is enough in Great Britain for every 28 acres of land, Ireland requires no more. Ac cording to his calculation there are still 300,000 out of 800,000 too many, i.e. ac- cording to the English system only 500,000 are necessary to do the work; the other 300,000 are useless and a burden upon the land, he advises them to emigrate. 30 35 that before Mr. Arnold, of Manchester, wishes to retain this surplus population, because he is quite sure long, as soon as raw cotton becomes cheap, some 40,000 hands will be required in the cotton mills. Forty thousand seems to be a sort [of] standard want. Dr. Ure calculated in 1836, that the steam power then in course of erection would require 45,000 hands. There was a great demand for chil dren at that time. By an Act of Parliament, which took effect on the 1st of March, 1836, children under twelve years of age were prohibited from working longer than 48 hours a week in cotton mills. About 16,400 children under twelve years were res- cued by this Act from the cotton mills. It was a severe blow at a time when the trade 40 45 731 ta Johann Georg Eccarius increased at an unparalleled rate, and when millions were invested in machinery to enable little children and plough-boys to supersede high paid and skilled workmen to lower the cost of production. However, the Government of the day took compas sion upon the mill-owners, and appointed migration agents in the factory districts, who had to arrange terms with the employers for the pauper children which were sent from the rural districts to be employed in the mills. In a circular letter to the Clerks of the Boards of Guardians, dated Somerset House, 23rd October, 1835, it is stated "The families most eligible will be those of widows with the greatest number of grown up children. In cotton, wool, and flax mills, the manufacturers prefer children above twelve years of age, as not interrupting the continuous course of 10 daily employment. In silk mills there is no restriction, and in such factories they are generally preferred at eight years and upwards." During the spring quarter about a hundred families migrated. Some were engaged for three years, others till they should complete their twentieth year. But trade getting sick this migration did not attain any large dimensions. The 45,000 hands were not required. The export of cot- 15 ton goods, which had risen from 20,513,586/. in 1834, to 24,632,058/. in 1836, fell in 1837 to 20,596,123/. 5 This is the way in which the utilitarians, the chiefs of production and the proprie tors of all the produce of labour manage to keep the cost of production low. Lord Dufferin is as consistent in endeavouring to rid Ireland of the useless labourers, as 20 Mr.Arnold is in wishing to retain a surplus. The cost of the maintenance of the agri cultural labourer is already so low that hardly a reduction is possible, and therefore a surplus is a real burden. It is not so with the factory workers. They still get a little more than will keep skin and bone together, and a surplus of hungry applicants for work, will in an emergency either enable the mill owner to make a reduction, or 25 prevent those at work from demanding a rise. VIII. T he Cost of Production. The Commonwealth. Nr. 203, 26. Januar 1867 If Dr.Ure's ideal could be realised—if all the productive labour could be performed by automatic machines—the cost of production would be reduced to the cost of the materials required for the making of the machines; all social and political strife 30 would be at an end, the rich would enjoy their wealth in peace. There being no longer any demand for human labour—the sole condition of existence of the la bouring poor—the working population would be, more or less, gradually improved out of existence; none but the proprietors of wealth and their menials could subsist. If the improvement of the productive powers, the lowering of the cost of production, 35 that has taken place in the manufacture of cotton could be extended to all branches of labour, fewer than a hundred thousand human beings would have to be main tained to produce the same amount of wealth as is now produced by ten millions of hired wages labourers. Such a result would be in strict accordance with our estab lished laws and usages, and the inevitable result of the much-vaunted law of sup- 40 ply and demand. 732 A working man's refutation ... VIII. The cost of production The doctrine, that a thing is worth what it will fetch in the market, applied to la bour simply means, that the value of the working man's life ought to be determined by the very same rules by which the value of the lives of horses, the existence or non-existence of horses and steam-engines, is determined. 5 Those who treat labour as a commodity cannot have the remotest idea that there is no analogy between what the working man has to dispose of and the commodity which the capitalist has to sell. What the capitalist has to sell is a finished product, totally dissevered from any personal consideration. As soon as he has pocketed the purchasing price, it does not concern him when, where, and how the thing sold is to 10 be used. A man may buy a ship to convey it to the high sea for the purpose of set ting it on fire to witness the grand spectacle of a burning ship, or he may use it for a voyage to the Arctic regions or to circumnavigate the globe—it does not concern the ship-builder; but it seriously concerns the working man when, where, and how his labour is to be used. The working man has nothing to sell. What he has to dis- 15 pose of is not a product, a thing separate or separable from his own individual self, he hires out his capacity to perform certain manual operations, and in doing so he hires himself out, and, with certain provisoes, he hands his own self over to his em ployer for the whole space of time requisite to execute the labour contracted for. The only analogy there is in the actual state of things is, that both the commodity of the capitalist and the labourer become useless if no one has any need for it—that is, if it will not fetch a price in the market. This, to the working man, is tantamount to extinction. 20 If, as the utilitarians maintain, a man may do what he likes with his own, then, as long as the pre-requisites of production are private property, the proprietors have an indisputable right to substitute the steam-engine for the living horse and the auto matic spinner and weaver for the living man spinner and weaver; and, if the mill- owner has the right to substitute the engine and the automaton for the horse and the man, every other proprietor has the right to follow the example; and, if the spin ner and the weaver are in duty bound to submit and make their exit, then the whole labouring population would be in duty bound to submit and make their exit if their labour were no longer useful to the possessors of wealth. They might do this as cheerfully as the maniacs who throw themselves before the wheels of the Car of Jug gernaut if they would only look upon the cost of production from the proprietary point of view, and learn to understand that the law of supply and demand is either an immutable law of nature or a Divine ordinance. However, the possessors of wealth and their spokesmen cannot help being tickled now and then by a touch of humanitarian considerations, but they easily get over it by not believing that the improvement of the productive powers injures the labour ing poor in the long run. Thomas Ashton stated before a Parliamentary committee in 1824: "There is at the present moment a gradual transfer of workmen going on from handlooms to powerlooms; this transfer of hands, by enabling me to perform the same quantity of work with much fewer hands, does not throw many workmen out of work. Our trade is advancing in such a rapid degree as to absorb the number of hands thus thrown out. The men earn from twenty-four to thirty shillings a week clear money for dressing. The weaving is done by boys and women." Besides the 25 30 35 40 45 733 Johann Georg Eccarius fact that it would have required a sixfold increase of weaving to place the super seded handloom weavers, a dressing machine was soon invented by which one boy could do the work of four men. Professor Venior—no champion of labour's r i g h t s- said in 1830: "Ever since the introduction of the powerloom, thousands of hand- loom weavers have been pining away under misery not alleviated even by hope." Mr. Cowell, a factory inspector, gave an account of an improvement of two mills in Manchester. The mules, containing 324 spindles, and spinning 161bs. of cotton (200 hanks to the pound) in 69 hours, had been doubled. One man worked 648 spindles, spinning 321bs. earning 50s. instead of 41s. as before. Mr. Cowell for got that the extra nine shillings necessarily deprived another man of 41s., and that it could only last until the improvement became general. 5 10 At that very time Messrs. Sharp and Roberts stated, among the advantages of us ing their self-actors, "the saving of a spinner's wages to each pair of mules, and in creased production." The 648 spindle mule was soon thrown in the shade. In 1835, Dr. Ure wrote: "It is delightful to see from 800 to 1,000 spindles of polished steel ad- 15 vancing and receding. One spinner manages a pair, and supersedes the labour of one or two companions." To his own query whether this will not effect a reduction of wages he has no other answer but that he is certain it increases the wages of children, makes the spinners civil and obedient, and gives the millowner a chance of selecting the best. "The men displaced might find employment upon the power- 20 looms at 15s. a week." Thus we see that the value of a powerloom situation had di minished by half in the short space of ten years. Inspector Horner reported in Oct. 1843, "hundreds of men between twenty and thirty years of age, in full vigour, are employed as piecers at 8s. or 9s. a week, while children of thirteen receive 5s., and young women between sixteen and twenty from 10s. to 12s." There are none so 25 blind and deaf as those who will neither see nor hear. G.R.Porter, the late secretary of the Board of Trade, says in his Progress of the Nation, 1851: "Piecers are em ployed in the proportion of four to one spinner; one is generally a girl. The progress of trade is so gigantic that the boys are all absorbed as spinners; they increase in a geometrical ratio." This statement proves that such glowing accounts should, at all 30 times, be received with great caution, if not with distrust. I shall now give a few facts to show what the nineteenth century has accom plished in the shape of reducing the cost of production and increasing the produc tive powers. Dr. Ure calculates that at the very least a Hindoo woman would have to work 500 days to spin a pound of cotton into 250 hanks; according to a statement in 35 a little book published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, one horse-power could spin as much as 1,066 persons, proving the tendency of modern civilisation to replace 1,066 human beings by a horse. Hargreaves' Jenny enabled one person to spin from 16 to 20 threads at one time; Highs' increased it to more than 50; Arkwright's to 100, and introduced horse-power to turn the machine. 40 Crompton invented the mule, a hybrid between the Jenny and the water-frame with 130 spindles; this, as I have already mentioned, was improved to a thousand. Next came the reduction of friction and accelerated motion. The Throstle required one horse-power for 180 spindles, the mule one for 500 spindles. Gore's spindles turned 5,000 in the minute; Axton's 7,000 times. In 1823 one spinner with 336 spindles 45 734 A working man's refutation ... VIII. The cost of production could turn off 461bs., 120 hanks to the pound, in 74¾ hours per week; in 1833, the same number of spindles 52%lbs. in 69 a week. In 1829 the spinner turned off 312 pounds of yarn in the same time that he turned off 648 in 1835. The cotton to wool 5 973,800,000 pounds. The cotton consumed per horse-power was 6,3091bs. in 1839; in 1856 it was 8,670 pounds. The cotton consumed per spindle in 1812, 151bs.; 1856, 301bs. 56,000,0001bs., consumed amounted 1801 1859 to in in Kay's fly shuttle, doubling the weaving power, was introduced 1738. About the time of the introduction of the power loom a good handloom weaver could weave two pieces of 24 yards each, in a week. In 1823 a girl or boy fifteen years old attend ing two power looms, could weave seven pieces of equal length; in 1826 from 12 to 15 pieces. The number of power looms at work in the cotton trade in Great Britain were: 1820 14,150 1829 55,500 1833 100,000. 10 15 25 In the United Kingdom 1835, 109,626; in 1856, 299,000. Cotton cloth exported per loom 1835, 5,100 yards; 1856, 6,800 yards. To spin the cotton consumed in 1859 on the old household wheel would require more than 60,000,000 persons; half a million men, women, and children, perform all the labour required. In 1811 there 20 were 35 out of every hundred engaged in agriculture; in 1841 but 22. The total number of agricultural labourers in 1841 was 1,499,278; in 1851, 1,347,387; in 1861, 1,340,000. The value of the mining produce was 9,000,000/. in 1812. In 1858 it amounted to 31,266,932/. In 1795 the export of our produce and manufactures was 27,312,338/.; in 1865 it was 165,862,402/. The export of British goods amounted to 27,312,338/.; in 1865 to 165,862,402/. In 1842 the income charged with income tax amounted to 203,619,116/.; in 1864 to 303,652,868/. That this de velopment of the productive powers, and the consequent increase of wealth, borders on the marvellous, none but a madman will deny; that with such productive powers at command it is a scandal to civilization that the hardest working population that ever existed, or any portion of them should even be exposed to the possibility of suffering privations, much less going actually short of food, not even a Ure can have the hardihood to contradict. The working man maintains that he has a natural right to live whether his existence increases the wealth of the rich or not; he is, moreover, morally convinced that all the improvements of the productive powers ought to be, and at no very distant date will be, the common inheritance of the human species instead of a source of extermination to some of the most valuable sections. These improvements belong to no class, no age, no country; the man who made the first wheel has as great a share in the most improved machine, that will be in the forth coming Paris exhibition, as the maker of it. Had he not found the wheel and other contrivances ready for use he would have had to invent them before he could go any further. 30 35 40 735 Johann Georg Eccarius IX. Credit. The Commonwealth. Nr. 204, 2. Februar 1867 Before I proceed with the present subject, I must apologise for the blunders in my last. Those who have experienced the pleasure of carrying on literary pursuits at the family fireside, amidst the prattle of the non-literary members, will probably make some allowance. The professor's name I quoted is not "Venior," but Senior, the celebrated opponent of factory legislation who taught political economy at Oxford, at the time when some of our present experienced legislators were young hopefuls at college. The spirit of his teachings may be gathered from the following specimen which occurs in the preface to lectures on the wages question delivered in 1830:—"For the present the labourer thinks that he has a right to 2s. 3d. a day in 10 winter, and 2s. 6d. in summer. Next year, perhaps, the labourer will think it unjust that he should have less than 4s. a day in winter, and 5s. in summer; and woe to the tyrants who deny him his right!" 5 "But if they are allowed to fix the labour they are to give and the wages they are to receive—if they are to help themselves, while it lasts, from the whole property of 15 the country, it is too much to expect that they will not prefer idleness, riot, and plunder, to subsistence, however ample, to be earned by toil and hardship." Need we wonder that poor labouring manhood is at a discount in high quarters? The half million mentioned in connection with the cotton trade applies not only to spinning but to all the branches of labour in the manufacture of cotton, and a 20 further improvement of the productive powers in the cotton trade is included in the calculation that fewer than a hundred thousand human beings could produce as much as ten millions do now. Money-lending for a consideration is probably as old as society and the use of 25 money, but fortune-making with borrowed money is of recent origin. In olden times it was only people who could not make both ends meet in their household affairs (the hard-ups) who had to resort to borrowing; hence the odium attached to such of the rich as would not lend to neighbours in distress without interest; hence the ana themas of the Primitive Church against usury. A great change has come over the 30 scene. At the present day, borrowing is a source of gain as well as lending. In times of prosperity, when money is easy, large business transactions are carried on by men who have very little property of their own, many of whom make fortunes, and many more who are already rich extend their business operations by the aid of credit, and, as a rule, the opulent make more use of credit than the needy. Mr. Mill, 35 in his happy versatility of entertaining two opinions upon the same subject, denies, under the head of credit as a substitute for money, that credit creates capital. He says:—"As a specimen of the confused notions entertained respecting the nature of credit, we may advert to the exaggerated language so often used respecting its na tional importance. Credit has a great, but not as many people suppose, a magical, 40 736 A working man's refutation ... IX. Credit 5 power; it cannot create something out of nothing. How often is an extension of credit talked of as equivalent to a creation of capital, or as if credit were actually capital. It seems strange that there should be any need to point out that credit being only permission to use the capital of another person, the means of production can- not be increased by it, but only transferred. If the borrower's means of production and of employing labour are increased by the credit given him, the lender's are so much diminished. The same sum cannot be used as capital both by the owner and also by the borrower to whom it is lent; it cannot supply its full value in wages, tools, and materials to two sets of labourers at once." One might almost fancy that 10 under credit Mr. Mill understood borrowing and lending between two sets of per sons engaged in the same branch of business—the borrowing and lending that fre quently takes place among little farmers and tradesmen. If farmer Jones borrow a plough of farmer Brown, it is evident that Brown cannot use the plough while Jones has it. But this borrowing and lending is not credit, and does not come within the 15 province of political economy. A plough is not a plough at every stage of its existence. When it rests in the ware house of the agricultural implement maker it is merchandise, the product of a spe cific kind of labour, and capable of being used in the operation of ploughing as soon as it leaves its resting place—a movement that will take place whenever its purchasing price, or a security equivalent to it, is offered in exchange for it. As long as it rests in the warehouse it is a burden; the utmost it can do by a prolonged stay is to harrow up its possessor's peace of mind, and, perhaps, induce him to slacken his production and discharge some of his workpeople. Now, suppose farmer Brown wants a plough but has no cash to purchase one. If he could only obtain it for hard cash he would have to do without it, and his land would remain barren; but his credit is good. He therefore goes to the manufacturer and buys one, and the manu facturer draws a bill on the transaction, a neighbouring banker discounts it with notes, and by means of these notes the process of ploughmaking is renewed. Now, what has taken place? A few slips of paper in the form of credit have released the plough from the place where it was likely to become a source of embarrassment, and converted it into food-producing capital; they have released a corresponding quantity of the raw materials and tools used in ploughmaking from a similar posi tion; they have given a renewed scope to productive labour and enabled the capital ists to realise their interest and profit. Whose means of production are diminished by this transaction? Is it simply a transfer of capital, or is a capital-creating meta morphosis beneficial to all concerned? But there is another aspect of our credit system. If farmer Brown could by any contrivance break up the surface of his land, at a trifling expense, equal to plough ing, the saving of the expense of the plough, the horses, and the ploughing would be tantamount to a creation of new capital. The existing paper currency has exactly the same effect compared with a metallic currency. Had the United States been obliged to transact all their business with gold instead of paper, they would have had to part with 140,000,000/. worth of produce to purchase the gold requisite to re place the paper in circulation in 1865. By resorting to paper—i.e., credit, they saved (which is tantamount to creating) a capital of equal amount. If our paper currency 20 25 30 35 40 45 737 Johann Georg Eccarius had to be replaced by gold it would require the whole amount of one year's export of British and Irish produce and manufactures to purchase it, besides an annual wear and tear of more than 350,000/. By using paper instead of gold, besides the fa cilities it affords in the transaction of business, we save the whole amount which the metal would cost us. The assertion that the same sum cannot supply wages, tools, and materials, to two sets of labourers at once is contrary to established facts, and, as we shall pres ently see, contrary to Mr. Mill's own statement under another head. Bifariousness is the very essence of our credit system. The fourteen millions of sovereigns advanced to Government by the Bank of England, maintain their double existence by their paper images, the 14,000,000/. bank notes. As these bank notes are as efficient for productive purposes as their equivalent value in gold, we can come to no other conclusion than that the sum of 14,000,000/. of gold may in combination with its intrinsically valueless paper images be made equal to a productive capital of 28,000,000/. Now, as all our credit papers are sup posed to represent really existing wealth, it is not too much to assert that every sum which enters the charmed circle of credit doubles its power. Mr. Mill states this fact under the head of influence of currency on foreign trade. He supposes that 20,000,000/. of gold have been sent abroad and replaced by paper. The effect of this would be in his opinion: —"The value saved to the community by dispensing with metallic money, is a clear gain to those who provide the substitute. They have the use of twenty millions of circulating medium, which have cost them only the ex pense of an engraver's plate. If they employ this accession to their fortunes as pro ductive capital, the produce of the country is increased and the community benefit ted, as much as by any other capital of equal amount. When paper currency is supplied by bankers, the amount is almost wholly turned into productive capital. A banker's profession being that of a money lender, his issue of notes is a simple ex tension of his ordinary occupation. He lends the amount to farmers, manufacturers, or dealers, who employ it in their several businesses. So employed it yields, like any other capital, wages of labour, and profits of stock. ... The capital itself in the long run becomes entirely wages, and when replaced by the sale of the produce becomes wages again; thus affording a perpetual fund of the value of twenty millions for the maintenance of productive labour, and increasing the annual produce of the coun try by all that can be produced through the means of a capital of that value." And what becomes of the 20,000,000/. of gold while all this is going on? The sum of 20,000,000/. of intrinsic value supplies by the aid of its paper images—credit, wages, tools, and materials, to the amount of 20,000,000/. to each, of two sets of la bourers at once. 738 r A working man's refutation ... X. Profit The Commonwealth. Nr. 206, 16. Februar 1867 X. Profit. 5 10 Mr. Mill commences his chapter on profit with the following observation:—"The profits of the capitalist are properly, according to Mr. Senior's well chosen expres sion, the remuneration of abstinence." It would be an equally well chosen expres- sion to say that rent is the remuneration of land-owning. In my second article I pointed out what difficulties and hardships the employers of labour have to endure to carry on the process of accumulating capital, and shall, therefore, leave my read ers to their fate respecting the conclusion as to the remuneration of those difficul ties and hardships. But the next statement calls for enquiry. Mr. Mill says: "To popu- lar apprehensions it seems as if the profits of business depended upon prices. A producer or dealer seems to obtain his profits by selling his commodity for more than it costs him; profit altogether, people are apt to think, is a consequence of pur chase or sale. It is only (they suppose) because there are purchasers for a commod ity, that the producer of it is able to make any profit. The cause of profit is, that la- 15 bour produces more than is required for its support. The reason why agricultural capital yields a profit, is because human beings can grow more food than is neces sary to feed them while it is being grown. Profit arises, not from the incident of ex change, but from the productive power of labour; and the general profit of the coun try is always what the productive power of labour makes it, whether any exchange 20 takes place or not. If there were no divisions of employments, there would be no buy ing and selling, but there would still be profit. If the labourers of the country pro duce 20 per cent, more than their wages, profits will be 20 per cent., whatever prices may or may not be." Before we go any further let us settle what profit means. Profit is a gain resulting from a transaction in which producer and consumer are different persons. To Crassus of ancient Rome, and to Lytton Bulwer's 'Last of the Barons,' a superabundant harvest would have been a real gain; the former could have given more corn to the poor of Rome, the latter could have feasted more retainers; to both it would have been a source of power. To the modern farmer and landlord it is a source of misery. To the ancient patrician and the feudal baron the gain arising out of production consisted in the quantitative amount of consumables they ob tained; to the modem proprietor it consists in the amount of money that can be cleared. The water works of ancient Rome were a great benefit to the people of Rome, but they were no source of profit; the water works of the New River Com pany are a benefit to the people of London, and a source of profit to the sharehold- ers, because the water has a price; it is sold, and sold for more than it costs to pro cure it. Profit, then, is a gain resulting from a mode of production under which producers and consumers are two different sets of persons, who have to buy and sell the produce of labour. 25 30 35 40 According to Adam Smith, rent is the difference between the market price of ag- ricultural produce and the amount of money which satisfies the farmer; David Ri cardo has explained from what peculiar circumstances this difference arises. 739 Johann Georg Eccarius 5 Mr. Mill has adopted his theory, but does not perceive that profit depends as much on market price as rent. Leaving rent out of the question, what constitutes the farmer's profit? In Mr. Mill's opinion the difference between the quantity of food a man produces and that which is necessary to feed him while he is producing it; in my opinion the difference between the price of labour and the price at which its produce is sold. Whatever this difference amounts to is the amount of the farmer's profit. Let us suppose a young community of families located in some favoured re gion on a tract of fertile land equally divided among them. They are contented to live on the fruits of their own soil and labour; every family produces by its labour everything required for its subsistence. If they could produce a hundred times as much food as they require it would be of no use, it would be labour in vain. If, after the lapse of some time, another community settled in the neighbourhood on a somewhat poorer soil, but with the same mode of life, it would not make the slight est difference in the social arrangements of the original settlers. A third lot might settle on a still poorer soil without in the least interfering with the other two. If 100, 90, 80 represented the relative fertility of the three different soils, the labour re quired to procure a subsistence would be in an inverse proportion 8, 9,10. Suppose these figures to represent hours, the people on the third settlement would have to work ten hours to obtain the same quantity of consumables as the people in the first could obtain in eight. No improvement in the productive powers of either would af- 20 feet the condition of the others. If the people of No. 3 introduced machinery, by means of which they could produce as much in two hours as formerly in ten, it would make the people of No. 1 neither richer nor poorer than they were before. There being no buying and selling they would still have to produce all they re quired; the people of No. 3 would produce no more than they required. Will 25 Mr. Mill point out in what direction we are to look for the profit, the remuneration of abstinence arising out of the productive power of the labour of these communi ties. 10 15 Let us now turn from this imaginary state of things to the existing state of so ciety, a state of society in which we have to deal with labourers who can only gain a 30 subsistence by producing things which supply the wants of others, and where they cannot produce for the wants of others without the intermeddling of a capitalist, who exacts a profit. Suppose we represent the productive power of labour by 100, and that, at that rate, the quantity of a given product is exactly equal to the de mand, its market price will be equal to its value. If the labouring producer is also 35 the seller there will be neither profit nor loss. If on account of scarcity its price rise 10 per cent, there will be a profit of ten per cent., which may be intercepted by a merchant. If the labourer consumed his own product there would never be any profit; but our labourer works for a capitalist, who is the proprietor of the produce of his labour, and let us take it for granted that he can manage to live on 70; in that 40 case the profit of the capitalist will be 30. Now if Mr. Mill's hypothesis holds good, if profit does not depend on buying and selling, then if by any circumstance the productive power of labour is increased, without a corresponding increase in the rate of wages, the profit of the capitalist will increase in a corresponding ratio. Let us go a step farther. Let us suppose our three communities as having entered the 45 740 A working man's refutation ... X. Profit 5 commercial state, and let us apply Ricardo's rent theory to profits. During the pe riod of transition the hours of labour have been equalised, and wages are uniformly at 70. The first produces 100, profit 30; the second 90, profit 20; the third 80, profit 10; total 270, of which 210 are paid in wages, 60 remain as profit. If the productive power of labour increased by 40 per cent, the proportions would be 140, profit 70; 126, profit 56; 112, profit 42, total produce 378; total profit 168. If wages were paid in kind, and the capitalist farmer, like the patrician and baron of old, retained the produce for the use of his own household, it would be a great augmentation of wealth; but the produce has to be sold, it has a price, and its value is estimated in 10 gold. The former proportion of 100 of gold for 100 of produce has not simply changed to 100 gold and 140 produce, but the new proportion is 75 gold to 140 pro duce. Could the whole of it be sold it would realise 203 of gold; but 180 of the pro duce is dead stock, its market price is a fiction, therefore only 146 can be obtained. The 168 profit from production is converted into a pecuniary loss of 64, which 15 means bankruptcy, and ruin. If the farmers of the different soils sold their propor tionate quantities they would respectively realise 53, 47, 42; their respective losses would be 17, 23, 28. If those of No. 1 could sell their whole they would still clear 5; but those of No. 3, would lose 10. With a reduction of money wages those of No. 1 could continue their farming operations, and even extend them, without any rise of prices, but those of No. 3 would be ruined. So much for profit being independent of prices. 20 Let us now have a peep at historical realities. The following statements are taken from "Tooke's History of Prices." "According to Sloane's MSS. a fall of prices occurred between 1617 to 1621, 25 from 43s. 3d. the quarter of eight bushels to 27s. 'Mr. John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton. 12th February, 1620. 30 35 We are here in a state to complain of plenty; but so it is, that com beareth so low a price that tenants and farmers are very backward to pay their rents, and in many places plead disability; for remedy whereof the council have written letters into every shire, and some say, to every market-town, to provide a granary or storehouse, with a stock to buy com and keep it for a dear year.' The following was written at the same period:—'England was never generally so poor since I was bom as it is at this present, inasmuch that all complain they can- not receive their rents; yet is there plenty of all things but money, which is so scant that country people offer com and cattle, or whatsoever they have else, in lieu of rent, but bring no money; and com is at so easy rates as I never knew it to be at, twenty or twenty-two pence a bushel, barley at nine pence, and yet no quantity will be taken at that price.' " 40 45 There are similar complaints at subsequent periods of great plenty. During the year 1731-32 and 33 wheat averaged 22s. In a publication by the elder Lord Lyt- tleton, "Considerations on the Present State of Affairs" (1738), he says, "In most parts of England gentlemen's rents are so ill paid, and the weight of taxes lies so heavy on them, that those who have nothing from the Court can scarce support their families." 741 Johann Georg Eccarius 10 5 15 Let us now see whether there is any difference in the fate of the farmer and that of the manufacturer. In 1810, the importation of raw cotton was 136,488,9351bs. against 43,605,9821bs. in 1808. The monthly commercial report of the 1st January, 1811, said, "In Lancashire the cotton manufacturers appear, by the late gazettes as well as by private information, to be greatly distressed, and business quite at a stand. In Manchester and other places houses stop, not only every day, but every hour." The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated shortly after in the House that the large manufacturers had diminished the number of their workpeople by half, the smaller ones had discharged theirs altogether. In 1825 the consumption of cotton was 202,546,8631bs. against 141,038,7431bs. in 1824. November 4th, 1825, a Boston paper stated, "Five mercantile firms failed at New York for 2,500,000 dois." In 1825 Georgia cotton fetched is. 6%d., at the beginning of 1826 it would not sell for 6%d. In 1845 business was increasing, and prices advancing. There was an increase of 300,000 bales against '44; on the 18th July, 1846, the Manchester Guardian stated, "Prices are unremunerative, the millers consider the propriety of working short time." On October 27th, the correspondent of the Economist said, "In the course of a fortnight working short time will be more general than at any time since 1825." Thus we see that when the surplus—Mr. Mill's profit—arising out of production is largest, the possibility of turning it to account is smallest. Paradox as it may appear it is, nevertheless, a fact, that in any branch of production, when the produce of la- 20 bour is largest, poverty and misery are stalking about in its ranks, because the pro duce has a price, a price which often falls below its labour value, and which cannot be realised except by the sale of the produce. It remains to be proved what connec tion there is between industrial profits and Ricardo's rent theory. On February 11th, 1847, the correspondent of the Economist said, "The difference between the 25 price of raw cotton and yarn was never so small as at present." Feb. 11th, 39 in. 60 reed cloth is sold at 8s. a piece, a ruinous loss to manufacturers. Georgia cotton at that time was from 5d. to 8d. a pound. In 1851, a year of prosperity, the same cotton was sold for 7%d. in January, and for 5%d. in July. The same cloth sold for 9s. 7%d. in January, and for 7s. 9d. in July. The highest price up to 1858 was 8s. 6d. How did 30 8s. become a remunerative price? By increasing the fertility of the instruments of production. The prices that ruled previously to the crisis of 1846 and 1847 were suf ficiently remunerative to keep the old machines at work, which carried only from five to six hundred spindles, required six persons to every horse power, and from 8 to 121bs. of coal per hour per horse power. The improved machines carried a thou- sand spindles, required only four persons per horse power, and only from 3½ to 41bs. of coal per hour per horse power. The new machines could produce cotton at a profit, for 8s. a piece, the old ones could not. The proprietors of the fertile machines are in the same position as the farmers on the fertile soil, when corn fell to 75s. and the proprietors of the old ones shared the fate of the farmers on the third soil, they had to give it up. The cause of profit, then, is not the difference between the pro ductiveness of labour and what the labourer can live on. When labour can be hired at a price which is below the market price of the produce of labour, then the em ployer makes a profit; but the produce must be sold to realise that profit. 40 35 742 A working man's refutation ... XI. Small farming XI. Small F a r m i n g. The Commonwealth. Nr. 207, 23. Februar 1867 20 5 10 Hitherto I have dealt with theoretical elucidations and conclusions, and negative criticism. I now enter upon, what is commonly called the practical part, the consid eration of positive propositions. The measures and means by which Mr. Mill hopes to cure the ills that afflict us, we shall find as unsuitable and impracticable as we found his theoretical conclusions erroneous and contradictory. Instead of discover ing a tendency to progressive development, instead of propositions aiming at the re generation of society, we shall find them obstructive and reactionary, with a delib erate aim towards the attainment of the stationary state. If anyone advocated the old hand-wheel against the modern mule, the handloom against the powerloom, the stage-coach against the railway, he would be looked upon as one labouring under an aberration of mind. Now small farming stands in the same relation to modern farming on a large scale, as hand spinning and weaving to modern machine spin ning and weaving. If in former times a man had been in possession of a thousand 15 wheels it would have required a thousand pairs of feet and hands to work them, just as if a thousand persons had possessed a wheel each and worked it in their own homes. In the same way a ten thousand acre estate was cultivated in the same man ner as a ten acre farm, there was no difference in the mode of operations, the same amount of manual labour per acre being required on large farms as on small ones. Small farming is the mode of cultivation of the past, it belongs to, and is conform able to a state of society in which almost every household, every village, every prov ince, produces all its own necessaries. It belongs to a state of society in which the great bulk of the population is, as it were, rivetted to the soil, and in which there are few or no chances of getting a living except by the cultivation of the soil. The char- acteristic distinction between the small working farmer and the large capitalist farmer is, that the former produces food for the consumption of his own family, the latter produces food for the market for the consumption of others. The large farmer is the food producer for an industrial community, the small farmer the food produc er for himself. Mr. Mill advocates small farming, but not to the extent of breaking up the existing large farms, he only proposes that "all common land to be brought into cultivation should be devoted to raising up a .class of small proprietors." To show what a happy fellow the peasant proprietor is Mr. Mill favours his readers with some French extracts from Sismondi, of which I translate the following choice mor sel:—"The peasant who, with his children, does all the work on his little inherit- ance, who pays no rent to any one above him nor wages to any one below him; who eats his own grain, drinks his own wine, clothes himself with his own hemp and wool, troubles himself little about market prices, for he has little to sell and little to buy, and is never mined by commercial convulsions. Far from fearing the future he sees it embellishing his hopes; for he puts every moment that is not required for his annual labour to the profit of his offspring for centuries to come. ... He is also eager to buy land at any price. He pays more for it than it is worth, more perhaps than it will return to him." We see at the first glance that there is no room for such 25 35 30 40 743 Johann Georg Eccarius 5 10 15 a man in a country that boasts of such places as London, Liverpool, and Manches ter. For if he wants to be truly happy he will trouble himself as little about the hun gry mouths in London, Liverpool, and Manchester as he troubles himself about market prices. If money entice him to produce ought else than what he requires for feeding and clothing his family, he will not be able to furnish it at a reasonable price, since he pays more for his land than it is worth, and on that very account, be sides enhancing the price of his produce, necessarily cripples his circulating capital. If such happy beings still existed when Sismondi wrote, I can assure my readers that they have become extinct, since the necessity of money making, and conse quently the indispensability of caring about market prices has even penetrated the Alpine regions. The proposal of Karl Bürkli, of Zurich (one of the delegates of the International Congress at Geneva), to establish a people's bank for the Canton of Zurich, to enable the peasantry to obtain loans for less than from 5 to 10 per cent, interest is a striking proof of this. But independent of this Mr. Mill himself cites evi dence which shows that "the indebtedness of the proprietors in the flourishing can- ton of Zurich borders on the incredible, so that only the intensest industry, frugal ity, temperance, and complete freedom of commerce enable them to stand their ground." But the peasantry of Zurich enjoy an advantage which, with the exception of Florentine straw-plaiters, no peasantry in the world enjoys. Mr. Mill states in a foot-note that "four-fifths of the manufacturers of the canton of Zurich are small farmers. The cotton manufacture occupies, either wholly or partially, 23,000 people, nearly a tenth of the population." In the canton of Schaffhausen almost all the landed properties are mortgaged, but rarely for more than half their registered val ue. And what is the condition of the French peasantry? M. de Veauce stated last year in the Chamber of Deputies that "according to the census of 1851 the mort- 25 gages on land amounted to 400,000,000/. sterling. Things had become considerably worse for the Government would not publish the returns of 1861." He observed that "if a large estate were for sale in the neighbourhood of a large populated centre, it could be divided into fragments, each of which fetched a high price—but what hap pened? To buy a mere slip of land men actually borrowed the double of their avail- able capital, looking forward to the future to clear off their debt. Of the 7,846,000 landed proprietors in France, not less than 3,000,000 had been certified by the mu nicipal councils of their communes as being in such a state of absolute destitution that they could pay no personal tax." But the buying of land with borrowed money is not the only way in which the land is mortgaged. Suppose a man leaves at his 35 death nine acres of land, free of debt, and three children, and that the children agree not to claim their three acres each, what happens then? Well, the one who keeps the lot must pay the difference to the other two. And where does he get the money? He mortgages the property, and instead of starting in business with a fund in hand, he starts with a crushing weight of debt, of which he can never rid himself. This and the taxes imposed by the State form the links which chain the peasant to society, and implicate him in the fate of the community. But for these he might be the happy man portrayed by Sismondi, but interest and taxes compel him to sell part of his produce, at all hazards, and generally the best part, leaving the coarsest for himself, and frequently not enough of that. 30 40 20 45 744 A working man's refutation ... XI. Small farming The life of the peasant is anything but an enviable one. Speaking of the neigh bourhood of Zurich Mr. Mill says, "When I used to open my casement, between four and five in the morning, I saw the labourer in the fields; and when I returned from an evening walk, long after sunset, there was the labourer mowing his grass or tying up his vines." 5 Howitt says about the Germans, "They labour busily, early and late, because they feel that they are labouring for themselves. They plod on from day to day, from year to year, the most patient, untirable, and persevering of animals." 10 And how does the peasantry fare? Mr. Mill says, "No peasantry on the Continent has the superstition of the English labourer respecting white bread." The Tuscan peasant, according to Sismondi, has but two meals a day in the bad season, "at ten o'clock in the morning he eats his porridge, at nightfall he has soup, and afterwards he has bread with some seasoning. In summer he has three meals, at eight, at one, and in the evening; but he only lights the fire once a day, for his dinner, consisting 15 of soup, afterwards a mess, or salt meat, or dried fish, or beans, or vegetables, which he eats with bread. Salt meat enters but in a very small quantity into his ordinary, for he reckons only 401bs. of salt pork a year as an ample provision per head; twice a week he puts a little bit into his pottage. Sundays he always has fresh meat, but not more than a pound or a pound and a half, however numerous the family may 20 be." The Flemish farmers and labourers, says Mr. Mill, "live much more economi cally than the same class in England, they seldom eat meat, except on Sundays and in harvest; buttermilk and potatoes with brown bread is their daily food." Mr. Mill says further, "The peasant proprietors are oftener accused of penuriousness than of prodigality. They deny themselves reasonable indulgences, and live wretchedly in order to economize. In France, among those who, from the hovels in which they live, and the herbs and roots which constitute their diet, are mistaken by travellers for proofs and specimens of general indigence, are numbers who have hoards in leathern bags, consisting of five-franc pieces, which they keep by them perhaps a whole generation, unless brought out to be expended in their most cherished grati- fication—the purchase of land." 30 25 It is admitted that the price of land is far above its value, in Belgium it pays little more than two per cent. Now, if a man does live wretchedly all his life to buy a piece of land, what does it amount to? If he saves 1,000 francs, and buys a piece of land for 2,000 francs, he will get possession of a property, worth perhaps 50 francs a 35 year. As he had to borrow 1,000 francs to pay for his land, and as the money lenders hardly ever lend for less than five per cent., he has to pay 50 francs a year, his own thousand francs bring in as little as the deposit which some of the slop tailors have to leave with their employers. The peasant therefore only works hard and lives hard, and buys land that the mortgagee may realise interest on his money. Mr. Mill main- tains that small farming produces more per acre than large farming; but Moreau de Jonnès, in his comparison of England and France, arrives at a different result. Ac cording to his calculations in 1850, the annual value of the agricultural produce was: 40 745 Johann Georg Eccarius Per head of the population Per cultivator Wheat per acre, bushels France. Francs. England. Francs. 133 215 18 235 715 30. 5 10 Mr. Mill says, "Large capital applied to farming is, of course, only applied to the very best of the soils of a country. It cannot touch the small unproductive spots, which require more time and labour to fertilize them than is consistent with a quick return of capital." Now, I ask whether it would be good economy in a state of society that boasts of the steam plough to condemn any set of men to cultivate land by superhuman industry; poor land—perhaps with the spade, as in the Wales dis trict—that they may subsist on buttermilk, potatoes, and brown bread. Yet this is what Mr. Mill proposes to ameliorate the wretched condition of the agricultural la bourers. If by any economical arrangement a given product can be produced by less labour than by any other, it is rank folly, and contrary to all sound economy to 15 adopt that which requires most. If the reduction of manual labour is injurious to the poor, that is not the fault of the mode of production, but of the mode of distri bution, and it is the business of those who suffer to alter it. The small farm system is condemned, socially and economically. No working men of sound mind will con sider the mode of living portrayed by Sismondi and Mr. Mill, combined with the 20 hardships attending it, as an improvement compared with the condition of the Brit ish day labourer. But more than that, the continental peasantry turn up their little farms and emigrate. The Germans go wholesale to America, the French flock to the towns, the rural population diminishes, and there is a movement going on of substi tuting large farming for small farming. 25 But, there is another aspect of the question. It is now admitted on all sides that co-operation offers the only means for a solution of the labour question. Just as combined and concentrated labour is a superior mode of production to isolated and scattered labour, so co-operative labour is superior to the present mode of produc tion, and must sooner or later supersede it. Co-operative labour is the peculiar 30 child, the natural offspring of factory industry and large farming; co-operation re quires a preliminary course of industrial training, and this is the secret why co-op eration succeeds better in Manchester than in London. What the London mechanic will do some day from moral conviction the factory labourer does almost from habit. The day labourer on the large farm has had a considerable amount of such 35 training, he is fît to enter upon co-operative farming, the small farmer who is guided by his own whims and caprices is not. To break up the large estates and estab lish small farming to any extent would be, to say the least, absolutely obstructing the progressive development of agriculture. The working classes have a direct inter est to oppose every attempt that may be made in this direction. Instead of convert- 40 ing waste and common lands into small farms the Legislature ought to facilitate their transfer as well as that of the Crown and Church lands to co-operative associa tions, not as permanent property but on lease, since no private individuals, nor 746 A working man's refutation ... XII. Property companies with interests separate from the common interests of the people, ought to be invested with the perpetual control and direction of the use of the land—the source of food. X I I. Property. The Commonwealth. Nr. 208, 2. März 1867 10 5 Mr. Mill says,—"If choice were to be made between communism with all its chances, and the present state of society with all its sufferings and injustices; if the institution of private property necessarily carried with it as a consequence, that the produce of labour should be apportioned, as we now see it, almost in an inverse ra tio to the labour—the largest portions to those who never work at all, the next larg- est to those whose work is almost nominal, and so, in a descending scale, the re muneration dwindling as the work grows harder and more disagreeable, until the most fatiguing and exhausting bodily labour cannot count with certainty on being able to earn even the necessaries of life; if this, or communism were the alternative, all the difficulties, great or small, of communism would be as dust in the balance. 15 But to make the comparison applicable, we must compare communism at its best, with the regime of individual property, not as it is, but as it might be made. The principle of private property has never yet had a fair trial in any country. The social arrangements of modern Europe commenced from a distribution of property which was the result, not of just partition or acquisition by industry, but of conquest and 20 violence. Individuals need not be chained to an occupation or to a partial locality. The re straints of communism would be freedom in comparison with the present condition of the majority of the human race. The generality of labourers in this and most other countries have as little choice of occupation, or freedom of locomotion, are practically as dependent on fixed rules and on the will of others as they would be on any system short of actual slavery. 25 The institution of property, when limited to its essential elements, consists in the recognition in each person of a right to the exclusive disposal of what he or she have produced by their own exertions, or received either by gift or by fair agree- 30 ment, without force or fraud, from those who produced it. Nothing ought to be treated as property which has been acquired by force or fraud. When the 'sacredness of property' is talked of, it should always be remembered, that any such sacredness does not belong in the same degree to landed property. No 35 man made the land. It is the original inheritance of the whole species. Its appropri ation is wholly a question of general expediency. When private property in land is not expedient, it is unjust. The State is at liberty to deal with landed property as the general interests of the community may require, even to the extent, if it so happens, of doing with the whole what is done with a part whenever a bill is passed for a rail- road or a new street. The community has too much at stake in the proper cultiva tion of the land, and in the conditions annexed to the occupancy of it, to leave 40 747 Johann Georg Eccarius these things to the discretion of a class of persons called landlords, when they have shown themselves unfit for the trust. To me it seems almost an axiom that property in land should be interpreted strictly, and the balance in all cases of doubt should incline against the proprietors. The reverse is the case with property in moveables, and in all things being the product of labour; over these the owner's power should be absolute, except where positive evil to others would result from it; but in the case of land, no exclusive right should be permitted to any individual which cannot be shown to be productive of positive good. To be allowed any exclusive right at all over a portion of the common inheritance, while there are others who have no por tion, is already a questionable privilege. No quantity of moveable goods which a person can acquire by his labour prevents others from acquiring the same by the same means; but from the very nature of the case, whoever owns land, keeps others out of the enjoyment of it." 5 10 15 20 The reddest of red communists could not draw a truer, a more abhorrent, and a more strikingly contrasting picture of the social position of the working man and the proprietor, who appropriates the fruits of the working man's toil, than Mr. Mill does; but he contends that this abominable state of society is not a necessary conse quence of the institution of private property, and bids us not to judge the regime of individual property as it is, but as it might be made. But what he proposes to eradi cate this abomination is only a modification of the laws of inheritance which might have the effect of substituting, in some instances, an exacting and clever trickster for a generous simpleton as inheritor of a fortune, or it might break an annual in come of a hundred thousand in two of fifty thousand each. Would this in any way whatever alter the relation between capital and labour? No! emphatically, no! It would be an obstruction, and aggravate the case. If all the provisions, all the raw 25 materials, and all the instruments of production requisite to set all the productive labour in motion, were the private property of half a dozen individuals, a parlia mentary decree of expropriation would be sufficient to convert all the establish ments of production into co-operative concerns. Every invention, every fluctuation that tends to the concentration of the instruments of production in the hands of a few, is a step in advance towards the final and complete emancipation of the work ing class. As it is, the large manufacturer, the interest of whose capital is sufficient to maintain his household in comfort and affluence, is more likely, when profits run low, to enter into partnership with his workpeople, than the little exacting, avar icious, busy-bodies, who can scarcely hold their ground against the large capitalists, and yeam to make a fortune. 30 35 Where, or how, the principle of private property is to have a fairer trial than it has as yet had is beyond my comprehension. In the new world, at all events, there were no feudal restrictions of a bygone age to overcome, and no established church with hereditary prejudices to impede the development, in its full vigour, of the institu- tion of modern private property. The new world was taken possession of by the ad vanced guard of Europe, by the most robust, the most energetic, and the most ad vanced—those who preferred braving the dangers and hardships of the wilderness, to submitting peaceably to the social and political fetters of feudalism which cramped and obstructed the march of progress in the old world. They had only a compara- 40 45 748 r A working man's refutation ... XII. Property tively few defenceless savages to exterminate to make a beginning and have a clear start, and is not the contention between labour and capital as fierce and unrelenting in the new world as in the old? Is the social reformer, the man of new ideas, justi fied in evading to criticise an institution as it is, by the pretence that it might be 5 made something different? 20 10 25 15 To deny the 'sacredness' to one kind of private property which is vindicated for another, may have been sound argument at a former period of the world's history, but private property in the products of labour, particularly by the instruments of production, has assumed far too gigantic proportions, and is accompanied by such unsatisfactory relation, that it is hardly worth while to make fish of one and flesh of the other. "No man made the land," therefore, it ought not to be private property. Who made the land, and how is it made at the present moment? The mountain tor rents carry the debris of the denuded and constantly denuding geological forma tions over which they pass in suspense, and deposit them as sediments in the low lev- els, or in the sea. Land, then, is the result of a combination of natural forces; the whole surface of our globe is the result of such combinations; but it is only on the banks of the largest rivers, such as the Nile, the Jordan, the Indus, the Ganges, the Mississippi—the cradles of culture and civilisation—where man can multiply vege tation with little exertion and primitive tools. In less favoured regions a consider- able amount of labour is required to prepare the soil for culture; therefore man ren dered the land suitable for the production of food. Who makes the moveables, and how are they made? Let us see. John Chinaman takes care of the silkworm, and sends the silk which the insect spins for the good of its offspring to England—a starving Spitalfield weaver converts it into serge. The Australian shepherd tends sheep, and sends their wool, which nature gave the sheep as a protection against wind and weather, to England—a surly and discontended Yorkshireman converts it into cloth. The emancipated negro of Georgia exerts all his ingenuity to obtain a crop of cotton wool, which his employer sends to Liverpool, and the Lancashire op eratives convert it into calico. The Russian peasant grows flax, Dundee labourers convert it into linen; and a London tailor, combining all these materials, converts them into a suit of clothes, say for the Duke of Bedford. The suit of clothes, we find, is the result of a combination of natural and social forces. The materials, after having served the purposes for which nature made them, are converted into clo thing; and although this process is the work of man, the Duke of Bedford has never 35 moved a finger in this process. He gives the tailor an equivalent, but neither he nor his ancestors have ever done anything to produce that equivalent, and those who produce it—the labourers—have frequently to go short of food and clothing to en able him to give that equivalent. What holds good with the suit of clothes holds good with every other species of property—the result of labour. According to 40 Mr. Mill's own showing, those who work hardest can acquire no property at all, and those who acquire most have the least, or no need at all to work. As to the assertion that "no quantity which a person can acquire prevents others from acquiring the same," this is rank nonsense. The production of materials is limited by the avail able land necessary for their production. If, with our present means, we can only produce fourteen million suits of clothes a-year for seven millions of male adults, 30 45 749 Johann Georg Eccarius everybody who gets more than two suits deprives others of their share. The late Ri chard Cobden introduced on one occasion a friend of his to a public meeting who had risen from the ranks, and employed then 4,000 persons. Here, then, is a case where 4,000 hired wages-labourers are required to set the productive machinery of one proprietor in motion. The chances against the labourers ever becoming proprie- tors are 4,000 to 1. Unless Mr. Mill can show that the great majority of factory op eratives have a reasonable prospect of becoming millowners his argument falls to the ground. 5 As to conquest, the feudal baron had to risk life, and he who was attacked had a chance of defending himself. The modern capitalist need never move off his couch to render his rival's property useless. He has but to give his agents permission to give some clever mechanician a few pounds to improve his machinery, so that he can undersell his neighbour. In the year ending the 31st October, 1853, there were 98 new mills erected in Mr.Horner's district, with an average horse-power of 29; 23 with an average horse power of 12 ceased working. The same movement is still go- 15 ing on. We have seen, in my previous articles, how new inventions, generally intro duced by large capitalists, continually render the property of the small capitalists, and the skill of the operative, useless. This is the modern mode of conquest. 10 Private property in moveables rests upon to better economical foundation than private property in land. No measure of amelioration will effect a cure of the près- 20 ent highly unsatisfactory social relations that does not tend towards the joint owner ship of the instruments of production, and nothing but co-operation, the joint ownership of all the instruments of production, can establish an equitable distribu tion of the produce of labour. X I I I. Wages a nd Population. 25 The Commonwealth. Nr. 209, 9. März 1867 If imposed restraints and restrictions could make the human family wise, virtuous, and happy, the world would have been a paradise long since. Between fashionable and artificial, and wilfully imposed and enforced restraints and restrictions, the great mass of mankind have never been out of the straight jacket yet. Experience, however, has abundantly proved that the more the straight jacket, which has in all 30 ages paralysed the community, is enlarged the better mankind prospers. The re straints and restrictions enforced at various periods against the increase of popula tion form no exception. Men of science tell us that the inherent tendency to propa gate and multiply is such, in every species of organism, that any one species, if left unchecked, would in a comparatively short time cover the whole globe; but as this 35 tendency is inherent in all of them, and as the surface of the earth itself conditions a variety, not any single one, either animal or vegetable, has yet succeeded in cover ing even any extensive tract to the exclusion of all the others. Nature, who is the mother of them all, has provided her own remedy. That the existence of all organic life is limited by the existing means of subsis- 40 750 A working man's refutation ... XIII. Wages and population tence, everybody knows. But, when men like Malthus, Mr. Mill, and, I am sorry to add, the editorial staff of the National Reformer, apply this principle to the human species, they forget, in the first instance, that, as a rule, the higher organisms feed upon the lower, that the multiplying power increases as organisms descend in the scale, and that man has acquired the means and the power to multiply them accord ing to his need. In the second instance they forsake the path of reason altogether, and under the pretence of applying a scientific principle to the human species, they apply it to a state of society in which the great majority is doomed to suffer priva tions whatever the existing means of subsistence may be, a state of society that in- flicts pecuniary punishment upon the producers whenever they allow full scope to the powers of production. In Malthus and Mr. Mill such a misapplication may be excusable. They trace all the existing misery to overpopulation, and consider the existing order of things in the main as permanently tenable with, and conformable to human happiness; they know no other cure for the ills that afflict society than improving those out of existence who cannot be used, or used up, in the acquisition of wealth for the possessors of all things. In an advanced section of men of progress, like the writers in the National Reformer, the advocacy of a doctrine that wrought so much mischief when preached by Pagan and Christian monks of a byegone age, but who, in spite of all their zealous fanaticism, could not divert mankind at large from the ordinary path of nature, is unpardonable. Their very tenets against the estab lished religions imply a mental, a moral, a social, and a political revolution; they imply the dissolution of a state of society in which the right of the labouring man to live is determined by the prospect that others have to use him in acquiring wealth, and the substitution of a state of society in which man has a natural right of his own to live. In all ages, when an established order of things has become untenable, men have doubted the truth of the religion which sanctioned that order of things, and the most material changes in the world have been contended for and estab lished under the banner of vague, abstract beliefs. The antique world, with its slav ery and idolatry was defeated, and the feudal system established under the cross. Protestantism defeated the Papacy and the feudal system, and asserted the claims and established the rights of modern private property while pretending to fight sim ply for the liberty of conscience, and secularism, the protest against all revealed re ligion is inseparably bound up with the solution of the labour question. To accom plish their historical mission, the secularists must take the spiritual lead of the labour movement, but they cannot do this as long as they endorse and advocate a doctrine, the possible realisation of which is Malthus's and Mr. Mill's last refuge to preserve and perpetuate the rule of capital. Mr. Mill says: —"It is not generally known in how many countries in Europe di rect legal obstacles are opposed to improvident marriages." By the evidence ad- duced it is certain that Mr. Mill is as ignorant of the causes of those obstacles as the British public is of the obstacles themselves. The dwelling required in the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg, before a parson will marry a young couple, looks very inno cent in an English book, but let us examine what it implies. The surging waves of the first French revolution passed harmlessly by this Eldorado of feudalism. It is but the other day that a Mecklenburg nobleman sentenced a labourer on his estate 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 751 Johann Georg Eccarius to be publicly stripped and whipped for insubordination; and the sentence, to the disgrace of philosophical Germany, was executed. Up to 1848 the Mecklenburg peasantry were serfs. The nobles required a certain number of male adults to culti vate their estates, and for this number they provided accommodation. The single males and females, were employed as farm and domestic servants; the married were lodged in cottages, with sufficient land attached to support a family. For this they had to work a certain number of days in the year on the manor, the lord of the manor having the choice to call upon them any day he pleased. Since the Congress of Vienna these serfs were at liberty to send their children where they liked into ser vice or to learn a trade, without special permission from their lords, but if they did so their children became homeless, the lord of the manor could lawfully expel them, whenever they returned to their native places. In the towns, not only in Mecklenburg, but in the greater part of Germany, the old guild laws are still in force, or were so until recently; but not as of old for the protection of those who have learned their craft, but to their injury. For instance, in the kingdom of Saxony, a manufacturing province, if a man made a lock and key for a customer, without being master and citizen of the place where he made it, he would be fined if the masters found it out. But the capitalist who owns a lock and key factory, can pro duce and sell as many locks and keys as he likes without any inconvenience from the guild. In olden times joining a guild was tantamount to purchasing a living; technical skill, certain moral conditions, and entrance fees were required to be come a master. Journeymen, as a rule, were young men; journeyism was the interim between the apprentice boy and the experienced man, who as a rule, became mas ter. The journeyman, as a rule, boarded and lodged with his master, he was not al lowed to marry. The master's family, or household, consisted as much of journey the men and apprentices as of wife and children; inexperienced youth who could not be trusted with, and could not get the means to support a family. In modern times things have greatly changed. Many a poor fellow who, in conjunction with his sweetheart, deprives himself of the last farthing to be come a master and a citizen, has afterwards to look to the factory for work. Where no factory is comeatable master tradesmen work on the high roads and do the earth work for the construction of railways. They are spellbound, they cannot move from place to place where work might be had, only single men, under 30 years of age can do that. I shall not insult my readers by supposing that they do not see at a glance, the entire incompatibility of such restrictions with modern industry. They are at best cruel remnants of a bygone age, and are only tolerable in a state of chronic in dustrial stagnation. journeyman was the Mr. Mill deplores our unhappy fate that we do not act like the Italians, high or low, amongst whom, according to his statement, all but one son of a family remain unmarried. He bitterly adds such family arrangements are not likely to exist among day labourers. Sismondi is again called to the rescue, who says:—"Any wise man must desire that the rising generation represents exactly those that preceded them; that one son and one daughter arrive at the age of puberty replacing his father and mother; that his grand children replace him with his wife in turn; that his daughter finds in another house precisely the lot which he will give to the daughter of an- 752 A working man's refutation ... XiV. Wages and population.—Continued other house in his, and that the income which sufficed the fathers suffices the children. When this family is formed the exigency of justice and humanity require him to impose the same restraint upon himself to which those who live a life of cel ibacy submit. A father who has eight children ought to count that six of his chil- dren die at an early age, or that six of his contemporaries, and in the following gen eration three of his sons, and three of his daughters do not marry on account of him." 5 20 10 This is precisely the way in which the continental peasant manages his oxen and cows. As often as one is got ready for the butcher a young one is reared to fill up the place. If there is a good milk cow in the village, the villagers will buy and rear her offspring and sell that of their own cows to be killed. A pretty ideal this of human progress and happiness, to be recommended by one of the greatest sages of the age, to such a community as the industrial working population of the nineteenth cen tury. The state of things for which Sismondi laid down his moral code, is that of 15 Mecklenburg, just described. There are a certain number of cottages to be inhab ited, and the number of the rising generation required can be determined with mathematical precision. Everybody is, as it were, chained to the clod on which he was born, the same number that was required, and could subsist a thousand years ago, will be required for ever after. But how are we to apply such regulations to a state of things in which the improvement of the productive powers advances with such rapid strides, as during the last fifty years, and in which the proportionate number of hands required diminishes as rapidly as the means of subsistence, the productiveness of labour increases. Who is to determine, as to who is to have per mission to propagate his species and who not. Are we to return to the habit of our Saxon ancestors, and kill the surplus children at their birth, or are human beings to be served like our domestic animals that are not at all, or not any longer required for breeding purposes? What is to be done with the thousands, and hundreds of thousands of adults whose labouring power is superseded by machinery, or who are replaced by children? Who is to determine what number of tailors, shoemakers, etc., will be required twenty years hence? But above all who is to separate the sexes, who is to all intents and purposes to divorce husband and wife after they have two children, and who is to prevent young folks loving each other, because some one has more then two children, and an increase of population would endanger the con tinuance of the existing state of things? Out upon such humbug; modem society has better and more elevating means to right itself than a cruel immolation on the altar of Moloch. 25 30 35 XIV. Wages a nd P o p u l a t i o n . — C o n t i n u e d. The Commonwealth. Nr. 210, 16. März 1867 "In the case of the agricultural labourer," Mr. Mill says, "the checks to population may almost be considered as non-existent. The condition of the labourers of some 40 of the most exclusively agricultural counties, Wiltshire, Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, 753 Johann Georg Eccarius Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, is sufficiently painful to contemplate. The labour ers of these counties, with large families, and seven, or perhaps eight, shillings for their weekly wages when in full employment, have lately become one of the stock objects of popular compassion; it is time that they had the benefit also of some ap plication of common sense." 5 Before we proceed with what Mr. Mill calls common sense, let us see what he himself admits under another head. He says, "During the twenty or thirty years last elapsed, so rapid has been the extension of improved processes of agriculture that even land yields a greater produce in proportion to the labour employed." Now, I ask Mr. Mill, are the laws of nature, the inherent tendency to multiply, in the remot- est degree connected with the misery of these labourers? The rent of land has as steadily increased as the produce of labour, and the number of labourers required for profit-mongering purposes to raise that produce has as steadily diminished as the general means of subsistence have been augmented. It is the institution which makes the produce of one man's labour the private property of another that is at the bottom of the labourer's misery. It is not his natural fecundity in relation to the la tent capabilities of the soil to afford the means of subsistence, nor any defect in the productive power of his labour, nor a deficiency in the actually existing means of subsistence, that makes him wretched, but it is because he lives in a state of society in which much can be produced with comparatively little labour, and in which the welfare of the labourer depends on the cost of production, which assigns less to the labourer in proportion as his labour becomes more productive, that he is wretched. 10 15 20 25 Now for the common sense,—"Discussions on the condition of the labourers, lam entations over its wretchedness, denunciations of all who are supposed to be in different to it, projects of one kind or another for improving it, were in no county and in no time of the world so rife as at present; but there is a tacit agreement to ig nore totally the law of wages, or to dismiss it in a parenthesis with such terms as 'hard-hearted Malthusianism,' as if it were not a thousand times more hard-hearted to tell human beings that they may, than that they may not, call into existence swarms of creatures who are sure to be miserable, and most likely to be depraved. Is it true or not that if their numbers were fewer they would obtain higher wages? This is the question, and no other; and it is idle to divert attention from it by attacking any incidental position of Malthus, or some other writer, and pretending that to re fute that is to disprove the principle of population." The fault rests entirely with Malthus and his disciples. They alone are responsible for the confusion and compii- cation in which their pet theory is entangled. They have outraged and profaned in a blasphemous manner a scientific principle—that of life being limited by the means of subsistence—and used it as a screen to hide their ignorance of the true basis of all human progress. What is true of a particular class, and under a peculiar phase of social development, they have applied to the whole species; and while ignoring one 40 of the main attributes of the species, they have endeavoured to argue on general grounds that which appertains to a special case. As I have already shown, if by any contrivance ten men could be enabled to produce next year as much wealth for the capitalist as a hundred produce this year, the ten kept at work would receive only a starvation pittance while any of the ninety remained to compete with them. In this 45 30 35 754 A working man's refutation ... XIV. Wages and population.—Continued case the population would be to the means of subsistence afforded by the rule of capital like 9 to 1. This is the overpopulation in the actual state of society, it is the special case for which the Malthusian proposes to provide a remedy by a restraint upon population, but it is also the special case which all.the Malthusians evade to discuss, their arguments being based upon the assumption that the number of la bourers required remains the same, that an increase of their numbers only has to be prevented. It is far easier to upbraid and insult parents for having children than to show how nine men out of ten whose labour is considered indispensable to-day, and may become useless to-morrow, can be improved out of existence. However, to answer Mr. Mill's pointed question distinctly, I will declare that it is beyond ques tion that if there was work in any given trade for a thousand men, and only nine hundred do it, they would get more for doing what they could than 1,200 would get for doing it all. But this is all I can admit of his theory. The Malthusian creed rests upon the assumption that society can attain no higher form than that which repre- sents mankind as divided into capitalists and hired wages labourers. The Malthusian therefore is blind to the fact that the existing disorder of things has produced within its own bosom the germ of a superior state of society. He can only see excrescenses and local and accidental irregularities, which he tries to patch up by palliatives. To him anything that threatens the fundamental basis is tantamount to a destruction of all civilisation—of human society itself. Any Malthusian who advocates co-op erative self-employment is like a champion of the Divine right of kings advocating constitutional representative self-government; he advocates two causes, of which the complete success of either implies the extinction of the other. 5 10 15 20 Under the regime of private capital, productive powers have been developed ca- 25 pable of furnishing ample means of subsistence to a more numerous population than that provided for by the existing mode of distribution. Mr. Mill advocates a better distribution and considers a stricter restraint on population, an indispensable means to it. Vain hope! If you restrict the population, you cripple the development of the powers of production. The capabilities of the productive powers and the 30 wants of society, a consequence of the numerical strength of the population—have reached the point at which private ownership in the instruments of production be comes a nuisance, and an obstruction to further progress. Those instruments are the social product of all the preceding generations of the human race. They are the natural inheritance of every living generation, their administration and manage- 35 ment is a question of expediency. The regime of capital enables thousands to revel in luxury, without doing anything, brings production to a standstill when millions, able and willing to work, are slowly perishing from want of food. It is a nuisance, an obstruction, away with it. A restraint on population, if such a thing were possible, would render our productive acquisition useless. A further increase of population 40 will burst the shackles and remove the barriers which prevent the living generation from enjoying the inheritance bequeathed by its ancestors. So much for the special case. Mr. Mill continues: —"Is it not allowed on both sides, that in old countries, pop ulation presses too closely upon the means of subsistence?" I say, No! To compare 45 Great Britain as it is with the United States or Australia, as they are under the occu r lt Johann Georg Eccarius pation of Europeans, who use the same appliances that are used in a country, the inhabitants of which have acquired them during the successive stages of develop ment from barbarism to the highest known state of civilization and density of popu lation—is shifting the question, and amounts to a shuffle. To prove the Malthusian theory it must be demonstrated that the ancient Britains, the Anglo Saxons, the Aborigines of America and Australia, possessed ampler means of satisfying their wants than we do. Let us hear Professor Senior's opinion: "The state of savage na tions is a state of habitual poverty and occasional famine. A scanty population, and scantier means of subsistence. If a single country can be found in which there is now less poverty than is universal in a savage state, it must be true that, under the 10 circumstances in which that country has been placed, the means of subsistence have a greater tendency to increase than the population. 5 If it be conceded, that there exists in the human race a natural tendency to rise from barbarism to civilization, and that the means of subsistence are proportion ately more abundant in a civilized than in a savage state, and neither of these pro- 15 positions can be denied, it must follow that there is a natural tendency in subsis tence to increase in a greater ratio than population. All that degrades the character, or diminishes the productive power of a people, tends to diminish the proportion of subsistence to population and vice versa. And, consequently, that a population increasing much more rapidly than the means of 20 subsistence is, generally speaking, a symptom of mis-government indicating deeper seated evils, of which it is only one of the results." I entirely endorse this opinion. Fifty years ago Malthus pointed with horror to China as an over populated coun try where people sold their daughters, killed their new born children, and in times of scarcity, sold themselves into slavery to procure food. China was then about eight 25 times as large as France, and had a population of 330,000,000; a population of 41,625,000 in France would be equally dense, and is nearly reached. How does modern France fare? In 1760 the consumption of wheat amounted to 108 litres per head; in 1784, to 125; under the first empire to 133, and since 1840, to 175, the population has more than doubled during that time. It is therefore not want of 30 space that cripples the means of subsistence in China, but it is an obsolete and barbarous mode of production, antiquated social, political, and proprietary arrange ments, tolerated by a degenerating race, that cripples the resources. During the 17th century nearly every second year was a year of dearth; during the 18th every 3rd; during the 19th every 4th; over the whole of Europe. 35 According to the last returns of the Board of Trade, the density of the population in the different countries is, per square mile: United Kingdom 258; Italy 225; France 180; Prussia 179; Austria 155; Spain 84; Russia in Europe 31; Turkey 19; United States 11. The Turks occupy one of the fairest regions of Europe, and if the scientific part of the Malthusian population theory were correct, the Turks would be the best provided nation of Europe, we know they are the worst by far. Four hun dred years ago, when the Europeans first set foot upon America, the red Indians suffered from famine and all the calamities and diseases inseparable from famine. Four hundred years the Europeans have poured in and multiplied at a rapid rate, but there is now no fear of famine except from social causes. 40 45 756 A working man's refutation ... XV. Wages and population.—Concluded XV. Wages a nd P o p u l a t i o n . — C o n c l u d e d. The Commonwealth. Nr. 211, 23. März 1867 Of the popular remedies for low wages, Mr. Mill says:—"The simplest expedient which can be imagined for keeping the wages of labour up to the desirable point, would be to fix them by law. Some have proposed to fix a minimum. Another plan 5 which has found many advocates among the leaders of the operatives, is to form lo cal boards of trade, and promulgate a rate of wages based upon natural equity, not upon the state of the labour market. Others think the employers ought to give suffi cient wages, and if they do not willingly, should be compelled by general opin ion." 10 15 20 "Popular sentiment looks upon it as the duty of the rich, or of the state to find employment for all the poor. If the moral influence of opinion does not induce the rich to spare from their consumption enough to set all the poor to work at 'reason able wages,' it is supposed to be incumbent on the state to lay on taxes for the pur pose, either by local rates, or votes of public money. The proportion between labour and the wages fund would thus be modified to the advantage of the labourers, not by restriction of population, but an increase of capital." "If this claim on society could be limited to the living generation; if nothing more were necessary than a nu merous accumulation, sufficient to provide permanent employment at ample wages for the existing numbers of the people; such a proposition would have no more strenuous supporter than myself." 30 "But it is another thing altogether, when those who have produced and accumu lated are called upon to abstain from consuming until they have given food and clo thing, not only to all who now exist, but all whom these or their descendants may think fit to call into existence. Such an obligation acknowledged and acted upon, 25 would suspend all checks, both positive and preventive; there would be nothing to hinder population from starting forward at its rapidest rate; and as the natural in crease of capital would, at least, not be more rapid than before, taxation, to make up the growing deficiency, must advance with the same gigantic strides. The at tempt would of course be made to exact labour in exchange for support. But experi- enee has shown the sort of work to be expected from the recipients of public char ity. When the pay is not given for the sake of work, but the work found for the sake of the pay, inefficiency is a matter of certainty; to exact real work from day labour ers without the power of dismissal, is only practicable by the power of the lash." "But let them work ever so efficiently, the increasing population cannot increase the produce proportionally: the surplus, after all were fed, would bear a less propor tion to the whole produce and to the population: and the increase of the people go ing on in a constant ratio, while the increase of produce went on in a diminishing ratio, the surplus would in time be wholly absorbed; taxation for the support of the poor would engross the whole income of the country; the payers and the receivers 40 would be melted down into one mass. The check to population either by death or prudence, could not then be staved off any longer, but must come into operation 35 757 Johann Georg Eccarius suddenly and at once; every thing which places mankind above a nest of ants or a colony of beavers, having perished in the interval." "Every one has a right to live. We will suppose this granted. But no one has a right to bring creatures into life, to be supported by other people." "It would be possible for the state to guarantee employment at ample wages to all who are born. But if it does this, it is bound in self-protection, and for the sake of every purpose for which government exists, to provide that no person shall be bom without its consent. If the ordinary and spontaneous motives to self-restraint are re moved, others must be substituted. Restrictions on marriage, at least equivalent to those existing in some German states, (three cheers for Mecklenburg) or severe penalties on those who have children when unable to support them, would then be indispensable." 5 10 20 15 This is the common sense of the most celebrated of all the political economists of established celebrity. Reader! you who know Mr. Mill's political economy only by the praises bestowed upon it by the capitalist press, do you not feel an inkling to start and announce this gospel of salvation to all who have been deprived of em ployment in consequence of the crisis of 1866, and tell them that their parents are at the root of the evil for having brought them into life without previously insuring them the means of subsistence, and that they in their generation are worse than crim inals for persisting in the same course after Malthus and his great prophet have laid down the golden rule for human happiness? It is clear that Mr. Mill's social phi losophy has not yet passed the boundaries of the 43rd of Elizabeth and the parish stoneyard and oakum room substituted by the poor law of the liberal Parliament in 1834. It is the nakedest and most misanthropic expression of the proprietarian and utilitarian point of view of the natural right of man to live. It sanctions the arroga- 25 tion of capitalists to claim all the produce of labour as their absolute and exclusive private property, and treats that portion which must be surrendered without an in creased return towards the maintenance of the producers as public charity. Remem ber the Stockport spinners! Was the improved machinery, purchased, between 1840 and 1843 by the millowners, with the profits made out of the labour of the 800 spin- ners who were previously employed at 11. 2s. a week, and the fact that after the estab lishment of the improved machinery, the 140 spinners, working three times the number of spindles they had previously worked, for 13s. a week, a test that they were morally disqualified to bring children into life? Or was it a test that with in creased facilities to give employment to the poor, the accumulation of the prerequi- 35 sites of production would remain stationary, or that increased production would progressively diminish the productive power of labour? Has the labourer who has procured the means of subsistence for an increased and increasing population, no natural claim, no moral claim, no claim of any kind to its benefits, save the bone of contention, and the moral struggle for existence which those who deprive him of 40 the fruits of his toil vouchsafe for his lot? Is he to be visited with severe penalties for having children, while others revel in the luxuries which he produced? Who brings creatures into life, to be supported by other people, the poor? Never! They support their own and other people's too. The rich do not even grant their offspring the food which nature has provided for it, the mother's milk. The women of the 45 30 758 A working man's refutation ... XV. Wages and population.—Concluded poor and the cows have to replace the mothers of wealthy infants, and the poor have to nurse them, find food, clothing, shelter, and amusement for them into the bar gain when they grow up. Then punish the rich for begetting children. Send every lady who does not suffer from bodily infirmity, who refuses to do the natural duty of a mother to her child, to a nunnery; and every gentleman who becomes a father without adding to the stock of the consumables of the community into solitary con finement on workhouse fare. 5 Mr. Mill asks next:—"By what means, then, is poverty to be contended against? How is the evil of low wages to be remedied? If the expedients usually recom ió mended for the purpose are not adapted to it, can no others be thought of? Is the problem incapable of solution? Can political economy do nothing, but only object to everything, and demonstrate that nothing can be done? 15 20 25 30 35 40 All experience shows that the mass of mankind never judge of moral questions for themselves, never see anything to be right or wrong until they have been fre- quently told it; and who tells them that they have any duties in the matter in ques tion, while they keep within matrimonial limits? Who meets with condemnation, or rather, who does not meet with sympathy and benevolence, for any account of evil he may bring upon himself and those dependent on him, by this species of inconti nence? While a man who is intemperate in drink, is discountenanced and despised by all who profess to be moral people, it is one of the chief grounds made use of in appeals to the benevolent, that the applicant has a large family and is unable to maintain them." To this the following foot-note is appended:—"Little improvement can be expected in morality, until the producing of large families is regarded with the same feeling as drunkenness or any other physical excess."—One would im- agine that children were rained down upon married people, direct from heaven, without their being art or part in the matter; that it was really, as the common phrases have it, God's will and not their own, which decided the numbers of their offspring. "But let us try to imagine what would happen if the idea became general among the labouring class, that the competition of too great numbers was the principal cause of their poverty, so that every labourer looked (with Sismondi) upon every other who had more than the number of children which the circumstances of so ciety allowed to each, as doing him a wrong—as filling up the place which he was entitled to share. Any one who supposes that this state of opinion would not have a great effect on conduct, must be profoundly ignorant of human nature; can never have considered how large a portion of the motives which induce the generality of men to take care even of their own interest, is derived from regard for opinion— from the expectation of being disliked or despised for not doing it." Mr. Mill winds up with stating that, "If a prudent regulation of population be not reconcilable with the system of hired labour, the system is a nuisance, and the grand object of eco nomical statesmanship should be to bring the labouring people under the influence of stronger and more obvious inducements of this kind of prudence, than the rela tions of workmen and employers can afford." The grand remedy is to transport at once a considerable fraction of the youthful agricultural population to the colonies, at the public expense; the other is to raise 45 759 Johann Georg Eccarius small proprietors, the proposition already alluded to. Lest there should be any doubt as to the reactionary tendency of these remarks, let us see what the great Re former says two years later, towards the end of the second volume. "If it were evi dent that a new hand could not obtain employment but by displacing or succeeding to one already employed, the combined influence of prudence and public opinion might generally be relied on for restraining the coming generation within the num bers necessary for replacing the present. 5 I cannot therefore regard the stationary state of capital and wealth with the unaf fected aversion so generally manifested towards it by the political economists of the old school." 10 There you have the quintessence of what you have to expect in the shape of prog ress if you hand your affairs over to the custody of the new (?) school, originally es tablished by Parson Malthus and adopted in the lump by John Stuart Mill. Only fancy what a pleasant life it would be if human nature could be so far degraded and debased as to look upon a pregnant woman with the same disdain as upon a drunken harlot lying in the gutter, or treat an honest man with a large family of little children in distress in the same manner as a drunken vagabond asking for alms; or to be down upon the children of your neighbour like the hens in a farm yard when they get a stranger among them, according to the precepts of Sismondi. One necessary accompaniment to such a moral code would be some visible sign, easily distinguishable, to inform strangers whether a woman was pregnant with or without the consent of the authorities, that she might be treated accordingly. For schoolmasters and schoolmistresses none would be better qualified than old maids and old bachelors who had been disappointed in love and cordially hated the oppo site sex. They would also be the best magistrates and legislators. Happily humanity has rejected similar teachings at a time when there was far less prospect of making life comfortable than there is now, and when eternal salvation was held out as a re ward instead of the questionable luxury of improved wages-slavery for the many, and the undisturbed possession of unbounded wealth by the few. Mr. Mill seems to be credulous enough to believe that an opinion can be created to curb the most in- domitable instinct, inherent in all organic life, but he requires the lash to make people work to sustain life in ease and comfort. The opinion of one's fellow men counts for nothing here. Is there no possibility of finding employment for people in distress, but on the plan of the stone-yard and the oakum-room? Is it not possible that at no very distant date the working class will have sufficient power in Parlia- ment to do for itself what the landowners are doing now under the Land Improve ment Act, obtain credit to extend self-supporting co-operative labour? Is it not re markably strange that Mr. Mill should, among his popular remedies, not so much as allude to the most popular of all, and the one that is the peculiar child of modern industry, the one that was first demanded by the factory operatives of Lancashire more than fifty years ago—I speak of the reduction of the number of the hours of labour. This is the measure of progress which will to some extent equalise the sup ply of, and the demand for, labour; on its progress and success depends the social, the mental, and moral elevation of the working class; on its success depends the progress of co-operative self-employment—it will march apace with it. It is the 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 760 A working man's refutation ... XV. Wages and population.—Concluded measure which, as far as it has been carried, has fulfilled all that was expected from it, and it is also the measure which, as Professor Fawcett (to his honour be it said) has several times pointed out in the House, will ere long bring some of us manhood suffrage advocates to loggerheads with some of our present political allies, and bring us into friendship with the Tories. I have much more to say on this point, but must reserve it for a future occasion. 5 10 15 20 And now a few words about the stationary state. If the tendency to multiply is in herent, a stationary state is unnatural, and can only precede a positively declining state. If at any of the numerous stages of the development of the human species it had been possible permanently to arrest the increase of population, and hinder it from overstepping the existing limits of the means of subsistence, even prospec tively, that moment would have been the end of all human progress, and it will be the end of all human progress whenever that moment arrives. Had the wiseacres of the Stone period succeeded in limiting the number of families to the number of the stone caves provided by nature, no building trades would ever have troubled the world, no tailors would be required, man, like his step-brother, the ape, would be confined to certain geographical latitudes. As it is, the rebels, the unruly multitude, have never cared much for established notions, and hence the great mass of man kind has plodded on in happiness, and grief, and woe, frequently with bloody heads, in search of a higher destiny. The race has incessantly advanced, but the same section was not always at the head. Each particular epoch produced the germ, the foundation for a superior state of things, though the nations that produced it re signed the lead. Asia Minor and Egypt, the mothers of the civilisation of ancient Greece, resigned the lead to ancient Greece; Greece in her turn produced the civili- sation of Rome, and resigned the lead to Rome; Rome succumbed to the Teutonic barbarians, they gathered up the debris of the empire they had sacked, became Christians, and established the feudal state upon its ruins. From that moment until the present hour the lead has remained with the descendants of those barbarous Teutons. The feudal state produced a revolutionary class within its own bosom, 30 which destroyed the work of its ancestors, and established the modern state upon the ruins; the modem state has produced a revolutionary class, the modern working class, which has all the required energy, tact, and courage to subvert, in its tum the institutions of its predecessors, and establish a superior state of things upon the very same spot. 25 35 40 Since the Thirty Years' War the Anglo-Saxon branch of the Teutonic family has acquired the lead; during the present generation the American offshoot has entered into competition. Old Germania has been asleep for many a year, but she is rapidly shaking off her shackles to come to the rescue; the sons of France are only lurking in ambush ready for a call; but if John Bull should prove unworthy of the lead, and does riot quickly clear the Augean stable of all the antiquated filth that has gath ered about him, and threatens a serious interruption to the further increase of pop ulation, if he listens to the advice of Mr. Mill and his abettors, Brother Jonathan is sure to snatch the lead from him, and deprive Old England and the rest of the Old World of the honour of marching arm in arm with him to the emancipation of the 45 human race. 761 Johann Georg Eccarius During the whole course of history not a single tribe or nation can be cited that remained progressive with a stationary population; we cannot remain progressive now if we put more restraints on population than those we cannot avoid. With the means of production at present known, this country could produce food for four times its present inhabitants, and human nature will burst the chains of wages-slav ery, and scatter proprietory rights to the winds before it will submit to self-immola tion to sustain an untenable state of stagnation and misery. 762 T h i rd A n n u al R e p o rt of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on The Bee-Hive Newspaper. Nr. 309, 14. September 1867 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association. T he D u t i es I m p o s ed u p on the G e n e r al C o u n c il by the First A n n u al Congress. 5 The Congress passed a resolution appointing the London delegates to wait upon the Swiss, the French, and the British postal authorities to bring the question of Inter national penny postage—of cheap postage—under their notice. The Swiss postmas ter agreed to all the deputation urged, but observed that the French Government stopped the way. In France the delegates could get no audience, and the British 10 Government only consented to receive a written statement which has been sent. The other duties imposed upon the General Council by the first annual Congress were: 1. The publication, in several languages, of the transactions of the Congress, including the letters and memoirs addressed to that Congress. 2. To publish period ical or occasional reports in different languages, embracing everything that might be of interest to the Association. 3. To give information of the supply and demand for labour in different localities. 4. An account of co-operative societies. 5. Of the condition of the working-class in every country. The Council was also charged with causing a statistical enquiry to be instituted, which was to contain special and de tailed information about every branch of industry, in which wages labour is em- ployed, in the most civilised countries of Europe. To enable the Council to fulfil these various duties, the Congress voted a contri bution of threepence per member to the Executive, and a salary of £2 a week to the general secretary, leaving his appointment to the Council. As soon as the London delegates had returned, and the Council was reorganised, information was received that some of our Congress documents had been seized on the person of Jules Gottraux by the French police on the frontier. The general sec retary was instructed to write to the French minister of the interior, but not receiv ing any reply, an application was made to the British Foreign Office. Lord Stanley, with the greatest readiness, instructed Lord Cowley, the British Ambassador at Pa- ris, to intercede; the result was that within a few days our documents were restored, and a parcel of "Tribunes du Peuple" which had evidently been seized from some- 15 20 25 30 763 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association body else superadded. The Congress documents were then handed over to the standing committee, with instructions to prepare the report for publication. As there were no funds to pay the general secretary this labour devolved upon volun teers, who had to do it in their spare hours, which caused further delay. When all was ready the lowest estimate to have a thousand printed in one language was £40. To comply with the Congress instructions required an immediate outlay of £120; the cash in hand on the 31st of December amounted to 18s. 4d. The general secretary was instructed to appeal to the affiliated societies of the British section for their contributions—only the London cigar-makers and the Cov entry and Warwickshire ribbon-weavers responded immediately. The board of man- agement of the latter association, with a highly commendable zeal to fulfil its obli gation—having no funds in hand and many members out of work—forthwith raised a levy to the required amount from the members in work. The council then availed itself of an offer made by citizen J. Collet, the proprietor and editor of the International Courier, to publish the report in French and English in weekly parts in the columns of his journal. He also agreed to stereotype the whole at his own expense with the view of publishing it in pamphlet form, and to let the Council share in the profits, if any, the Council undertaking no responsibility whatever in case of loss. But hardly was this highly advantageous arrangement com pleted when, on account of not having complied with some legal intricacy, of which the Government had previously taken no notice, citizen Collet had to suspend the publication of his journal for several weeks, and it was not till March that the publi cation of the Congress report could be regularly proceeded with. The numbers of the International Courier containing the report have been sent gratis to the branches. A German version could, for want of a similar opportunity, not be published. When the publication was completed it was again want of funds that prevented, and still prevents, the publication in pamphlet form*. To make matters worse the French po lice seized a parcel of rules and cards of membership, purposely issued for the French section, the printing of which cost £4, which was borrowed money. Besides this dead loss, there was the further injury of curtailing the contributions, which in France depend principally upon the scale of individual membership. Beyond all this, there were the old liabilities which were acknowledged as the debt of the asso ciation by the Congress, but no special provision made for their liquidation. They have greatly hampered our action, and continue to be a source of trouble. 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Under these circumstances it was utterly impossible to publish either periodical or occasional reports, nor have our correspondents taken the trouble to send us any special information with a view to such publication. The question of entering upon the statistical inquiry had to be abandoned for the present year. To be of any use at all it cannot be limited to the trades at present comprised within the circle of our affiliated societies. Such an inquiry, to answer its purpose, must include every 40 trade, every country, and every locality. This involves not only a large expenditure for printing, stationery, and postage, but also an amount of labour in the shape of correspondence, compiling, and arranging the scattered and specific statement into a comprehensive and comprehensible whole, that the possibility of having it done by volunteers in their leisure hours is altogether out of the question. 45 764 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association Interference in T r a d e s' Disputes. 10 15 One of the best means of demonstrating the beneficent influence of international combination is the assistance rendered by the International Working Men's Asso ciation in the daily occurring trades' disputes. It used to be a standard threat with 5 British capitalists, not only in London, but also in the provinces, when their work men would not tamely submit to their arbitrary dictation, that they would supplant them by an importation of foreigners. The possibility of such importations taking place was in most cases sufficient to deter the British workmen from insisting on their demands. The action taken by the Council has had the effect of putting a stop to these threats being made publicly. Where anything of the kind is contemplated it has to be done in secret, and the slightest information obtained by the workmen suffices to frustrate the plans of the capitalists. As a rule, when a strike or a lock-out occurs concerning any of the affiliated trades, the continental correspondents are at once instructed to warn the workmen in their respective localities not to enter into any engagements with the agents of the capitalists of the place where the dispute is. However, this action is not confined to affiliated trades. The same action is taken on behalf of other trades upon application being received. This generally leads to the affiliation of the trades that invoke our aid. Now and then it happens that the capitalists succeed in getting a few stragglers, but they generally repudiate their en- gagements upon being informed of the reason why they were engaged. During the London basket-makers dispute last winter information was received that six Bel gians were at work under the railway-arches in Blue Anchor-lane, Bermondsey. They were as strictly guarded against coming in contact with the outside public as a kid napped girl in a nunnery. By some stratagem a Flemish member of the Council suc- ceeded in obtaining an interview, and upon being informed of the nature of their engagement the men struck work and returned home. Just as they were about to embark a steamer arrived with a fresh supply. The new arrivals were at once com municated with; they too repudiated their engagements, and returned home, prom ising that they would exert themselves to prevent any further supplies, which they accomplished. In consequence of the appeals made by deputations from the Coun cil to various British societies, the Paris bronze-workers received very considerable pecuniary support during their lock-out, and the London tailors on strike have in tum received support from continental associations through the intercession of the Council. The good offices of the Council were also employed on behalf of the exca- 20 25 30 35 vators, the wireworkers, the blockcutters, the hairdressers, and others. Propaganda a nd Affiliated Societies. 40 The work of propaganda and affiliation of societies has been greatly impeded in England during the past year. It seems as if the British Legislature could never move a step in the right direction in any matter of great social or political impor tance unless compelled by a threatening and overwhelming pressure from without, 765 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association 5 10 when the public excitement assumes the character of a monomania. While the Re form agitation was at its height, the frequent monster demonstrations in course of organisation, it was almost hopeless to try to engage the attention of working men to the somewhat distant aims of the International Working Men's Association. Most of our British Council members took an active part in these proceedings, which reduced our available forces to go on deputations, while the proceedings themselves caused so much excitement and absorbed so much of the attention of those who might have entertained our applications, that there was no room for their consideration. These proceedings, too in diverting men's attention to other objects have had the effect of preventing many new members being enrolled and some old ones to renew their subscriptions. Everywhere one was met with the observation that the struggle for Parliamentary Reform was [not] only the struggle of a season, but the paramount duty of the hour and an indispensable stepping stone to that complete emancipation of the working classes from the domination of capital which is the aim of the International Working Men's Association. One step has un- 15 doubtedly been gained by the Act of 1867. It is sufficiently comprehensive to en able the working classes to politically combine for class purposes within the pre cincts of the Constitution, and exercise a direct influence upon the Legislature in matters of social and economical reform in as far as they affect the labour question. But though our propagandism has been much impeded during the past it has not been arrested. The ordinary mode of proceeding with the affiliation of corporate bodies is somewhat tedious. When the Council has any reasonable ground for be lieving that the question will be favourably entertained by an association, it applies to the president or secretary by letter. If the application be favourably received, a deputation is requested to attend the Executive to state the aims of the association. If the Executive endorses the statement of the deputation it recommends the ques tion to be entertained at some future general or delegate meeting, when perhaps the deputation is again requested to attend. In some cases the question of affiliation is decided at once—in others the votes of all the members and branches have to be taken to arrive at a decision. 20 25 30 The affiliation of 33 organised bodies has been brought about in this manner during the past year. More than twenty have been corresponded with and received deputations. With some the decisions are pending, others have deferred the consid eration to a more favourable opportunity; only one society has flatly refused to en ter into any relationship because the association entertains political questions. 35 Contributions and Affiliated Societies. The question as to the contributions of affiliated societies occupied the Council at various times. While the question was pending, the Executive of the Operative Bricklayers' Society joined and agreed to contribute £1 per annum. In March, 1865, a deputation from the Council waited on the conference of the Amalgamated Cord- wainers' Association, at which the following resolution, proposed by the delegate from Birmingham, and seconded by the delegate from Hull, was unanimously car- 40 766 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 ried: "That we cordially agree with the principles of the International Working Men's Association as represented by the deputation from that body, and pledge ourselves to join them for the furtherance of those principles, and endeavour to spread them amongst our constituents." The question of contributions was raised, but the discussion being out of order was stopped. Some weeks after it was resolved that a declaration of enrolment should be printed, for which organised bodies should pay an entrance fee of 5s., that as many cards as possible should be sold to individual members of such societies, the remainder, when funds were required, should be left to their generosity. It was while this state of things lasted that the lia- bilities already alluded to were incurred. The money granted by various affiliated societies last year were voluntary gifts towards defraying the expenses of the del egates to the first Congress, and it was expended for that purpose. The Cordwainers' Executive granted £5. To remove this state of uncertainty the Council proposed a minimum contribution per member from affiliated societies. The Congress voted threepence, which the British delegates maintained could not be levied from trade societies in England. When, after the Geneva Congress, our deputations were sent to trade societies, it was found that, as the British delegates had foreseen, the threepence per member formed an insurmountable obstacle to the affiliation of organised bodies. On the 9th of October the council resolved unanimously that the contribution should be lowered to one halfpenny per member. All the societies that have since been affil iated have joined with that understanding. The Amalgamated Cordwainers' Association has distinctly declared that the reso lution of its Conference of 1865 does not amount to an affiliation, and the Confer- enee of the same body of 1867 has rescinded the resolution, which enabled the Council to grant us £5 last year. The executive of the Operative Bricklayers has paid £1 for 1867, but has not yet announced any decision, whether it considers the whole society affiliated or not. The Cordwainers' Association was put down in last year's estimate as containing 5,000 members, the Bricklayers' 3,000 to 4,000. Two appeals have been made in the course of the year for the contributions; some of the previously affiliated societies have paid, others have not; but, excepting the cord wainers, none have repudiated their obligation. The executive of the Amalgamated Carpenters and Joiners has recently passed resolutions to contribute £2 per annum to the funds of the Council, but the ques- tion is now under consideration to take the votes of all the members whether the as sociation is to be affiliated in its entirety or not. It numbers about 9,000 members, and extends over England, Wales, and Ireland. The following is a list of the affil iated societies of the British section, and the money furnished by them during the last two years. 767 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association Names of Affiliated Societies. London, Arbeiter Bildungs Verein London, French Branch Central Section of Polish Exiles Operative Bricklayers' Executive No. 1 Lodge of Operative Bricklayers Alliance Cabinet-makers' Society West-end Cabinet-makers' Society Day-working Bookbinders' Society Hand-in-Hand Coopers' Society London Cigar Makers' Association Amalgamated Cordwainers' Executive Darlington Section of ditto Nottingham Section of ditto Coventry and Warwickshire Ribbon Weavers Packing-case Makers Saddlers and Harness Makers Kendal Shoemakers' Society West-end Ladies' Bootmakers London Operative Tailors Darlington Section of Amalgamated Tailors Gifts and Entrance Fees. 1866. £ s. d. 2 0 0 0 0 10 5 0 6 5 5 0 0 0 1 4 0 6 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 0 0 8 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 4 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 Societies Affiliated since Sept., 1866. London Basket-makers' Society Block-printers of Lancashire London Coach Builders Coach Trimmers (the Globe) Coach Trimmers (the Crown) Elastic Web Weavers United Excavators French Polishers Organ Builders Pattern Drawers and Block Cutters Carpenters and Joiners' Executive United Society of Journeymen Curriers (joined August 27) National Reform League £ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 s. d. 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 768 Contributions. 1867. s. d. 1 4 4 9 4 10 0 0 0 0 4 13 0 7 6 17 0 5 0 9 0 0 0 0 1 2 13 0 0 1 10 0 1 4 0 0 8 0 0 8 d. 6 8 0 s. 7 1 0 1 10½ 5 5 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 6 £ 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 £ 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association West-end Ladies Bootmakers London Cigar Makers Elastic Web Weavers 5 Basket Makers Paid for Congress Fund. £ 4 1 1 0 0 s. 10 1 0 10 12 d. 0 0 0 0 6 Beyond this the Elastic Web-weavers have granted £1 to the Congress fund, the Cigar-makers £1 Is. 10 15 20 There is a considerable difference in the actual income of the two years, but there is an essential difference as to its purport. Last year the money was voted to send delegates to the Congress; it was therefore not available for other purposes; this year's income consists of contributions to defray the expense of administration. Last year, we incurred liabilities because we had no settled income; this year, we li- quidated liabilities, because we had such an income. The reason why some of our affiliated societies have not yet paid their annual contribution, and why others have not contributed to the Congress fund, is severe pressure upon their funds in conse quence of the stagnation of trade, strikes, and lock-outs. We have received several letters, stating these as reasons why the same societies that contributed so hand- somely towards the Congress fund last year, cannot give anything this year. The tai lors' strike has absorbed all the available funds of the London trade societies. C o n t i n e n t al a nd A m e r i c an Sections. As a rule the General Council only corresponds with individual branches abroad, where police restrictions prevent the formation of branches. 25 In Belgium an attempt has been made to affiliate trade societies, but we have no information about the result, nor have we received any contributions. Germany is still in an unsettled state. Citizen Philip Becker, the president of the German section at Geneva, has succeeded in establishing several branches, but we have no particulars at present. 30 In Italy there is a regular working men's organization with whose officers we are in correspondence, but formal affiliations have not yet taken place. In the New World, we have two affiliated branches at New York and Hoboken, N.J. We are in correspondence with the national labour union committee, and the president of the International Ironmoulders' Union. Particulars will be found in the special report of the American Secretary. 35 G e n e r al R e m a r k s. The past year has been characterised by intense struggles and agitation. In Amer ica, in England, in France, in Belgium strikes, lock-outs, persecution and prosecu tion of the working class have been the order of the day. The capitalists have perse- 769 Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's Association veringly treated the workmen as nobodies who only exist obsequiously to submit. One society in the United States has spent 70,000 dois, to resist the encroachments of the capitalists; in England it has been decided in the courts of law that to rob the funds of trades unions is not punishable by law. An official inquiry into the work ing of trades unions has been instituted with a view to damage their character and to affix to them the stigma of being criminal in their proceedings. The wholesale prosecutions of the London master tailors against their men, the attitude of magis trates, judges, and the daily press, the convictions of the Paris tailors and the massa cre at Marchienne, are facts that demonstrate incontrovertibly that society consists but of two hostile classes—the oppressors and the oppressed—and that nothing short of a solidary union of the sons of toil throughout the world will ever redeem them from their present thraldom. We therefore conclude with the motto: Proleta rians of all Countries, Unite. 770 R a p p o rt du C o n s e il G é n é r al de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs au C o n g r ès de L a u s a n ne ( 1 8 6 7) |3| R a p p o rt du C o n s e il G é n é r al de l ' A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es T r a v a i l l e u rs au C o n g r ès de L a u s a n ne 1 8 67 5 I. - Devoirs imposés par le Congrès de Genève. (Septembre 1866.) Les devoirs qui furent imposés au Conseil général par le Congrès de Genève sont les suivants : Io Le Congrès adopta une résolution, autorisant les délégués anglais à faire les 10 démarches nécessaires auprès des directeurs des postes en Suisse, en France et en Angleterre, pour obtenir une réduction pour le transport des lettres et imprimés. Le ministre suisse fut d'accord avec la délégation sur tous les points proposés par elle, mais il fit remarquer que le gouvernement français entravait toute réforme en ce sens. 15 En France, les délégués ne purent obtenir audience du directeur des postes. | |4| En Angleterre, le gouvernement ne consentit qu'à recevoir un mémoire expo sant les faits. Ce travail fut rédigé par le Conseil général, qui attend une réponse. 2° La publication des travaux du Congrès, avec les lettres et mémoires, en plu sieurs langues ; 20 3° La publication d'un bulletin périodique, dans les différentes langues, renfer mant tout ce qui pouvait intéresser l'Association internationale ; de fournir toute information concernant le travail dans les différents pays, et des rapports sur les so ciétés coopératives et sur la position sociale des travailleurs ; 4° Le Conseil général fut aussi requis de faire une enquête statistique sur le tra- 25 vail, contenant des rapports détaillés et spéciaux sur chaque branche de l'industrie et de l'agriculture et embrassant tous les pays civilisés. Pour mettre le Conseil à même de remplir ces devoirs, une cotisation annuelle de 30 centimes par membre fut votée par le Congrès, ainsi qu'une rémunération de 2 livres par semaine pour le secrétaire général ; le choix de ce dernier fut laissé au 30 Conseil général. Lorsqu'après le retour des délégués, le Conseil commença ses travaux, il reçut la 771 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) nouvelle que plusieurs documents importants avaient été saisis à la frontière fran çaise, sur la personne de Jules Gottraux, par les agents de police. Le secrétaire général fut requis d'écrire au ministre de l'intérieur en France pour obtenir la restitution des dits documents. Cette lettre étant restée sans réponse, une demande fut adressée au ministre des affaires étrangères anglais ; lord Stanley en- voya les instructions nécessaires à lord Cowley, ambassadeur anglais à Paris, pour obtenir la restitution des documents. 5 Au bout de quelques jours, ces documents nous furent rendus avec un paquet de journaux : La Tribune du Peuple, lequel paquet avait évidemment dû être saisi sur une autre personne. 10 Cet incident occasionna au Conseil un retard de plusieurs mois pour la publica tion des travaux du Congrès. | |5| Les documents furent remis au sous-comité, afin qu'il préparât le rapport offi ciel. Le Conseil général n'ayant pas d'argent pour payer le secrétaire général, le travail incomba aux membres assez dévoués pour l'accomplir en dehors de leurs travaux ordinaires, ce qui nécessita plus de temps. 15 Lorsque ce travail fut fait, le plus bas prix qui fut demandé pour l'imprimer fut de fr. 1000 pour 1000 exemplaires en une seule langue. Pour que le Conseil général exécutât la résolution du Congrès, une dépense im- médiate de fr. 3000 était nécessaire ; l'argent en caisse à ce moment se montait à fr. 22,90. 20 Le Conseil général fit un appel aux sociétés anglaises adhérentes pour le paie ment des cotisations. Les Cigariers de Londres et les Rubaniers de Coventry et du Warwickshire seuls ré- 25 pondirent. Le Conseil exécutif de ces derniers, avec un zèle à remplir ses obligations que nous devons signaler, sans argent en caisse et ayant la plupart de ses membres sans travaux, fit une levée de fonds extraordinaire parmi ceux qui travaillaient. Le Conseil général ayant épuisé tous les moyens pour publier le rapport du Congrès, tant en France qu'à l'étranger, accepta du citoyen Collet, le rédacteur du Courrier International et du Workingman, l'offre de le publier dans ces deux journaux hebdomadaires, en français et en anglais ; il s'engagea en outre à faire stereotyper les clichés pour pouvoir publier ce rapport en brochures et à partager avec le Conseil général tous les bénéfices, quoiqu'il acceptât d'avance pour lui toutes les pertes. 30 35 A l'annonce faite par ces journaux de la publication du Congrès de Genève, le gouvernement anglais, qui depuis plusieurs années les laissait paraître sans obsta cles, trouva le prétexte pour en interrompre la publication, en demandant au ci toyen Collet de fournir deux cautionnements de plusieurs milliers de francs. Cette formalité retarda jusqu'au 9 mars la publication. ||6| Depuis, le citoyen Collet a su, de source certaine, que cet incident avait eu lieu à l'instigation du gouvernement français. 40 Ceci, joint à la saisie du mémoire des délégués parisiens, fait voir clairement le parti auquel s'est arrêté le gouvernement français à l'égard de l'Association interna tionale. 45 772 Rapports lus au Congrès ouvrier réuni du 2 au 8 septembre 1867 à Lausanne. Chaux-de-Fonds 1867. Seite [3] mit dem Beginn des „Rapport du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs ..." Rapport du Conseil Général de ΙΆ.Ι.Τ. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Les numéros du Courrier international contenant ce rapport furent envoyés gratis à tous les correspondants de l'Association. La traduction en allemand fut forcément laissée de côté, le Conseil général n'ayant aucune facilité pour la faire. 5 Quoique le tout soit stéréotypé, le manque de fonds a empêché, jusqu'à ce jour, la publication en brochures, ce qui est cependant demandé avec instance par tous nos correspondants. Pour tourner ces difficultés, un des membres du Conseil avança 100 francs pour l'impression de 1000 exemplaires des carnets, contenant le Pacte Constitutif et les Règlements : 800 de ces carnets furent envoyés, mais ils furent saisis par la police française ; cette perte vint encore aggraver la situation du Conseil général, situation d'autant plus précaire qu'il était harcelé de toutes parts pour la dette de plus de mille francs, contractée en 1865 et 1866 ; car bien que le Congrès de Genève eût re connu cette dette solidaire, il n'avait indiqué aucun moyen efficace pour l'éteindre. Dans ces circonstances, il était de toute impossibilité pour le Conseil de publier aucun rapport ou bulletin périodique, ainsi que l'avait voté le Congrès; la consé quence fut l'abandon forcé de l'enquête statistique pour l'année 1867, car, pour être efficace, cette enquête ne peut être restreinte aux sociétés adhérentes, elle doit em brasser toutes les branches de la production dans toutes les localités. Ce travail, de mandant des pertes de temps considérables et des dépenses très-élevées, ne pouvait être fait par le Conseil général dans la situation pécuniaire où il se trouvait. | 10 15 20 |7| / /. - Rôle de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs dans la lutte entre le Capital et le Travail. Les nombreux services rendus par l'Association dans les différentes luttes entre le capital et le travail, dans les divers pays où elles ont eu lieu, démontrent suffisam- 25 ment la nécessité d'une telle association. Lorsque les ouvriers refusaient d'accepter les conditions arbitraires des capitalistes anglais, ceux-ci les menaçaient de les rem placer par des bras appelés du continent. La possibilité d'une pareille importation a suffi plusieurs fois pour faire céder les ouvriers. L'action du Conseil a empêché que ces menaces ne fussent faites publiquement comme autrefois. Lorsque de pareils faits se présentent, il suffit de la plus légère indication pour déjouer les plans des capitalistes. Survient-il une grève ou un lock-out1, parmi les sociétés adhérentes à l'Association, les ouvriers de tous les pays sont immédiatement informés de l'état de choses, et conséquemment mis en garde contre les offres des agents des capita listes. Néanmoins, cette action n'est pas seulement circonscrite aux sociétés adhé- rentes, car le concours de l'Association est acquis à toutes celles qui le réclament. 30 35 Parfois les capitalistes réussissent à attirer quelques ignorants qui les abandon nent aussitôt qu'ils sont instruits de leurs droits et de leurs devoirs. Le capital ne considère l'ouvrier que comme une machine à production, rien de plus; le dernier lock-out de vanniers de Londres en offre un exemple frappant. 40 Voici les faits. Les patrons vanniers de Londres déclarèrent à leurs ouvriers qu'ils 1 Les Anglais appellent ainsi la fermeture des ateliers par les patrons. 775 Rapport du Conseil Général de ΓΑ. I. T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) eussent à dissoudre leur société et à accepter une diminution dans un délai de trois jours, leur annonçant que faute de ce faire par eux, à l'expiration de ce délai, les ateliers leur se||8|raient fermés. Devant un fait aussi brutal, les ouvriers se révoltè rent et déclarèrent ne pas accepter ces conditions ; les patrons avaient prévu le cas, car des agents étaient partis pour la Belgique et ramenaient des ouvriers ... Ces ouvriers furent parqués sous les arches du chemin de fer, dans un des quartiers de Londres (Bermondsey). Là ils devaient travailler, manger et dormir, sans sortir, afin d'éviter tout contact avec les autres ouvriers. Mais le Conseil général parvint à fran chir le cordon sanitaire institué par les patrons, et, par un stratagème, s'introduisit auprès des ouvriers belges; le lendemain ces ouvriers ayant compris leur devoir re- 10 tournaient en Belgique, indemnisés de leur temps perdu par la société des vanniers de Londres. Comme ils partaient, arrivait justement un autre bateau chargé d'autres ouvriers ; mais cette fois ils furent reçus par nous et ils repartaient par le bateau sui vant. Il fut impossible après cela aux patrons de se procurer d'autres ouvriers : le ré sultat fut que les patrons se virent forcés de laisser les choses telles qu'elles étaient précédemment. 5 15 En conséquence de l'appel fait par le Conseil aux sociétés anglaises, les bronziers de Paris reçurent un appui moral et matériel dans leur grève ; d'un autre côté, les tailleurs de Londres reçurent un pareil appui des ouvriers du continent. Le Conseil intervint avec autant de succès dans la grève des terrassiers, treílla- 20 geurs, coiffeurs, zingueurs et graveurs sur bois. III. - Section anglaise. A. Propagande. En Angleterre, si la propagande n'a pas été aussi active que l'année dernière, les raisons en sont faciles à déduire de ce qui suit : ce n'est jamais par l'initiative ||9| du 25 gouvernement qu'un pas est fait dans la voie libérale, ce n'est que lorsque de lon gues agitations ont passionné les masses qu'il cède enfin à la pression populaire, té moin la question de réforme électorale et du droit de réunion dans les parcs. Les travailleurs anglais attachent une grande importance, avec raison, à la ques tion électorale; ils sacrifient leur temps et leur énergie à organiser d'imposantes 30 manifestations, dont la force morale en impose au gouvernement et le force à don ner satisfaction au vœu populaire. Pendant qu'ils réclamaient énergiquement leurs droits de citoyens, il était impos sible au Conseil général d'appeler l'attention des ouvriers sur les questions sociales, dont ils n'entrevoyaient l'issue que dans un avenir lointain. 35 Les membres anglais du Conseil général, qui devaient le plus nous aider dans no tre œuvre de propagande, ne pouvaient se tenir à l'écart de ce mouvement que nous avions créé et qu'ils devaient conduire. Le succès a répondu à leurs efforts, et l'année 1867 sera ajamáis célèbre dans les annales de la classe ouvrière anglaise. Cependant, si la propagande n'a pas été aussi active qu'elle aurait dû l'être, par 40 les raisons que nous avons données ci-dessus, elle ne fut pas arrêtée un seul ins tant : Les formalités à remplir pour obtenir l'adhésion des sociétés ouvrières deman- 776 Rapport du Conseil Général de ΓΑ.Ι.Τ. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) dent beaucoup de temps ; la constitution démocratique des Trade's Unions ne permet pas au Comité exécutif de prendre une décision sur une question importante sans que toutes les branches l'aient préalablement discutée. Voici le mode à suivre pour obtenir l'adhésion d'une société. On écrit au comité le but de la demande. Le Comité fixe un jour pour recevoir une deputation. Si la question est prise en considération, le Comité la soumet à ses branches; alors il faut attendre un, deux et souvent trois mois avant de connaître le résultat. Il ne faut pas conclure de ce que nous venons de dire ||10| que le comité d'une société puisse seul proposer ou rejeter une proposition, car très souvent des branches ont adhéré à l'Association internationale sans la participation du comité. Depuis le Congrès de Genève, plus de vingt des grandes sociétés ouvrières ont ac cueilli favorablement les deputations du Conseil général ; il en attend le résultat de jour en jour. D'autres sociétés ont remis leur adhésion à un temps plus opportun ; une seule a refusé son adhésion, se basant sur ce que l'Association internationale s'occupait de questions politiques. B. Cotisations. Cette question a occupé pendant longtemps le Conseil général. Pendant que cette question était en litige, le Comité exécutif des maçons se joignait à l'Association et votait une cotisation annuelle de 1 livre. En mars 1865, une deputation fut envoyée par le Conseil général à la Conférence des cordonniers anglais, où la résolution suivante, proposée par les délégués de Bir mingham et de Hull, fut votée à l'unanimité : «La Conférence accepte les principes de l'Association internationale, déclare s'y joindre et engage tous les membres pré sents à faire tous leurs efforts pour les propager. » La question de la cotisation fut soulevée, mais non résolue. Quelque temps après, le Conseil général décidait qu'un diplôme d'adhésion serait remis à toute société qui se joindrait à l'Association ; la société devait payer un droit d'entrée de 5 shillings1 et le Conseil général laissait à la libéralité des sociétés de décider dans quelles proportions elles pourraient nous aider. 5 10 15 20 25 30 L'argent donné par les sociétés était un don de ||11| leur part pour défrayer le Conseil général des frais de délégation au Congrès de Genève. Le Comité des cordonniers donna 5 livres à cet effet. Afin de régulariser cette situation, le Conseil général proposa une cotisation uni forme pour chaque membre. 35 Le Congrès de Genève décida que la cotisation annuelle serait fixée à 30 cen times. Après le Congrès, les délégations envoyées par le Conseil près des sociétés an glaises rencontrèrent un obstacle insurmontable dans le prix élevé de cette cotisa tion. 40 Dans cette situation, le Conseil décida, dans sa séance du 9 octobre, d'abaisser à 1 Un shilling vaut fr. 1,25 ; la livre sterling vaut fr. 25 ; le sou anglais vaut 10 c. 777 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) 5 centimes la cotisation annuelle. La Société des cordonniers (Amalgamated Cord- wainers' Association) nous annonça que la résolution qui avait été prise dans la Conférence de 1865 avait été retirée par la Conférence de 1867 ; cette résolution était de souscrire pour une somme annuelle de 5 livres. Le Comité exécutif des maçons nous donna 1 livre pour l'année 1867, comme il l'avait fait déjà pour l'année 1866 ; mais il ne nous a pas encore annoncé si toute la Société était adhérente ou non. 5 La Société des cordonniers comptait l'année dernière 5000 membres, celle des maçons de 3000 à 4000. Deux appels ont été faits par le Conseil, pour le paiement des cotisations pen- dant l'année 1867, à toutes les sociétés adhérentes. Quelques-unes ont payé, d'autres ne l'ont pas encore fait ; mais aucune, excepté celle des cordonniers, n'a décliné ses obligations. La Société des charpentiers et menuisiers réunis a, tout récemment, pris la réso lution de contribuer pour 2 livres par an aux fonds du Conseil général. La question se discute en ce moment dans les branches pour savoir si toute la Société fera par tie de l'Association internationale. Cette Société, qui compte plus de 9000 membres, a des branches dans toute l'Angleterre, le pays de Galles, l'Ecosse et l'Irlande. ||12| 10 15 Voici la liste des Sociétés adhérentes anglaises et les sommes versées par elles 20 dans le courant de l'année écoulée depuis le dernier Congrès. Fonds versés par la Section britannique. 1866. . s g n i l l i h S . s u o S 3 4 8 8 5 5 5 5 5 5 . s e r v i L 2 10 5 6 5 5 1 6 3 . s e r v i L 1 1 1 1 1 1867. . s g n i l l i h S . s u o S 4 4 9 10 13 7 17 5 2 9 9 1 10 1 4 6 1 8 8 25 30 35 40 Arbeiter Bildungs Verein. Branche française de Londres. Section centrale des exilés polonais. Executive des ouvriers maçons. Première Loge des ouvriers maçons. Les ébénistes (Alliance). Les ébénistes (West-End). Les relieurs. Les tonneliers. Comité exécutif des cordonniers. Section des cordonniers (Darlington). Section des cordonniers (Nottingham). Les cigariers. Les rubaniers de Coventry. Les coffretiers. Les cordonniers de Kendal. Les cordonniers pour dames (West-End). Les ouvriers tailleurs de Londres. Les tailleurs de Darlington. 778 Rapport du Conseil Général de ΓΑ.Ι.Τ. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Sociétés affiliées depuis le Congrès. Entrées. . s u o S . s e r v i L . s g n i l l i h S 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 10 15 Les vanniers de Londres. Les imprimeurs sur étoffes du Lancashire. Les carrossiers de Londres. Les tapissiers pour carrosserie (Globe). Id. (Crown). id. Les tisserands (tissus élastiques). Les terrassiers unis. Les vernisseurs pour ameublement. Facteurs d'orgues. Dessinateurs et graveurs sur bois. Comité exécutif des charpentiers. Corroyeurs Unis. Ferblantiers. 1 Cotisations. . s g n i l l i h S 1 1 5 5 2 . s u o S g 10½ 10½ 1 . s e r v i L 2 2 20 25 30 1131 Fonds votés pour la délégation. Livres. Shillings. Sous. Cordonniers pour dames (West-End). Cigariers de Londres. Les tisserands (tissus élastiques). 4 1 1 10 1 La différence qui existe entre les deux années pour les fonds peut s'expliquer par cette raison: en 1866, les sommes furent votées pour envoyer des délégués à Ge nève, tandis que cette année les fonds ne sont affectés qu'aux frais d'administra tion. L'année dernière, comme nous l'avons déjà dit, nous avait créé des dettes; ces dettes, le Conseil général les a amorties le plus qu'il lui a été possible. La raison pour laquelle les sociétés adhérentes n'ont pas encore payé leurs cotisa tions et pourquoi d'autres n'ont pas encore voté des fonds pour le Congrès s'expli que par la stagnation du travail, les nombreuses grèves, les lock-out et surtout par le mouvement électoral, puis en dernier lieu par la grève des tailleurs de Londres, la quelle absorbe en ce moment les ressources des Trade's Unions. Le Conseil général a reçu de nombreuses lettres de sociétés qui constatent cet état de choses et regrettent de ne pouvoir nous aider pécuniairement. 35 W. - Sections continentales et américaines. F r a n c e. La mission du Conseil général est de correspondre avec les branches individuelles dans les pays où des lois restrictives empêchent de former un centre d'action avec sécurité : telle est, par exemple, la situation de la France. 779 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I. T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) On a déjà vu plus haut que toutes les tentatives ||14| faites par le Conseil général, pour faire entrer en France les carnets contenant les Statuts et Règlements de l'As sociation internationale, avaient échoué par le fait de l'autorité française qui s'est emparée de notre propriété quand aucun motif ne justifie cette violation du droit. Mais les entraves apportées par l'administration française ne s'arrêtèrent pas là. Ce fut en vain que nos correspondants demandèrent l'autorisation de faire imprimer nos Statuts et Règlements: le refus le plus obstiné fut toujours la seule réponse qu'ils obtinrent. 5 Le Comité lyonnais, qui, en 1866, avait pu avoir des réunions de plus de 500 membres, ne put, après le Congrès de Genève, obtenir de réunion générale. 10 La courageuse persévérance des membres lyonnais auprès des agents administra tifs a eu pour résultat de démontrer aux plus aveugles jusqu'à quel point le gouver nement français voulait l'affranchissement du travailleur. Chose remarquable à constater, ces entraves, ces tracasseries mesquines, n'ont pas arrêté un instant le progrès de notre association. 15 Vienne (Isère), qui atteignait à peine le chiffre de 80 membres, en compte aujourd'hui plus de 500. A Neuville-sur-Saône, une de nos branches a fondé une Société coopérative de consommation et a, par ce fait, appelé les ouvriers des campagnes à la pratique de la vie sociale, chose à laquelle on les considérait jusqu'alors comme antipathiques. 20 Notre correspondant de Caen nous annonce que dans cette ville l'union des tra vailleurs s'affirme chaque jour davantage. Grâce à cette entente, les Bourreliers, les Mécaniciens, les Tanneurs, les Selliers et les Forgerons, etc., ont pu obtenir la diminu tion d'une heure de travail par jour, sans réduction de salaire. A Fuveau (Bouches-du-Rhône), l'Association internationale compte de nom- 25 breux adhérents parmi les mineurs, dont la récente grève a fait tant de bruit. A la date du 5 août dernier, le Conseil général re||15|cevait la nouvelle de la for mation d'un Comité à Fuveau même. Ce résultat est dû à la courageuse propagande du citoyen Vasseur, membre du Comité de Marseille, qui nous écrivait le 21 juillet dernier: «Une lutte est engagée entre le capital et le travail, lutte à la fois triste et 30 comique : d'un côté une bande d'administrateurs et d'employés faisant la propa gande en voiture pour détourner les ouvriers de l'Association internationale, et de l'autre une poignée d'hommes énergiques et de dévouement, luttant sans cesse contre les attaques de nos adversaires et faisant circuler des idées d'indépendance et de justice dans les rangs des travailleurs. » Puis il ajoute en terminant : «Nul pou- 35 voir humain ne pourrait arracher les idées d'émancipation que nous avons jetées dans le pays, car nos adversaires ont à combattre deux choses bien difficiles à vain cre : le droit et la volonté. » En résumé, le travailleur comprend que vouloir c'est pouvoir, et qu'il ne doit compter que sur lui-même pour son complet affranchissement politique et social. 40 Voici la liste des branches existantes au dernier Congrès et le montant des sommes versées par elles en 1866 et 1867. 780 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A.I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Sommes versées. Livres. Shillings. Sous. 4 1 11 3 5 1 12 9 4 7 5 5 6 3 Paris Caen Lyon Bordeaux Rouen La Guadeloupe Vienne Neuville-sur-Saône Pantin Saint-Denis | |16| Puteaux Neufchâteau Lisieux Condé-sur-Noireau Harcourt-Thierry Granville Argentan Nouvelles branches formées depuis le Congrès. Sommes versées. Livres. Shillings. 14 Sous. 4 Les relieurs de Paris Castelnaudary Auch Orléans Nantes Villefranche Marseille Fuveau Le Havre Alger 5 10 15 20 25 30 Suisse. 35 40 En Suisse, nous avons reçu seulement les correspondances du Comité central. Là, comme en Angleterre, le travail de l'Association internationale est de faire adhérer les sociétés ouvrières et d'obtenir le plus possible d'adhésions particulières ; seule ment nous ferons remarquer qu'en Suisse les sociétés ouvrières comprennent moins de membres dans chacune d'elles qu'en Angleterre. Voici le nom des villes où des branches ont été formées: Genève, Carouge, Lausanne, Vevey, Montreux, Neuchâtel, la Chaux-de-Fonds, le Locle, Sainte-Croix, Saint-||17|Imier, Sonvillier, Bienne, Moutier, Boncourt, Zu rich, Wetzikon, Bâle, Berne, Tramelan, les Breuleux et les Bois. 781 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Argent reçu de ces branches en 1866 et 1867. Genève (Section romande) Genève (» Chaux-de-Fonds Locle allemande) Livres. 4 1 2 Sommes versées. Shillings. Sous. 7 4 17 9 10 Belgique. Rapport du Secrétaire correspondant pour la Belgique au Conseil général de l'Association internationale des Travailleurs. 5 10 Citoyens, Ma correspondance avec la Belgique date de la grève des vanniers. J'écrivis à ce su jet une lettre au citoyen Vandenhouten, qui a paru huit jours après dans la Tribune du Peuple; je lui donnais avis, au nom du Conseil général, du départ de Londres d'un agent des patrons vanniers pour embaucher des vanniers belges; je lui disais que la puissance de notre organisation devait déjouer les plans de cet agent et que la soli darité obligeait les ouvriers belges de refuser tout embauchage, afin d'assurer la vic toire à leurs frères anglais. 15 J'informai ensuite le citoyen Vandenhouten du rembarquement des quelques vanniers belges venus à Londres sur la foi de promesses faites, mais non tenues par 20 les patrons, et des sentiments fraternels des vanniers anglais ; je faisais ressortir dans cette lettre combien l'action du Conseil général avait contribué au triomphe des ouvriers sur les patrons. | |18| J'eus avec le citoyen Brismée une correspondance au sujet de l'impression du compte-rendu du Congrès de Genève. Cette correspondance ne put aboutir à rien, dans ce sens que, sur l'avis du Conseil général, je lui demandai un crédit qu'il ne pouvait faire. Ma dernière lettre à ce sujet resta sans réponse ; sans doute il en coû tait trop au citoyen Brismée, dont le dévouement est bien connu, d'être obligé de nous refuser formellement; c'est ainsi que j'interprète son silence. J'ai envoyé au citoyen Vandenhouten une lettre du Conseil général au sujet des cigariers belges, en le priant de donner à cette lettre toute la publicité possible ; je fis de même pour les résolutions du Conseil général au sujet de la visite du czar à Paris. J'ai informé le bureau de Bruxelles de la décision du Conseil général au sujet de la grève des tailleurs de Londres, recommandant aux tailleurs belges de ne point venir à Londres pour travailler dans les ateliers en grève, et à tous les ouvriers belges de faire acte de solidarité en aidant matériellement les tailleurs de Londres. J'ai envoyé à Liège au citoyen Dewitte, faubourg Saint-Gilles, n° 6, et à Bruxelles au citoyen Vandenhouten la circulaire du Conseil général au sujet du Congrès de Lausanne, avec prière de lui donner la plus grande attention et la plus grande publi cité. 25 30 35 40 782 Rapport du Conseil Général de ΙΆ.Ι.Τ. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Enfin j ' ai fait tout ce que le Conseil m'a dit de faire et j'ose dire que je n'ai ja mais reçu aucun reproche de la Belgique. Je joins à ce bref rapport les quelques let tres que j ' ai reçues. Quant aux frais de correspondance, j ' ai cru que je pouvais par faitement faire ce petit sacrifice pour l'Association. 5 Salut et fraternité ! Besson. \ |19| A l l e m a g ne et Italie. L'Allemagne est encore dans un état anormal, peu favorable au développement de notre Association. Cependant le citoyen J.-Ph. Becker, président de la Section alíe lo mande à Genève, a réussi à y fonder plusieurs branches, sur lesquelles nous n'avons quant à présent aucun détail particulier. En Italie, des sociétés ouvrières sont régulièrement constituées à Naples, Milan et Gênes ; nous sommes en correspondance avec elles, mais aucune cotisation ne nous est encore parvenue. 15 20 A m é r i q u e. En Amérique, deux nouvelles branches ont adhéré à l'Association internationale ; nous sommes en correspondance avec le Labour National Union's Committee (So ciété nationale du travail), ainsi qu'avec le président de VInternational Ironmoulders' Union (Union internationale des fondeurs en fer). Rapport annuel du Secrétaire pour l'Amérique, attaché au Conseil général de l'Association internationale des travailleurs. (Septembre 1866 au 27 août 1867.) Le premier événement qui appartient à mon ressort après mon entrée dans la posi tion de secrétaire pour l'Amérique, a été l'arrivée, en Angleterre, du numéro pour le 25 mois de septembre 1866 du Ironmoulder's International Journal (journal international des mouleurs en fer), publié à Philadelphie par W.-H. Sylvis, en même temps prési dent de Γ Union internationale des mouleurs en fer. Ce numéro contenait un rapport étendu du premier ||20| Congrès national des travailleurs des Etats-Unis, qui venait d'être tenu à Baltimore dans le courant du 30 mois précédent. Un résumé des procès-verbaux de ce Congrès et les résolutions prises ont été reproduits dans le Commonwealth (République) de Londres, dans le cours d'octobre 1866. Il ressortait de là que le Congrès de Baltimore avait appris la réunion prochaine d'un Congrès analogue des travailleurs de l'ancien monde à Ge nève et qu'il avait voté à l'unanimité que la Commission executive de Γ Union natio- naie des travailleurs, organisée par le dit Congrès, était autorisée à envoyer un délé gué au Congrès européen des travailleurs pour 1867, c'est-à-dire à Lausanne. 35 Par le même journal, j'appris que le secrétaire pour l'étranger de Γ Union nationale des travailleurs était un citoyen nommé William Gibson, dont l'adresse aurait été 783 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I. T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) New-Haven, dans le Connecticut. Ce n'est que depuis le commencement d'août de cette année que j'ai découvert que l'on s'était trompé sur l'adresse du citoyen Gib son, laquelle est Norwich (Connecticut) et non pas New-Haven. Cette erreur de la part des compilateurs du rapport du Congrès a été presque fatale aux opérations de mon département. Au reste, je n'essayai pas à l'instant d'entrer en correspondance avec le secrétaire Gibson, parce que je pensais que le début de cette correspondance devait être l'en voi du compte-rendu officiel des transactions du Congrès de Genève. Les causes du retard de la publication de ce rapport ont été déjà racontées dans le compte-rendu général du Conseil général. Vers décembre 1866, le citoyen Orsini s'approcha du Conseil général et nous communiqua les noms de cinq socialistes européens demeurant à New-York, avec lesquels il nous pria d'ouvrir une correspondance. Il nous pria encore de leur en voyer des pleins pouvoirs pour agir dans l'intérêt de l'Association dans les Etats- Unis. Cinq lettres, accompagnées de pleins pouvoirs dans le sens indiqué, ont été expé diées aux cinq citoyens ||21| nommés par Orsini, mais ni moi ni le Conseil général nous n'avons jamais reçu de réponse à aucune de ces lettres. Ainsi, ma première ouverture échoua. Orsini, du reste, a fait savoir au Conseil général que l'on commençait à prendre beaucoup d'intérêt à notre Association à New-York et que Wendell Phillips, le grand orateur abolitioniste du Massachusetts, avait fait l'offre de donner des conférences au profit de la caisse de notre Associa tion, dès que l'on lui eut montré que les objets et les chefs de l'Association étaient dignes de ce dévoûment. 5 10 15 20 Orsini ajouta que James Stephens, le démocrate et patriote d'Irlande, s'était fait 25 inscrire à New-York au nombre des membres de notre Association. En mars 1867, le compte-rendu des transactions du Congrès de Genève, en an glais, commença de paraître dans l'International Courier, de Londres. Dès que quatre numéros de cette série eurent paru, c'est-à-dire en avril, j'expédiai ces quatre nu méros de l'International Courier à quatre personnes, savoir : une série au secrétaire Gibson, à son adresse supposée ; une autre série à W.-H. Sylvis ; une troisième au rédacteur de la Voice, journal quotidien publié à Boston (Massachusetts) et dévoué aux intérêts des ouvriers, et une quatrième au rédacteur du Workingman's Advocate, de Chicago (Illinois), l'organe principal des ouvriers des Etats occidentaux de l'Union américaine. J'ai accompagné les journaux expédiés au secrétaire Gibson d'une lettre qui exprimait la haute importance attachée par le Conseil général à une intimité de rapports et à une fréquence de communications entre lui et la Commis sion executive de l'Union nationale des travailleurs. 30 35 Cette lettre est restée sans réponse et je n'ai reçu nul accusé de la réception des journaux. L'explication très simple de cet insuccès est que la lettre et les journaux avaient été adressés à New-Haven au lieu de Norwich. 40 L'expédition de ces documents n'a produit qu'un ||22| seul bon résultat. Le ré dacteur de l'International Courier, à Londres, a commencé vers le mois de mai de re cevoir des exemplaires du Workingman's Advocate, de Chicago, et un échange des deux journaux a eu lieu. A partir de cette époque, le rédacteur de l'International 45 784 Rapport du Conseil Général de ΙΆ.Ι.Τ. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Courier, Joseph Collet, a donné à ses lecteurs toutes les semaines des extraits des co lonnes du Workingman's Advocate, de Chicago. La publication du compte-rendu des transactions du Congrès de Genève a été terminée le 1er mai; j'expédiai la suite de ce compte-rendu aux quatre adresses sus- 5 mentionnées. Des extraits de ce compte-rendu ont été reproduits dans le Workingman's Advo cate, de Chicago. Je n'ai aucun moyen de savoir si l'un ou l'autre des deux autres journaux en ont inséré des extraits ou ont fait des observations à son égard. 10 Pendant le cours du printemps, le Conseil général, sur la demande du bureau de correspondance de Lyon, s'est occupé de la question de l'émigration aux Etats-Unis d'un grand nombre des tisseurs en soie de cette ville. Le bureau de Lyon nous avait appris que beaucoup de tisseurs en soie, mécontents de leur sort chez eux, avaient envie d'émigrer aux Etats-Unis pour y implanter leur industrie. Seulement, ils dési raient savoir si quelques capitalistes américains voudraient avancer les frais de 15 voyage et de premier établissement. Sur ces entrefaites, le Conseil général m'a chargé d'écrire à ce sujet à plusieurs journaux d'Amérique et à plusieurs hommes d'Etat. J'obéis à ces ordres ; les lettres furent portées en Amérique par un Polonais, nommé Koszek, qui partait pour New-York. Point de réponse encore une fois! Je n'ai jamais reçu de nouvelles de Koszek depuis son départ. 20 En juin, j'ai été chargé par le Conseil général d'écrire à W.-H. Sylvis pour deman der de l'aide pour les tailleurs de Londres qui s'étaient mis en grève. J'ai écrit le 11 juin. Je saisis cette occasion pour exprimer à Sylvis mon chagrin de ce que je n'avais pas reçu un ||23| mot de réponse du secrétaire Gibson. Je le priai de me don ner le nom et l'adresse d'un autre membre du Comité de l'Union nationale des tra- 25 vailleurs. Sa réponse, datée du 25 juin, me fit part des raisons pour lesquelles les métiers en fer américains n'étaient pas en état de secourir les tailleurs grévistes de Londres. Il me communiqua également le nom et l'adresse de William-J. Jessup, de New- York, un zélé promoteur de Y Union nationale des travailleurs. 30 35 Dès que j'eus communiqué cette lettre au Conseil général, le Conseil me chargea d'écrire sans retard à William Jessup pour lui apprendre la date du Congrès de Lau sanne et pour lui dire le plaisir que le Conseil général éprouverait de voir à Lau sanne un délégué américain. En conséquence, j'écrivis le 19 juillet. Dans ma lettre je racontai les circonstances ayant trait à mes efforts impuissants à propos du secré- taire Gibson et en même temps j'expédiai à Jessup le compte-rendu officiel du Congrès de Genève. A cette lettre j'ai reçu une réponse datée du 9 août. Cette réponse constate la sa tisfaction que Jessup a ressentie du projet de communiquer avec les travailleurs du continent et de la Grande-Bretagne. Il regrette les délais qui ont eu lieu en consé- quence de la méprise, quant à l'adresse du secrétaire Gibson. Il regrette aussi que la date de la réunion du Congrès de Chicago (le 19 août) soit si rapprochée de celle du Congrès de Lausanne, qu'il sera trop tard pour qu'il soit possible d'envoyer un délé gué en Europe. Toutefois, j ' ai lu récemment un article du Workingman's Advocate de Chicago qui déclare que la question d'envoyer un délégué à Lausanne sera une des premières qui fixeront l'attention du Congrès de Chicago. 40 45 785 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) Il me promet de communiquer ma lettre du 19 juillet au Congrès de Chicago, «à cause de son importance» et d'expédier au Conseil général les journaux qui con tiendront le meilleur compte-rendu des procès-verbaux du Congrès de Chicago. Il dit qu'il veut continuer sa correspondance avec le Conseil général, quand | |24| même il ne serait pas réélu au poste de vice-président de Y Union nationale, parce qu'il est encore secrétaire pour la correspondance de Y Union des travailleurs de New-York. Il accueille ma proposition d'échanger avec lui les journaux qui sont les organes des classes ouvrières. Tel est un abrégé imparfait de sa lettre intéressante et chaleureuse. 5 Au commencement de ce mois, le citoyen Marx m'a remis une lettre de F.-A. Sorge, qui annonçait la formation d'une branche de notre association à Hoboken, New-Jersey. 10 Vers le même temps, le rédacteur de Y International Courier de Londres m'a mon tré l'adresse (en brochure) de la Commission executive de Γ Union nationale des tra­ vailleurs aux ouvriers des Etats-Unis, à l'effet d'en convoquer les représentants au Congrès de Chicago. Sur la couverture de cette brochure je trouvai le nom et l'adresse en manuscrit du secrétaire William Gibson, et alors seulement je compris que j'avais été induit en erreur à l'endroit de son adresse. Je déplore la perte de temps précieux produite par cette erreur. Pour me consoler, je répète le proverbe : «Mieux vaut tard que jamais!» 15 20 Voilà le récit de mes tentatives, qui n'ont guère, jusqu'à présent, été couronnées de succès. Toutefois, je laisse les choses dans une position pleine de promesses pour l'avenir. Je dois toucher maintenant à deux autres sujets. Les efforts des ouvriers américains pour se conquérir plus de temps libre, efforts qui sont connus sous le nom du «mouvement de huit heures» fixèrent l'attention du Congrès de Genève. Ainsi je ne crois pas déplacé de récapituler très-succincte ment ce que je sais sur le progrès qu'on a fait à cet égard pendant les derniers douze mois. L'agitation a mûri avec une grande vitesse et a trouvé un écho immédiat dans le Corps Législatif à Washington et dans les assemblées législatives des états parti- 30 culiers. Dans la Chambre des députés fédérale, un projet de loi pour les huit heu res ||25| concernant les travaux entrepris par le gouvernement fédéral, n'a été ajourné que par égalité de voix. 25 Plusieurs des législatures d'Etats ont statué que, en l'absence d'un contrat spé cial, le jour de travail ne consiste qu'en huit heures. Dans l'Etat de New-York, cette loi a été votée, mais les ouvriers de New-York n'ont pas encore osé demander qu'elle soit exécutée. Les ouvriers de cet Etat se sont tout récemment réunis dans un congrès spécial, à l'effet de délibérer sur la conduite qu'ils doivent tenir dans ces circonstances. Enfin on a résolu qu'une demande universelle et simultanée pour l'exécution de la loi sera faite le premier novembre prochain, sans réduction de sa- laire si possible, mais en acceptant une réduction s'il est nécessaire. La majorité des délégués, à en juger par les discussions, manifestent leur assentiment à une réduc tion de salaire. 35 40 Dans l'Etat de Californie, on n'a pas encore voté une loi pour les huit heures. Né anmoins, pendant les 19 mois qui ont précédé juillet dernier, le système des huit 45 786 Rapport du Conseil Général de l'A. I.T. au Congrès de Lausanne (1867) heures y a prévalu en effet. Les derniers renseignements de cet Etat disent que les patrons se sont mis en grève contre le nouvel ordre de choses, et qu'une grande ces sation de travail a été la conséquence de ces tentatives réactionnaires. Je suis bien aise d'annoncer au Conseil qu'à partir du 1er janvier prochain, l'af- franchissement d'une lettre ordinaire sera réduit de la moitié, c'est-à-dire de un shilling à six pence. Je parle exclusivement des lettres échangées entre le Royaume- Uni et les Etats-Unis. Un traité à cet effet vient d'être conclu entre les deux gouver nements. Peter Fox, Secrétaire pour l'Amérique, auprès du Conseil général de l'Association internationale des travailleurs. | |26| V. - Remarques générales. 5 10 L'année écoulée depuis le dernier Congrès a été signalée par un incessant combat entre le capital et le travail : en Amérique, en Angleterre, en France, en Belgique, les grèves, les lock-out et la persécution contre les travailleurs ont été à l'ordre du jour. 15 Le capital persécute le travailleur avec ténacité et violence, car il sent instinctive ment que le jour est proche où le travail prendra la place qui lui est légitimement due. 20 Une Société, dans les Etats-Unis, a dépensé 70 000 dollars pour défendre le droit à la vie contre les envahissements du capital. En Angleterre, il a été décidé dans les Courts of Law (cours de justice), que le vol des fonds des Trade's Unions (unions ouvrières) n'était pas punissable. Une commis sion d'enquête officielle sur les Trade's Unions a été instituée en vue de les détruire ou tout au moins de les entraver. Le dernier procès fait par les patrons tailleurs de Londres aux ouvriers, la con damnation des ouvriers tailleurs de Paris, le massacre des ouvriers mineurs à Mar- chiennes (Belgique), sont des faits qui démontrent clairement que la société n'est composée que de deux classes hostiles l'une à l'autre, les oppresseurs et les opprimés, et que la solidarité entre tous les travailleurs du monde peut seule nous donner l'af franchissement intégral, qui est le but que poursuit l'Association internationale des travailleurs. 25 30 Nous terminons par ces mots: «Travailleurs de tous les pays, unissons-nous!» 35 Au nom du Conseil général : Odger, président. Eccarius, secrétaire général. SECRÉTAIRES CORRESPONDANTS : W. Dell, trésorier. | |27| Shaw, secrétaire trésorier. 40 E. Dupont pour la France. » K. Marx » Zabicki » A. Jung » P. Fox l'Allemagne. la Pologne. la Suisse. l'Amérique. pour la Belgique. Besson l'Italie. Carter »> l'Espagne. P. Lafargue » le Danemark. | » Hansen 787 D i s c o u rs p r o n o n cé au C o n g r ès de la P a ix à G e n è ve ( 1 8 6 7) E u g è ne D u p o nt Bulletin du Congrès de la Paix à Genève. Nr. 4, 10. September 1867. Citoyens, Le plus chaud partisan de la paix perpétuelle, c'est incontestablement le travail leur ; car c'est lui que le canon broie sur le champ de bataille, c'est encore lui dont le travail et les veilles alimentent le budget de la guerre. Donc, à ce point de vue, il veut la paix, mais la paix n'est pas un principe, elle ne peut être qu'un résultat. 5 Croyez-vous, citoyens, que vous pourrez l'atteindre par le moyen qui vous a été proposé hier en créant une religion nouvelle. Non, n'est-ce pas ? Loin d'en créer une nouvelle la raison doit détruire celles qui existent. Toute re ligion est un despotisme qui a aussi ses armées permanentes: les prêtres. Est-ce que ces armées-là n'ont pas fait au peuple des blessures plus profondes que celles qu'il reçoit sur le champ de bataille? Si! Ces armées-là ont faussé le droit, atrophié la raison. 10 Ne débarrassez pas les casernes pour en faire des églises. Faites table rase des deux. Maintenant, abordons un autre sujet: la suppression des armées permanentes. Croyez-vous, citoyens, que lorsque ces armées seront dissoutes et transformées en milice nationale, nous aurons la paix perpétuelle ? Non, citoyens, la révolution de juin 1848 est là pour répondre. Le lendemain du combat, les gardes nationales fu sillaient les ouvriers par milliers. 15 Nous le reconnaissons avec vous, l'abolition des armées permanentes est un 20 acheminement vers ce but, mais il est de notre devoir de vous dire que ce n'est pas assez. Les Etats-Unis, qu'un grand nombre de démocrates nous représentent comme l'Eldorado du travail et de la liberté, ne peuvent établir la paix perpétuelle. Les der niers événements de Chicago le démontrent clairement, pour faire exécuter la loi 25 de huit heures de travail votée par cet Etat, les ouvriers ont été obligés d'en venir aussi aux mains avec la classe bourgeoise. Pour établir la paix perpétuelle, il faut anéantir les lois qui oppriment le travail, tous les privilèges, et faire de tous les citoyens une seule classe de travailleurs. En un mot, accepter la révolution sociale avec toutes ses conséquences. 30 788 V on M a rx o d er E n g e ls m i t u n t e r z e i c h n e te D o k u m e n te Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1865 M e m b e r 's A n n u al S u b s c r i p t i on C a rd of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on f or 1 8 65 I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i o n. A s s o c i a z i o ne I n t e r n a z i o n a le d ' O p e r a i. A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es O u v r i e r s. I n t e r n a t i o n a le A r b e i t er A s s o c i a t i o n. 5 M e m b e r 's A n n u al S u b s c r i p t i on C a r d. a Member on the s d of 186 and paid his annual Subscription £ was admitted Geo Odger G. W. Wheeler Le Lubez Karl Marx G. P. Fontana Emile Holtorp Hn Jung W. Cremer 10 15 Na President of Central Council. Hon. Treasurer. Corresponding Secretary for France, do. do. do. do. Hon. General Secretary. do. do. do. do. Germany, Italy, Poland, Switzerland. 793 A d d r e ss of t he C e n t r al C o u n c il to w o r k i ng m e n 's s o c i e t i es w i th a F o rm of A p p l i c a t i on I International Working Men's Association. Central Council, 18 Greek Street, London, W. Trade, Friendly, or any Working Men's Societies are invited to join in their corpo rate capacity, the only conditions being that the Members subscribe to the princi- pies of the Association, and pay for the declaration of their enrolment (which is var nished and mounted on canvas and roller), the sum of 5s. No contributions are demanded from Societies joining, it being left to their means and discretion to con tribute or not, or as they may from time to time deem the efforts of the Association worthy support. of The Central Council will be pleased to send the Address and Rules, which fully explain the principles and aims of the Association, to any Society applying for them; and, if within the London district, deputations will gladly attend to afford any further information that may be required. Societies joining are entitled to send a representative to the Central Council. The amount of contribution for individual members is Is. per annum, with Id. for Card of Membership; which may be ob tained, with every information concerning the Association, by applying to the Hon orary Secretary, or at the Central Council's Meetings, which are held every Tuesday Evening, at 18 Greek Street, from Eight to Ten o'clock. E. DUPONT, Corresponding Secretary for France. K. MARX, » E. HOLTORP, » » H.JUNG, " L. LEWIS, Germany. Poland. Switzerland. America. » » » » G. ODGER, President of Central Council. G. W. WHEELER, Hon. Treasurer. W. R. CREMER, Hon. Gen. Sec. | 794 5 10 15 20 25 Address of the Central Council to working men's societies with a Form of Application Address of the Central Council to working men's societies I Form of Application for Societies wishing to join the International Working Men's Association. We, the Members of the at the declare our entire concurrence with the principles and aims of the International Working Men's Association, and pledge ourselves to disseminate and reduce them to practice; and as an earnest of our sincerity we hereby apply to the Central Coun cil to be admitted into the fraternal bond as an affiliated Branch of the Association. assembled Signed on behalf of the Members, in number. Secretary. President. 186 I 797 D e c l a r a t i on of e n r o l m e nt f or s o c i e t i es j o i n i ng t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on International Working Men's Association. Central Council, 18 Greek Street, London, W. F o u n d ed on 28th September, 1864, at a public m e e t i ng held at St. M a r t i n 's Hall, L o n d o n. The Address and Statutes issued by the Provisional Central Council fully explain the Association's objects and aspirations, which, however, may be summed up in a few words. It aims at the protection, advancement, and complete emancipation, economical and political, of the Working Classes. As a means to this great end it will promote the establishment of solidarity between the manifold divisions of la­ bour in each country, and the co-operation of the Working Classes of different coun- tries. Its Organization, with a Central Medium at London, and numerous affiliated Branches in Europe and America, will assist in uniting the Working Classes of all Countries in a perpetual bond of fraternal co-operation. Annual Congresses of Del­ egates, elected by the affiliated Working Men themselves, will create for the Work- ing Classes a public and powerful European representation. 5 10 15 The assembled at the having subscribed to the principles, and applied to enter the fraternal bond, are hereby admitted as an affiliated Branch of the Association. 20 Dated the 186 G. ODGER, President of Council. G. W. WHEELER, Honorary Treasurer. E. DUPONT, Κ. MARX, E. HOLTORP, H. JUNG, L. LEWIS, Corresponding Sec. for France, do. do. do. do. Germany, Poland. Switzerland, America. 25 W. R. CREMER, Honorary General Secretary. 30 798 T he I n d u s t r i al N e w s p a p er C o m p a ny ( L i m i t e d ). P r o s p e c t us w i th a F o rm of A p p l i c a t i on f or S h a r es The Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Capital £1,000, in Shares of £1 each. Deposit, 2s. 6d. per Share. The Workman's Advocate. Nr. 132, 16. September 1865 5 10 15 20 Board of Directors. Mr. G. Odger, Chairman Mr. Nieass W. R. Cremer R. Applegarth Coulson H. Turff Eccarius W. Stainsby Worley Facey Jung Christmas Dr. Marx Mr. Weston Le Lubez Kaub Morgan Lessner Treasurer—Mr. E. Coulson. Secretary—Mr. Edwin Shelley Mañtz. Prospectus. The object of the promoters of the above Company is to supply a great want of the age—to establish a Newspaper devoted to the interests of the Working Classes, and to secure for them a truthful exponent of their wrongs, and a faithful champion of their rights. To further this object, the Board of Directors are happy to state that they have succeeded in purchasing the "Miner" Newspaper, which is now incorporated with the "Workman's Advocate," and they have also made arrangements with some of the most advanced writers to contribute to its columns. The well-known character of the men connected with its management renders it 25 needless to indulge in professions. Suffice it to say, that it will be Democratic in Politics—and ever prepared to maintain principle against expediency. To those who have been accustomed to view the efforts of the poor as a series of vain straggles of Labour against Capital, it may be observed that those efforts have 799 The Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Prospectus failed, not from a want of justice in the objects to be attained, but from the want of a legitimate organ to influence public opinion. If an Oxford Professor or an enlight ened writer have occasionally come forward to champion the creed of the down trodden millions, his voice has been but the echo of human agony, heard amidst the clamour of contending interests, and silenced by the diatribes of newspaper hirelings. To say the Newspaper Press represents public opinion, is to administer in sult to intelligent men. It is the property of speculators, political leaders, large con tractors, and railway directors. Can we expect truth through the channels of false hood—light from the regions of darkness, or fairness from those whose business it is to calumniate, pervert, and deceive? Certainly not. Hence the necessity for an or- 10 gan that shall be beyond the taint of corruption, invulnerable against attacks, and inspired by men who feel it is their mission to teach the truths they have acquired by hard toil and bitter suffering. 5 The "Workman's Advocate" boldly takes its stand upon this necessity. Dignified and fearless, as becomes the champion of the masses, it requires the aid of no dis- 15 honest scribes or unprincipled adventurers. It will look to Labour and Labour's friends for its associates. The class that has produced an Elliott, Clare, and Burns— that has given a Defoe to fiction, a Stephenson to science, and a Shakespeare to lit erature, still claims within its ranks many a noble son who can wield the pen as well as the shuttle or the hammer. 20 An Industrial Newspaper Company is an application of the Co-operative princi ple—a sign of the times that the men of action are likewise men of thought, who will tell their own "unvarnished tale," in an organ of their own. On the great questions of the day the Workman's Advocate will pronounce a de cided opinion. With the view of promoting the complete political and social enfran- 25 chisement of the toiling millions, it will energetically support Manhood Suffrage, vote by ballot, representation based upon numbers, direct taxation, the nationalisa tion of the land, the development of co-operative self-employment to national di mensions, reduction of the number of the hours of labour, Saturday half holiday movements, political, international, and trade associations, everything that tends to advance the cause of human progress. 30 Originated by the representatives of Labour, to the sons of Labour must it chiefly look for encouragement and support; but as good men are to be found in every sta tion of life, it is believed that many ardent lovers of freedom who have means at their command, will derive a pleasure in co-operating with our efforts. Aid from 35 this source will be generous, and may be gracefully tendered, as it will be gratefully received. Firm in the faith of those political truths, for the utterance of which so many no ble martyrs have suffered, and conscious that the period has arrived when revolu tions must be effected by mental effort, and not by physical violence, the conduc- 40 tors of the Workman's Advocate will never descend to scurrility or vulgar abuse, but seek to prove the justice of its claims by the soundness of its arguments, and the charity of its spirit. Enrolling amongst its literary associates some of the brightest intellects of all countries, its articles upon Foreign Affairs will be the matured opinions of pro- 45 800 τ The Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Prospectus found thinkers; and from its close connections with the International Working Men's Association, which has correspondents in all parts of the world, this depart­ ment will be one of its most valuable features. Upon domestic topics the result of the week will be faithfully recorded in a well- 5 written Summary, and the various movements of political bodies will be chronicled and commented fairly on. On all questions affecting the rights of Labour the platform will be its own, and every working man will feel that at least the columns of one journal will be open to him and those who advocate his cause. To bring the proprietorship of the Workman's Advocate within the reach of the masses, the Shares are being issued at the sum of £1 each; and to make the mode of payment as easy as possible, the Directors have determined to accept deposits of 2s. 6d. per share. (By order of the Directors) E. S. Mantz, Secretary. 10 15 F o rm of A p p l i c a t i on for Shares. Please to allot me which I send struct the district collector to wait upon me weekly. Shares in the Industrial Newspaper Company, for Shares in the In< as my first deposit, authorising the Secretary to in- as my first deposit, 20 To Mr. E. S. Mantz, Secretary, Rose Cottage, 60, Downham Road, Kingsland. Name _ Address 801 M e m o r a n d um of t he I n d u s t r i al N e w s p a p er C o m p a ny ( L i m i t e d) I C o m p a ny Limited by Shares. M e m o r a n d um of A s s o c i a t i on of t he I n d u s t r i al N e w s p a p er C o m p a ny L i m i t e d. 1st. The Name of the Company is The Industrial Newspaper Company Limited. 2nd. The Registered Office of the Company will be situated in England. 3rd. The objects for which the Company is established are 5 Firstly — The carrying on of the Trade of Newspaper Printers and Publish ers Secondly — The Purchase of the Copyright, Running Advertisements, and Goodwill of The Miner and Workman's Advocate Newspaper, pub- 10 lished at Ne 7 Burleigh Street, Stand. 4th. The Liability of the Members is Limited. 5th. The Capital of the Company is One Thousand Pounds divided into One Thousand Shares of One Pound each. | I We, the several persons whose Names and Addresses are subscribed, are de- sirous of being formed into a Company, in pursuance of this Memorandum of Association, and we respectively agree to take the number of Shares in the Cap ital of the Company set opposite our respective names. 15 Names, Addresses, and Descriptions of Subscribers. No. of Shares taken by each Subscriber. 20 Friedrich Lessner, 4 Francis St., Tottenham Ct Road, Middlesex, Tailor William Randall Cremer, 31 Gt Titchfield St, Portman Square, Middlesex, Joiner Edwin Coulson, 25 Hatfield Street, Southwark in the County of Surrey, Bricklayer Robert Applegarth, Joiner, 11 Cleaver St, Kennington Cross, Surrey Two One Two Two 25 802 τ Memorandum of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) J. George Eccarius, 1 Portland Place, Westmoreland Road, Walworth, Surrey, Tailor William John Morgan, 27 Upper Ogle St, Foley St, Maryle- bone, Middlesex, shoemaker 5 Karl Marx, 1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, Middlesex, Dr. Phil. Hermann F. Jung, 4 Charles Street, Northampton Square, City of London, watchmaker Thos Grant Facey, 2 Carteret St, Westminster, Middlesex, Painter 10 William Stainsby, 13 Little Titchfield St, Marylebone, Middlesex, Tailor John Weston, 80 White Cross St, City of London, Handrail Manufacturer One Two Five four one Two one I 15 I Dated the 23rd day of September Witness to the above Signatures Edwin Shelley Mantz, Literary Writer, Rose Cottage, 60, Downham Road, Kings- land in the County of Middlesex (State on the back of this Memorandum of Association whether it is registered 20 with or without Articles of Association.) The Articles (if any) must be signed by the Subscribers to the Memorandum, and must be printed. The Memorandum and Articles must bear the same stamps respectively as if they were Deeds. | 803 A r t i c l es of t he I n d u s t r i al N e w s p a p er C o m p a ny ( L i m i t e d) |5| Limited C o m p a n y. Articles of Association of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). It is agreed as follows: Shares. 5 1.—The nominal capital of the Company shall be one thousand pounds, divided into one thousand shares of one pound each; a deposit of two shillings and six pence per share shall be paid by each shareholder on application, and two shillings and sixpence per share on the allotment of the share. 2.—If several persons are registered as joint holders of any share, any one of such persons may give effectual receipt for any dividend payable in respect of such share. 3.—Every member shall on payment of one shilling or such less sum as the Com pany in general meeting may prescribe, be entitled to a certifícate under the com mon seal of the Company, specifying the share or shares held by him, and the amount paid up thereon. 10 15 4.—If such certificate is worn out or lost, it may be renewed on payment of one shilling or such less sum as the Company in general meeting may prescribe. Calls on Shares. 5.—The Directors may from time to time make such calls upon the members in respect of all monies unpaid on their Shares as they think fit, provided that twenty- one days' notice at least is given of each call, and each member shall be liable to pay the amount of calls so made to the persons, and at the times and places ap pointed by the Directors. 6.—A call shall be deemed to have been made at the time when the resolution of the Directors authorising such call was passed. 20 25 804 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) 7.—If the call payable in respect of any share is not paid before or on the day ap pointed for the payment thereof, the holder for the time being of such shares shah be liable to pay interest for the same at the rate of five pounds ||6| per cent, per an num from the day appointed for the payment thereof to the time of the actual pay ment. 8.—No call shall be made offener than once in three months, or for a larger sum than five shillings per share. 9.—The Directors may, if they think fit, receive from any member willing to ad vance the same, all or any part of the monies due upon the shares held by him be yond the sums actually called for and upon the monies so paid in advance, the Company may pay interest at such rate as the members paying such sum in ad vance and the Directors may agree upon. Transfer of Shares. 10.—The instrument of Transfer of any share in the Company shall be executed both by the transferor and transferee, and the transferor shall be deemed to remain a holder of such shares until the name of the transferee is entered in the Register Book in respect thereof. 11. —Shares in the Company shall be transferred in the following form: — I, A.B., of in consideration of the sum of paid to me by C D ., of do hereby transfer to the said C D. the share (or shares) numbered standing in my name in the Books of the Industrial Newspaper Company, Limited, to hold unto the said C D ., his Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, subject to the several conditions on which I held the same at the time of the execution hereof; and I the said C D. do hereby agree to take the said share (or shares) subject to the same conditions. As witness our hands the day of 12.—The Company may decline to register any transfer of shares made by a member who is then indebted to them. 13.—The transfer books shall be closed during the fourteen days immediately preceding the ordinary general meeting in each year. Transmission of Shares. 14.—The executors or administrators of a deceased member shall be the only persons recognised by the Company as having any title to his share. 15.—Any person becoming entitled to a share in consequence of the death, bankruptcy, or insolvency of any member, or in consequence of the marriage of any female member, may be registered as a member upon such evidence being pro duced as may from time to time be required by the company. 16.—Any person who has become entitled to a share in consequence of the 805 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) death, bankruptcy, or insolvency of any member, or in consequence of the ma nage of any female member, may, instead of being registered himself, elect to have some other person to be named by him registered as a transferee of such share. 17.—The person so becoming entitled shall testify such election by executing to his nominee an instrument of transfer of such share. | |7| 18.—The instrument of transfer shall be presented to the Company accompa nied with such evidence as the Directors may require to prove the title of the trans feror, and thereupon the Company shall register the transferee as a member. Forfeiture of Shares. 19.—If any member fails to pay any call on the day appointed for payment thereof, the directors may, at any time thereafter, during such time as the call re mains unpaid, serve a notice on him requiring him to pay such call, together with interest, and any expenses that may have accrued by reason of such nonpayment. 20.—The notice shall name a further day on or before which such call and all in terest and expenses that may have accrued by reason of such nonpayment are to be paid. It shall also name the place where payment is to be made (the place so named being either the registered office of the Company or some other place at which the calls of the Company are usually made payable). The notice shall also state, that in the event of non-payment at or before the time, and at the place appointed, the shares in respect of which such call was made, will be liable to be forfeited. 21.—If the requisitions of any such notice as aforesaid are not complied with, any share in respect of which such notice has been given may at any time thereaf ter, before payment of all calls, interest, and expenses due in respect thereof has been made, be forfeited by a resolution of the Directors to that effect. 22.—Any share so forfeited shall be deemed to be the property of the Company, and may be disposed of in such manner as the Company in general meeting thinks fit. 23.—Any member whose shares have been forfeited, shall, notwithstanding be li able to pay to the Company all calls owing upon such shares at the time of forfei ture. 24.—A statutory declaration in writing, that the call in respect of a share was made, and notice thereof given, and that default in payment of the call was made, and that the forfeiture of that share was made by a resolution of the Directors to that effect, shall be sufficient evidence of the facts therein stated, as against all per sons entitled to such share, and such declaration, and the receipt of the Company for the price of such share, shall constitute a good title to such share, and a certifi cate of proprietorship shall be delivered to a purchaser, and thereupon he shall be deemed the holder of such share, discharged from all calls due prior to such pur chase, and he shall not be bound to see to the application of the purchase money, nor shall his title to such share be affected by any irregularity in the proceedings in reference to such sale. 806 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) Increase in Capital. 25.—The Directors may, with the sanction of a special resolution of the Com pany previously given in general meeting, increase its capital by the issue of New Shares, such aggregate increase to be of such amount, and to be divided into shares of such respective amounts as the Company in general meeting directs, or if no di rection is given, as the Directors think expedient. 26.—Subject to any direction to the contrary that may be given by the meeting that sanctions the increase of capital, all new shares shall be ||8| offered to the mem bers in proportion to the existing shares held by them, and such offer shall be made by notice specifying the number of shares to which the member is entitled, and lim iting a time within which the offer, if not accepted will be deemed to be declined; and after the expiration of such time, or on the receipt of an intimation from the member to whom such notice is given, that he declines to accept the shares offered, the Directors may dispose of the same in such manner as they think most beneficial to the Company. 27.—Any capital raised by the creation of new shares shall be considered as part of the original capital, and shall be subject to the same provisions with reference to the payment of calls and the forfeiture of shares, on nonpayment of calls or other wise, as if it had been part of the original capital. G e n e r al Meetings. 5 10 15 20 28.—The first general meeting shall be held at such time, not being more than twelve months after the registration, and at such place as the directors may deter mine. 25 29. —Subsequent general meetings shall be held at such time and place as may be prescribed by the Company in general meeting; and if no other time or place is prescribed, a general meeting shall be held on the first Monday in February in every year, at such place as may be determined by the Directors. 30.—The above-mentioned general meetings shall be called ordinary meetings, all other general meetings shall be called extraordinary. 30 31.—The Directors may, whenever they think fit, and they shall, upon a requisi tion made in writing by not less than one-fifth in number of the members of the Company, convene an extraordinary general meeting. 35 32.—Any requisition made by the members shall express the object of the meet ing proposed to be called, and shall be left at the registered office of the Company. 33.—Upon receipt of such requisition, the Directors shall forthwith proceed to convene an extraordinary general meeting. If they do not proceed to convene the same within twenty-one days from the date of the requisition, the requisitionists, or any other members, amounting to the required number, may themselves convene an extraordinary general meeting. 807 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) Proceedings at G e n e r al Meetings. 34.—Seven days' notice at the least, specifying the place, the day, and the hour of meeting, and in case of special business, the general nature of such business shall be given to the members. But the non-receipt of such notice by any membe-r shall not invalidate the proceedings at any general meeting. 5 35.—All business shall be deemed special that is transacted at an extraordinary meeting; and all that is transacted at an ordinary meeting, with the exception of sanctioning a dividend, and the consideration of the accounts, balance sheets, and the ordinary report of the directors. | |9| 36.—No business shall be transacted at any general meeting except the decla- ration of a dividend unless a quorum of members is present at the time when the meeting proceeds to business. 10 37.—The chairman (if any) of the Board of Directors shall preside as chairman at every general meeting of the Company, but, if not, the members present may choose some one of their number to be chairman. 15 38.—The chairman may, with the consent of the meeting, adjourn any meeting from time to time, and from place to place; but no business shall be transacted at any adjourned meeting, other than the business left unfinished at the meeting from which the adjournment took place. 39.—At any general meeting, unless a poll is demanded by at least five members, 20 a declaration by the chairman that a resolution has been carried, and an entry to that effect in the book of proceedings of the Company shall be sufficient evidence of the fact without proof of the number or of the proportion of the votes recorded in favor, or against such resolution. 40.—If a poll is demanded by five or more members, it shall be taken in such 25 manner as the chairman directs; and the result of such poll shall be deemed to be the resolution of the company in general meeting. In case of an equality of votes at any general meeting, the chairman shall be entitled to a second or casting vote. Votes of M e m b e r s. 41.—Every member shall be entitled to one vote and no more. 42.—If any member is a lunatic or idiot, he may vote by his committee, Curator 30 Bonis, or other legal curator. 43.— If one or more persons are jointly entitled to a share or shares, the member whose name stands first in the register of members as one of the holders of such share or shares, and no other, shall be entitled to vote in respect of the same. 35 44.—No member shall be entitled to vote at any general meeting unless all calls due from him have been paid; and no member shall be entitled to vote in respect of any share that he has acquired by transfer, at any meeting held after the expiration of three months from the registration of the Company, unless he has been possessed of the share in respect of which he claims to vote for at least three months previous 40 to the time of holding the meeting at which he proposes to vote. 808 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) 45.—Votes may be given either personally or by proxy. 46.—The instrument appointing a proxy shall be in writing, under the hand of the appointor, or if such appointor is a corporation, under their common seal; and it shall be attested by one or more witness or witnesses. No person shall be ap- pointed a proxy who is not a member of the Company. 47.—The instrument appointing a proxy shall be deposited at the registered of fice of the Company, not less than seventy-two hours before the time for holding the meeting at which the person named in such instrument propose to vote; but no instrument appointing a proxy shall be valid after the expiration of twelve months from the date of its execution. | |10|48.—Any instrument appointing a proxy shall be in the following form: Industrial Newspaper Company, Limited. I, in the County of being a member of the Industrial Newspaper Company, Limited, and entitled to a vote, hereby ap- point as my proxy, to vote for me and on my behalf, at the (ordinary or extraordinary, as the case may be) general day of meeting of the Company, to be held on the and at any adjournment thereof; (or at any meeting of the ). As witness my of Company that may be held in the year hand this in the presence of day of Signed by the said 5 10 15 20 Directors. 49.—The number of the directors and the names of the first directors shall be de termined by the subscribers to the memorandum of Association. 25 50.—Until directors are appointed the subscribers of the memorandum of asso ciation shall be deemed to be directors. 51.—Every shareholder shall be eligible to act as a director, provided he shall have paid all calls due upon his shares. 30 52.—The future remuneration of the directors and their remuneration for serv- ices performed previously to the first general meeting shall be determined by the company in general meeting. Powers of Directors. 53.—The business of the Company shall be managed by the Directors, who may pay all expenses incurred in getting up and registering the Company, and may exer- 35 eise all such powers of the Company, as are not by the Act 26th, 25th of Vict., Cap. 89, or by these articles, required to be exercised by the Company in general meeting; subject, nevertheless, to any regulations of these articles, to the provisions 809 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) of the said act, and to such regulations, being not inconsistent with the aforesaid regulations or provisions as may be prescribed by the Company in general meeting; but no regulation made by the Company in general meeting shall invalidate any prior act of the Directors, which would have been valid if such regulation had not been made. They shall have the sole power of giving orders involving any extra out- lay, but for conducting the ordinary business of the Company, they shall appoint a Secretary or Manager at such salary as they may deem just; they shall also appoint the Editor and Sub-Editor, if requisite, and pay them such sums as may be agreed on. 5 54.—The continuing directors may act, notwithstanding any vacancy in their 10 body. Disqualification of Directors. 55.—The office of Director shall be vacated: | |11| If he shall cease to be a shareholder; If he becomes bankrupt or insolvent; If he is concerned or participates in the profits of any contract with the Com pany. 15 But the above rules shall be subject to the following exceptions: That no Director shall vacate his office by reason of his being a member of any Company which has entered into contracts with, or done any work for, the company of which he is a Di- 20 rector: nevertheless he shall not vote in respect of such contract or work; and if he does so vote, his vote shall not be counted. R o t a t i on of Directors. 56.—At the first ordinary meeting after the registration of the Company, the whole of the Directors shall retire from office; and at the first ordinary meeting in 25 every subsequent year, one-third of the Directors for the time being, or if their number is not a multiple of three, then the number nearest to one-third shall retire from office. 57.—The one-third or other nearest number to retire during the first and second years ensuing the first ordinary meeting of the Company shall, unless the Directors 30 agree among themselves, be determined by ballot. In every subsequent year, the one-third, or other nearest number who have been longest in office, shall retire. 58.—A retiring Director shall be re-eligible. 59. —The company at the general meeting at which any Directors retire in man ner aforesaid, shall fill up the vacated offices by electing a like number of persons. 60.—If at any meeting at which an election of directors ought to take place the places of the vacating Directors are not filled up, the meeting shall stand adjourned till the same day in the next week, at the same time and place; and if at such ad journed meeting the places of the vacating Directors are not filled up, the vacating 35 810 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) Directors, or such, of them as have not had their places filled up, shall continue in office until the ordinary meeting in the next year; and so on from time to time, un til their places are filled up. 5 61.—The Company may, from time to time, in general meeting, increase or re- duce the number of Directors, and may also determine in what rotation such in creased or reduced number is to go out of office. 10 15 20 25 62.—Any casual vacancy occurring in the Board of Directors may be filled up by the Directors; but any person so chosen shall retain his office so long only as the va cating Director would have retained the same if no vacancy had occurred. 63.—The Company in general meeting may, by a special resolution, remove any Director before the expiration of his period of office, and may, by an ordinary res olution, appoint another person in his stead. The person so appointed shall hold of fice during such time only, as the Director in whose place he is appointed would have held the same, if he had not been removed. | [12| Proceedings of Directors. 64.—The Directors may meet together for the dispatch of business, adjourn, and otherwise regulate their meetings as they think fit, and determine the quorum nec essary for the transaction of business. Questions arising at any meeting shall be de cided by a majority of votes. In case of an equality of votes, the chairman shall have a second or casting vote. A Director may at any time summon a meeting of Direc tors. 65.—The Directors may elect a Chairman of their meetings, and determine the time for which he is to hold office; but if no such Chairman is elected, or if at any meeting the Chairman is not present at the time appointed for holding the same, the Directors present shall choose some one of their number to be Chairman of such meeting. 66.—The Directors may delegate any of their powers to committees, consisting of such member or members of their body as they think fit: any committee so formed shall, in the exercise of the powers so delegated, conform to any regulations that 30 may be imposed on them by the Directors. 67.—A committee may elect a chairman of their meetings: if no such chairman is elected, or if he is not present at the time appointed for holding the same, the members present shall choose one of their number to be chairman of such meeting. 68.—A committee may meet and adjourn as they think proper: questions arising at any meeting shall be determined by a majority of the votes of the members pres ent; and in case of an equality of votes, the chairman shall have a second or casting vote. 35 69.—All acts done by any meeting of the Directors, or of a committee of Direc tors, or by any person acting as a Director, shall, notwithstanding that it be after- 40 wards discovered that there was some defect in the appointment of any such Direc tors or persons acting as aforesaid, or that they or any of them were disqualified, be as valid as if such person had been duly appointed, and was qualified to be a Direc tor. 811 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) Dividends. 70.—The Directors may with the sanction of the Company in general meeting, declare a dividend to be paid to the members in proportion to their shares. 71.—The Directors may, before recommending any dividend, set aside out of the profits of the Company, such sum as they think proper as a reserve fund, to meet contingencies or for equalising the dividends, or for the repairing or maintaining the offices connected with the business of the Company, or any part thereof; and the Directors may invest the sum so set apart, as a reserve fund, upon such securi ties as they may select. | 5 1131 72.—The Directors may deduct from the dividends payable to any member, all such sums of money as may be due from him to the Company, on account of calls or otherwise. 10 73.—Notice of any dividend that may have been declared shall be given to each member, in manner herein-after mentioned; and all dividends unclaimed for three years after having been declared, may be forfeited by the Directors for the benefit of the Company. 15 74.—No dividend shall bear interest as against the Company. A c c o u n t s. 75.—The Directors shall cause true accounts to be kept—of the stock in trade of the Company; of the sums of money received and expended by the Company, and the matter in respect of which such receipt and expenditure takes place; and, of all credits and liabilities of the Company: the books of account shall be kept at the Registered Office of the Company, and, subject to any reasonable restrictions as to the time and manner of inspecting the same that may be imposed by the Company in general meeting, shall be open to the inspection of the members during the 25 hours of business. 20 76. —Once at least in every year, the Directors shall lay before the Company in general meeting a statement of the income and expenditure for the past year, made up to a date not more than three months before such meeting. 77.—The statement so made shall show, arranged under the most convenient 30 heads, the amount of gross income, distinguishing the several sources from which it had been derived, and the amount of gross expenditure, distinguishing the expense of the office, salaries, and other like matters: every item of expenditure fairly chargeable against the year's income shall be brought into the account, so that a just balance of profit and loss may be laid before the meeting; and in cases where any item of expenditure which may in fairness be distributed over several years has been incurred in any one year, the whole amount of such item shall be stated, with the addition of the reasons why only a portion of such expenditure is charged against the income of the year. 35 78.—A balance sheet shall be made out in every year, and laid before the Com- 40 812 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) pany in general meeting, and such balance sheet shall contain a summary of the property and liabilities of the Company, arranged under the heads appearing in the form annexed to this table, or as near thereto as circumstances admit. 79.—A printed copy of such balance sheet shall, seven days previously to such 5 meeting, be served on every member in the manner in which notices are herein-aft er directed to be served. A u d i t. 80.—Once at the least in every year the accounts of the Company shall be ex amined, and the correctness of the balance sheet ascertained by two or more audi- tors. I 10 1141 81.—The first auditors shall be appointed by the directors: subsequent audi tors shall be appointed by the company in general meeting. 82.—The auditors may be members of the Company; but no person shall be eligi ble as an auditor, who is interested otherwise than as a member, in any transaction of the Company; and no Director or other officer of the Company shall be eligible during his continuance in office. 15 83.—The election of auditors shall be made by the Company at their ordinary meeting in each year. 84.—The remuneration of the first auditors shall be fixed by the Directors; that 20 of subsequent auditors shall be fixed by the Company in general meeting. 85.—Every auditor shall be supplied with a copy of the balance sheet, and it shall be his duty to examine the same, with the accounts and vouchers relating thereto. 86.—The auditors shall make a report to the members upon the balance sheet and accounts, and in every such report, they shall state whether, in their opinion, the balance sheet is a full and fair balance sheet containing the particulars required by these regulations, and properly drawn up so as to exhibit a true and correct view of the state of the Company's affairs, and in case they have called for explanations or information from the Directors, whether such explanations or information have been given by the Directors, and whether they have been satisfactory; and such re- port shall be read, together with the report of the Directors, at the ordinary meeting. 25 30 Notices. 87.—A notice may be served by the Company upon any member, either person ally or by sending it through the post in a prepaid letter, addressed to such member at his registered place of abode. 35 88.—All notices directed to be given to the members shall, with respect to any share to which persons are jointly entitled, be given to whichever of such persons is named first in the register of members; and notice so given shall be sufficient no tice to all the holders of such share. 89.—Any notice, if served by post, shall be deemed to have been served at the 813 Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited) time when the letter containing the same would be delivered in the ordinary course of the post; and in proving such service, it shall be sufficient to prove that the letter containing the notices was properly addressed and put into the post office. | \15\ Names, Addresses, and Descriptions of Subscribers. Friedrich Lessner, 4 Francis St., Tottenham Ct Rd, Middlesex, Tailor William Randall Cremer, 31 Gt Titchfield St, Portman Square, Middlesex, Joiner Edwin Coulson, 25 Hatfield Street, Southwark, Surrey, Bricklayer Robert Applegarth, 11 Cleaver Street, Kennington Cross, Surrey, Joiner John George Eccarius, 1, Portland Place, Westmoreland Road, Walworth, Surrey, Tailor William John Morgan, 27 Ogle St, Foley St, Marylebone, in the County of Middle sex, shoemaker Karl Marx, 1, Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, Middlesex, Dr. Phil. Hermann F.Jung, watchmaker, 4 Charles Street, Northampton Square, Clerken- well, City of London Thos Grant Facey, Painter, 2 Carteret St., Westminster, Middlesex William Stainsby, Tailor, 13 Little Titchfield St, Marylebone, Middlesex John Weston, 80 Whitecross St, City of London, Handrail Manufacturer Witness to the above Signatures Edwin Shelley Mantz, Rose Cottage, 60, Downham Road, Kingsland, Middlesex, literary writer | 814 Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working Men's Association for 1866 M e m b e r 's A n n u al S u b s c r i p t i on C a rd of t he I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on f or 1 8 66 Na I n t e r n a t i o n al W o r k i ng M e n 's A s s o c i a t i on A s s o c i a t i on I n t e r n a t i o n a le d es O u v r i e rs I n t e r n a t i o n a le A r b e i t er A s s o c i a t i on 5 A s s o c i a z i o ne I n t e r n a z i o n a le d ' O p e r a i. M e m b e r 's A n n u al S u b s c r i p t i on C a r d. the First day of January 186 and paid as his Annual Subscription £ was admitted a Member on 10 15 Geo Odger G. W.Wheeler E. Dupont Karl Marx Emile Holtorp Hn Jung W. R. Cremer President of Central Council. Honorary Treasurer. Corresponding Secretary for France, do. do. do. do. Honorary General Secretary. do. do. do. do. Germany, Italy, Poland, Switzerland. 817 Z i r k u l ar d er M a n c h e s t er S c h i l l e r - A n s t a lt v om 1 9. M ä rz 1 8 66 |1| Manchester S chiller-Anstalt, Carlton Buildings, Cooper Street, 19 März, 1866. Die „Schiller-Anstalt", deren nunmehr sechsjähriges Bestehen den vollen Beweis liefert, daß sie ein Institut ist, welches reellen Bedürfnissen entspricht, muß ihre jetzigen Räumlichkeiten mit Juni nächsten Jahres verlassen, da um jene Zeit der mit dem Hausbesitzer bestehende Miethvertrag verfällt und eine Verlängerung des selben mit Bestimmtheit verweigert worden. Das Directorium hat folglich die Aufgabe zu lösen, der Anstalt die Räume zu si chern, die ihren Zwecken entsprechen. Nachdem alle Schritte zur Auffindung eines passenden Gebäudes gescheitert wa- ren, und auch kein Unternehmer sich finden ließ, der ein solches herstellen wollte um es der Anstalt in Miethe zu überlassen blieb uns kein andrer Weg offen, als der - zu versuchen ob die nothwendigen Mittel sich aufbringen ließen um den Bau für eigene Rechnung zu unternehmen. 5 10 Die wesentlichen Punkte, die wir hierbei im Auge behalten mußten, sind fol- 15 gende: Die Anstalt muß in einem centralen Theile der Stadt gelegen sein. Sie muß den Besuchern schon im Erdgeschosse zugänglich sein. Die einzelnen Räume müssen wenigstens den jetzigen an Größe gleichkom men. Die Erfüllung dieser Bedingungen erschien uns unumgänglich, wenn die Anstalt gedeihlich fortbestehen soll. Außerdem aber erschien es wünschenswerth, den ver schiedenen in Manchester bestehenden Vereinen Gelegenheit zu bieten, in dem beabsichtigten Neubau ein gemeinsames Unterkommen zu finden. Dieser Zweck würde erreicht werden, wenn der oberste Stock zu einem Saal für 250 bis 300 Perso- nen verwandt würde. Ein solcher Saal würde die Kosten des Baues nur unbedeu tend erhöhen während er durch Vermiethung die Einnahmen der Anstalt vermeh ren dürfte. 20 25 Wir haben demgemäß unsere Bemühungen dahin gerichtet, ein passendes Grundstück zu finden und die Kosten des ganzen Unternehmens zu ermitteln. 30 818 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 19. März 1866 Folgendes ist das Resultat, zu welchem wir gelangten: Kosten eines Grundstückes von etwa 350 à 400 • yards Baufläche Kosten des Baues Ergänzung des Mobiliars £6000 à £7000 4000 3 500 à 500 500 à Zusammen £10000 à £11500 Wir glauben mit Zuversicht annehmen zu dürfen daß sich auf solchen Grund und Hausbesitz eine hypothekarische Anleihe von £5000 à £6000 wird erlangen las sen und schöpfen aus dem vergangenen finanziellen Gebahren der Anstalt, mit Be- rücksichtigung der voraussichtlichen Mehr-Einnahmen und Ausgaben die volle Überzeugung, daß die Zinsen auf eine solche Anleihe bestimmt aufgebracht wür den. Es ergiebt sich demnach, daß wir zur Verwirklichung unseres Planes eines eige nen Capitals bedürfen würden von £5000 à £5500. 5 10 15 Obgleich die Schiller-Anstalt Mitgliedern aller Nationen offen steht und Nicht- Deutsche mehrfach an ihr Theil nehmen, ist sie doch ein wesentlich deutsches In stitut. I |2| Nach ihrem jetzigen Bestände zählt sie über 300 Mitglieder und bietet densel ben 20 25 30 35 40 eine Bibliothek, jetzt aus mehr als 4000 Bänden bestehend, ein Lesezimmer in welchem 55 meist deutsche Zeitschriften ausliegen, Vorträge wissenschaftlicher und literarischer Art, namentlich in den Special- Vereinen die sich zu diesem Behufe innerhalb der Anstalt gebildet haben. Sie trägt also nach Vermögen das Ihrige bei, um deutsche Geistes-Cultur zu för- dem, und bietet ferner in ihren Räumen Gelegenheit zu geselligem Verkehr, der namentlich jenen Jüngern Ankömmlingen aus dem Vaterlande zu Gute kommt, die sonstiger Anhaltepunkte hierorts entbehren. Wir sind der festen Überzeugung daß die Anstalt diesen ihren Zwecken in der Zukunft noch in erhöhterem Maße wird entsprechen können, wenn die Durchfüh- rung unseres Planes eine Verbesserung in räumlicher Beziehung gestattet, da letz tere eine solche in finanzieller Hinsicht mit herbeiführen muß. Aus dem Gesagten geht hervor, daß wir hauptsächlich an die in Manchester woh nenden Deutschen zu appelliren haben; wir fragen sie ob sie zur Erreichung der an gedeuteten Zwecke die nöthigen Mittel beischaffen wollen. Um die Anstalt nicht von vorn herein mit unerschwinglichen Zinsen zu belasten, beschloß das Directorium den Versuch zu machen, die erwähnte Summe auf dem Wege der Schenkung zusammen zu bringen, um jedoch dafür zu sorgen, daß das zu errichtende Gebäude nur für die Zwecke der Anstalt verwandt werden könne, wurde gleichzeitig beschlossen, daß im Falle eines Aufhörens der S chilier-Anstalt die Schenker für den Betrag ihrer Schenkungen als Gläubiger der Anstalt eintreten und wird dieß in den Empfangsbescheinigungen außdrücklich anerkannt werden. Sobald die Absicht kund geworden, für die Anstalt ein eigenes Gebäude herzu stellen, und somit ihr Bestehen zu sichern, wurde unter den Mitgliedern solch rege 819 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 19. März 1866 Theilnahme dafür wach, daß in wenigen Tagen eine Summe von nahe an £1200 - in Beträgen von £25 - und darunter dem Directorium zur Verfügung gestellt wurde. Diese gewiß bedeutende Summe ist wesentlich das Ergebniß opferfreudiger An strengungen seitens der Jüngern hier weilenden Deutschen, die zugleich auch dieje- nigen repräsentiren welche directen Nutzen aus der Anstalt ziehen. 5 Gestützt auf dieses Resultat, welches den Beweis liefert, daß die Anstalt bereits jetzt ein Bedürfniß für eine bedeutende Zahl von hiesigen Deutschen geworden ist, wenden wir uns nun an diejenigen welche ein, wenn auch entfernteres Interesse an einem Institute nehmen, das solche Ziele erstrebt, und das, wenn es erst einmal fest begründet dasteht, ein Centraipunkt aller deutschen Bestrebungen in Manchester zu werden bestimmt scheint. Wir wenden uns an Sie mit der Bitte durch Beibringung der Mittel die Ausfüh rung unserer Absichten zu ermöglichen. Das Directorium vertraut, daß zu diesem gemeinnützigen Ziele alle deutschen Kräfte Manchesters mitwirken werden. Bloß dadurch kann es hoffen, das Werk ins Leben treten zu sehen, und darum glaubt es sich berechtigt, dasselbe mit aller Wärme zu empfehlen. 10 15 IM AUFTRAGE DES DIRECTORIUMS: F. Engels, Vorsitzender. /. G. Wehner, Schatzmeister. A. Burkhard, Schriftführer. | 20 820 C i r c u l ar of t he M a n c h e s t er S c h i l l er A n s t a lt F e b r u a ry 8, 1 8 67 Sir, I Manchester, 8th February, 1867. The Shareholders of the "Manchester Subscription Library" having passed a resolu tion that their Company is to be dissolved, the stock of books has been advertised for sale. At the same time there appears to be a desire, on the part of many of the shareholders, to prevent the dispersion of their old-established and valuable library. The Directors of the "Manchester Schiller Anstalt" have expressed the wish to obtain the books, with the object of adding them to their own library, comprising about 6,000 volumes of mostly new books, carefully selected, in all branches of (chiefly foreign) literature. If this plan can be realised, not only will the dispersion of the Manchester Subscription Library be prevented, but, by the amalgamation of the two, a new and even more valuable one will be formed, for the benefit of the Schiller Anstalt and of the public generally. In order to attain this object, the Com mittee of the Manchester Subscription Library, at the request of the Directors of the Schiller Anstalt, have offered their library to the latter institution for the sum of £1,250, which offer is to remain valid until the 18th instant. Whilst a Sub-commit tee of the Directors of the Schiller Anstalt are endeavouring to raise whatever they can towards that sum, this appeal is made to the Shareholders of the Manchester Subscription Library with a view of obtaining their co-operation. The Rules of the Manchester Schiller Anstalt, of which you will find enclosed a copy, in translation, will show you that the admission to the institution, and, conse quently, the use of the library, are only subject to the payment of a yearly subscrip tion of 30s. Considering the additional advantages offered, the increase of 5s. in the yearly subscription, will not prevent Shareholders of the Subscription Library from becoming Members of the Schiller Anstalt. This institution (established 1859) oc cupies at present part of Carlton Buildings, Cooper-street (formerly Mechanics' In stitution), but there is every prospect of its being soon transferred to larger and more convenient premises. About £3,000 has already been subscribed towards a fund for the erection of a suitable building, and naturally due consideration will then be given to the requirements of the increased library. The feeling expressed by many of the Shareholders justifies the encouraging ex pectation that the only value they attach to their shares consists in the title it gives them to the use of their library, and it is, therefore, confidently expected that, on this advantage being secured to them, they will consent to |) sacrifice the money val- ue of their shares, thus preserving their library in an efficient state, and transfer- 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 821 Circular of the Manchester Schiller Anstalt February 8, 1867 ring it to a public institution, where it would be accessible to others as well as to themselves. The undersigned gentlemen, among whom you will find members of the Com mittee and Shareholders of the Manchester Subscription Library, as well as Direc tors and Members of the Manchester Schiller Anstalt, are desirous to further the realisation of the plan proposed. They trust you will join them in their endeavours, which, from the subscriptions already obtained, and from the promises of shares by the Proprietors of the Manchester Subscription Library already received, they feel confident will prove successful. If, as they hope, this proposal meets with your approval, you will please affix your signature to the annexed form, by which you will present your share to the Man chester Schiller Anstalt. As it is necessary to arrive at a final decision without delay, we beg you to favour us with your reply at your earliest convenience (if possible by the 12th instant), thereby enabling us to calculate what support we may receive at the hands of the Shareholders of the Subscription Library. S. H. Braybrooke. 29 Princess St. Samuel Cottam. 2 Essex St. Dr. J. Crompton. F. Engels. Oliver Heywood. Bank B. St. J. B. Joule. H. J. Leppoc. Peters Square Ed. Nathan. Oxford Rd Paul Nathan. 47 Lloyd St. R. Nicholson. 62 Fountain St. S. Nördlinger. \ 104 Cross St. G. Prusmann. Emil Reiss. J. E. Reiss. Dr. Samelson. St. John St. Henry Samson. Joseph Shorrock. 79 Fountain St. Chas. Souchay. Thos. Sowler. S. J. Stern. 12 Sackville St. —1 Up. G. Wehner. Orange St./Portland St. 10 15 20 25 822 Z i r k u l ar d er M a n c h e s t er S c h i l l e r - A n s t a lt v om 2 8. J u ni 1 8 67 |1| An die Herren Unterzeichner zum Fond für den Bau einer neuen Schiller-Anstalt. 5 Seit die im vorigen Jahre vom Directorium zu obigem Zweck eröffnete Subscrip tion durch den Krieg und die Geschäftskrise ins Stocken gerieth, nachdem £2875- gezeichnet waren, haben sich die Existenz-Bedingungen der Anstalt mit Rücksicht auf den beabsichtigten Neubau wesentlich geändert. Das Directorium hält es dem nach für seine Pflicht, den Herren Unterzeichnern hierüber die erforderlichen Auf klärungen zu geben. Da die gezeichnete Summe für den im Circular vom 19. März 1866, dargelegten 10 Bauplan nicht hinreichte (es waren im Ganzen £5000 à £5500 erforderlich), auch unter den damaligen Umständen keine Aussicht vorhanden war, das Fehlende rechtzeitig zusammen zu bringen, so blieb dem Directorium nichts übrig als sich vorläufig nach einem provisorischen Local umzusehen. Es stellte sich heraus, daß ein solches im Centrum der Stadt, - wo es nach den 15 Grundbestimmungen der Anstalt liegen soll - nicht aufzufinden war. In Folge da von war das Directorium genöthigt das jetzige Local noch bis Juni 1868, beizube halten, was aber nur gegen Verdopplung des Miethbetrags - von £ 2 2 5- auf £450- zu erlangen war. Unter diesen Umständen war die Frage nicht länger abzuweisen, ob es denn 20 wirklich unumgänglich sei, daß die Anstalt im Centrum, d. h. im eigentlichen Ge schäftsbezirke der Stadt, liege; ob nicht bei den enorm gestiegenen Bodenpreisen und Miethbeträgen dieser Vortheil zu theuer bezahlt werden müsse; und ob nicht eine, dem Buchstaben nach weniger centrale Lage, z.B. in der Nähe von All Saints' Church, bei weit geringeren Kosten in der That für die weit überwiegende Mehrzahl der die Anstalt benutzenden Mitglieder viel centraler und bequemer sei. 25 Nach dem im vorigen Jahre entworfenen Plan würde die Anstalt, selbst wenn £5000- durch Schenkungen zusammengebracht wären, noch mit einer Hypothe karschuld von £ 5 - 6 0 0 0- also mit einer jährlichen Zinsenlast von £250 à £300- be schwert sein. Da Grundstücke im Centrum der Stadt aber selbst seit vorigen März im Werth bedeutend gestiegen sind, so würde der damals angeschlagene Kaufpreis, die zu seiner Bestreitung nöthige Hypothekar-Anleihe, und damit die Jahresbela stung der Anstalt, ebenfalls jetzt höher anzunehmen sein. Die Bilanzen der Anstalt 30 823 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 28. Juni 1867 in den beiden letzten Jahren, lassen nur £200- übrig für Hausmiethe. Obwohl in einem besseren Local auf mehr Mitglieder zu rechnen wäre, auch gewisse Neben einnahmen in Anschlag gebracht werden müssen, so zeigt sich doch, daß die obi gen Zinsen nur eben zu erschwingen sein würden. Jedes Pfund aber, welches für Hausmiethe bezahlt wird, wird den geistigen Bildungsmitteln der Anstalt entzogen. Wir konnten im vorigen Jahre nur £ 8 0- für Zeitschriften, und £ 2 0- für die Bibliothek verwenden, obwohl die Gesammteinnahmen der Anstalt £500- waren. 5 Ganz anders, wenn das Local nach der Gegend von All Saints verlegt wird. Hier ist unter Anderen ein ganz zweckentsprechendes Grundstück in sehr günstiger Lage, für £1700- zu haben, auf welchem außerdem noch £ 2 6- Chief Rent haften. Wir legen diesen Bauplatz, nur beispielsweise, unserer Berechnung zu Grunde. 10 Kaufpreis des Grundstücks £1700 0 0 Baukosten 3500 0 0 Erneuerung des Mobiliars 500 0 0 £5700 0 0 Zusammen |2| worauf eine Hypothekar-Anleihe von £2000- wohl sicher zu erlangen sein würde. Es würden in diesem Falle also die Unterzeichnungen zum Baufond nur ca. £3500 à £4000- zu betragen haben, also £1000 à £1500- weniger als bei einem Neubau im Centrum der Stadt. Nach dem Erfolg der vorjährigen Zeichnungen und bei den veränderten Umständen dürfen wir wohl hoffen, den noch fehlenden Betrag in kurzer Frist aufzubringen. 15 20 Die finanzielle Stellung der Anstalt würde sich - trotz des geringeren Betrags der erforderlichen Schenkungen - wesentlich heben. Außer der Chief Rent £ 2 6- würde die Anleihe vom £100- zu verzinsen sein, also die statt Hausmiethe in An rechnung kommende Summe nur £ 1 2 6- betragen, statt £ 2 2 5- die voriges Jahr be- 25 zahlt wurden, £450- die wir jetzt zahlen, oder £250 à £300- die der vorjährige Bau plan in Aussicht stellte. Es könnten also, selbst bei den Einkünften des vorigen Geschäftsjahrs, statt £100-, £174- jährlich auf Bibliothek und Lesezimmer der Anstalt verwandt, die dafür verfügbaren Geldmittel also fast verdoppelt werden. Nun ist aber si cher, daß durch diesen Neubau, der Anstalt in vermehrter Untermiethe und im Zu- nehmen der Mitgliederzahl, neue Finanzquellen eröffnet würden, deren Ertrag auch fast ausschließlich den geistigen Hülfsmitteln der Anstalt zu Gute käme. 30 Wenn die Anstalt wie bisher im Centrum der Stadt bleibt, so kommt sie selbst bei £5000 à 5500- Schenkungen im besten Fall nur in die Lage, knapp ihre Exi stenz fristen zu können und wird bei jeder ungünstigen Wendung von Neuem ge- 35 nöthigt sein an das deutsche Publicum Manchesters zu appelliren. Wird sie aber nach einer Gegend verlegt, wo Bauplätze billiger sind, so reichen £3500 à £4000- Schenkungen hin, ihr nicht nur ein für alle Mal eine feste Existenz zu begründen, sondern auch ihr einen jährlichen Ueberschuß an Einnahmen zu si chern, der ihr endlich erlaubt ihren besten Zwecken nach allen Seiten hin zu genü- 40 gen. Das Directorium konnte unter diesen Umständen nicht zweifelhaft sein was es zu thun hatte. Es entschied sich dafür, die Verlegung nach der Gegend von „All 824 Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 28. Juni 1867 Saints" und die damit verknüpfte Abänderung der Grundbestimmungen in Angriff zu nehmen. Es berief auf den 6ten Juni eine Generalversammlung, welche zahl reich besucht wurde und mit allen gegen eine Stimme beschloß: „Die Generalversammlung erklärt es für wünschenswerth, daß der Art. I. der 5 Grundbestimmungen fernerhin folgendermaßen laute: ,Es wird für zweckmäßig erklärt hier am Orte ein literarisch-artistisches Institut in möglichst centraler Lage, unter dem Namen ,Schiller Anstalt' zu begründen.' und beauftragt das Directorium die durch Art. 7 der Grundbestimmungen und § 20 der Statuten bedingte Abstimmung vornehmen zu lassen." 10 In Folge dessen hat das Directorium die nöthigen Schritte gethan um die defini tive Abstimmung zu veranlassen, welche Ende August stattfinden wird. Es ist die Frage aufgeworfen worden, warum man nicht, nach einmal beschlosse ner Verlegung der Anstalt, sich nach einem Hause umgesehen habe, welches auf eine Reihe von Jahren miethweise und zu einer verhältnißmäßig billigen Miethe gesichert werden könne. Das Directorium antwortet hierauf, daß es sich nach einem solchen umgesehen, aber keines gefunden hat; daß ein solches auch nur in einer vom Centrum der Stadt viel weiter entfernten Lage, als die von „AU Saints" anzutreffen sein dürfte; daß eine solche Lage indeß erst im äußersten Nothfall zu wählen sein würde, und endlich, daß selbst in diesem Fall mindestens £1500 à £2000 in Schenkungen erforderlich sein würden, um den immer nöthigen Ausbau und die neue Einrichtung eines doch nur zeitweilig sichern Locals herzustellen. Aus diesen Gründen ist von einem solchen Locai vor der Hand abgesehen worden. | |3| Das Directorium, im Falle die nöthige Majorität zur Abänderung der Grund bestimmungen zu Stande kommt, - woran zu zweifeln es keinen Grund hat - beab- sichtigt: 15 20 25 Falls der hinreichende Betrag gezeichnet wird, ein passendes Grundstück in der Nähe von All Saints anzukaufen, darauf den Bau in der im vorigen Jahre beabsich tigten Ausdehnung auszuführen, nämlich mit Einrichtung im Keller für den Turn verein, und mit einem großen Saal im zweiten Stockwerk, wo u. A. die Liedertafel 30 Unterkommen finden könnte, so daß die ursprüngliche Absicht erreicht würde, alle Deutschen Vereine Manchesters unter Einem Dache zusammenzubringen; Falls dagegen die Beiträge die nöthige Summe nicht erreichen sollten, sich im Neubau entsprechend zu beschränken, jedenfalls aber nur ein solches Gebäude herzustellen, welches den Bedürfnissen der Anstalt besser entspricht als das jetzige 35 Local. Das Directorium ersucht Sie von vorstehenden Veränderungen des Bauplans Kenntniß nehmen zu wollen und zeigt Ihnen gleichzeitig an, daß eine Deputation aus seiner Mitte die Ehre haben wird Sie um Ihre Genehmigung zu ersuchen. IM AUFTRAGE DES DIRECTORIUMS: 40 Manchester, d. 28. Juni 1867. | F. Engels, Vorsitzender. /. G. Wehner, Schatzmeister. A. Davisson, Schriftführer. 825